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Street-level Bureaucrats and Coping Mechanisms.The Unexpected Role of Italian Judges in Asylum Policy Implementation 基层官僚和应对机制。意大利法官在庇护政策执行中的意外作用
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1956161
C. Dallara, Alice Lacchei
ABSTRACT The article aims to open the black box of the asylum determination process, focusing on asylum adjudication in courts and on actors implementing this specific policy frame: asylum judges. To assess the peculiarities of the Italian adjudication model and how judges concretely behave in shaping policy, we rely on the Street Level Bureaucracy (SLB) framework. The SLB perspective allows us to study the implementation of asylum adjudication from a bottom-up perspective, focusing on judges and their margin of discretion in processing asylum claims. This exploratory study aims to verify the proposed theoretical framework and to understand if courts and judges adopt a SLB behaviour, the reasons why they adopt such a behaviour and the scope of their discretion.
本文旨在打开庇护裁决过程的黑箱,重点关注法院的庇护裁决以及实施这一特定政策框架的行为者:庇护法官。为了评估意大利审判模式的特殊性以及法官在制定政策时的具体行为,我们依赖于街头官僚主义(SLB)框架。SLB视角允许我们从自下而上的角度研究庇护裁决的实施,重点关注法官及其在处理庇护申请时的自由裁量权。本探索性研究旨在验证所提出的理论框架,并了解法院和法官是否采取了SLB行为,他们采取这种行为的原因及其自由裁量权的范围。
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引用次数: 9
Transnationalism and Welfare Chauvinism in Italy: Evidence from the 2018 Election Campaign 意大利的跨国主义和福利沙文主义:来自2018年竞选活动的证据
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-11-17 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1834214
A. Pellegata, Francesco Visconti
ABSTRACT This paper investigates the factors which explain public attitudes to welfare chauvinism in Italy. The notion of ‘welfare chauvinism’ refers to the idea that foreigners, considered as out-groups, should have limited or even no access to domestic social security benefits. We focus on the role played by individual transnationalism: i.e. direct and indirect ties and connections with people and cultures of other European countries. We postulate that transnationalism dilutes fears and anxieties, fostering pro-opening attitudes. We test the research hypotheses by using original survey data collected during the 2018 Italian elections, in which the issues of welfare benefits and immigration shaped the election campaign.
摘要本文调查了意大利公众对福利沙文主义态度的影响因素。“福利沙文主义”指的是这样一种观点,即被视为外群体的外国人享受国内社会保障福利的机会应该是有限的,甚至是没有的。我们关注个人跨国主义所起的作用:即与其他欧洲国家的人民和文化的直接和间接联系和联系。我们假设跨国主义会淡化恐惧和焦虑,培养开放的态度。我们通过使用2018年意大利大选期间收集的原始调查数据来检验研究假设,其中福利和移民问题影响了竞选活动。
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引用次数: 6
Leader Polarisation: Conflict and Change in the Italian Political System 领导人两极分化:意大利政治制度的冲突与变化
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1821464
F. Bordignon
ABSTRACT Polarising issues, polarising narratives, polarising leaders: this is the picture suggested by Italian politics in the 2018–20 time-frame. The article introduces the concept of leader polarisation and suggests a Leader Polarisation Index (LPI) to trace the recent evolution of the Italian party system. After the 2018 general election, the Italian political space experienced rapid change marked by the weakening of tripolarism, the re-emergence of bipolarism and the rise of elite-driven polarisation. The analysis of voters’ perspective through use of survey data reveals the increasingly divisive role of the Lega’s leader, Matteo Salvini.
两极分化的问题、两极分化的叙事、两极分化的领导人:这是2018 - 2020年意大利政治的图景。本文引入了领导人两极分化的概念,并提出了一个领导人两极分化指数(LPI)来追踪意大利政党制度的近期演变。2018年大选后,意大利政治空间经历了快速变化,三极主义减弱,两极主义重新抬头,精英驱动的两极分化抬头。通过使用调查数据对选民观点进行分析,揭示了联盟党领导人马泰奥·萨尔维尼(Matteo Salvini)日益分裂的角色。
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引用次数: 9
Political Polarisation in Greece: The Prespa Agreement, Left/Right Antagonism and the Nationalism/Populism Nexus 希腊的政治两极分化:普雷斯帕协议、左/右对抗和民族主义/民粹主义联系
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1932020
Athéna Skoulariki
ABSTRACT Following the signing of the Prespa Agreement in June 2018, the Macedonian name issue became the most prominent topic on the Greek political agenda, catalysing an exceptional political confrontation and contributing to the realignment of political parties and eventually to government change. Analysing the political discourse and public debate on the issue from January 2018 until the July 2019 national elections, as well as opinion polls and electoral results, the paper explores the conditions leading to the escalation of political polarisation on the left/right axis, at the expense of smaller centrist parties. It is argued that political antagonism was built on the previous political cleavage (although the populist/anti-populism axis was now reversed). By mobilising public emotions around an alleged ‘national threat’, the polarisation around the Macedonian name issue proved far more successful for the Greek right than for the left.
2018年6月《普雷斯帕协议》签署后,马其顿国名问题成为希腊政治议程上最突出的话题,引发了一场特殊的政治对抗,并促进了政党的重组,最终导致了政府更迭。本文分析了2018年1月至2019年7月全国大选期间关于该问题的政治话语和公开辩论,以及民意调查和选举结果,探讨了导致左/右政治两极分化升级的条件,以牺牲较小的中间派政党为代价。有人认为,政治对抗是建立在先前的政治分裂之上的(尽管民粹主义/反民粹主义轴心现在被逆转了)。通过围绕所谓的“国家威胁”动员公众情绪,围绕马其顿国名问题的两极分化对希腊右翼来说比左翼要成功得多。
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引用次数: 9
Populism Put to the Polarisation Test: The 2019–20 Election Cycle in Italy 民粹主义面临两极分化考验:意大利2019-20年选举周期
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1821465
Filippo Tronconi, M. Valbruzzi
ABSTRACT One year after the birth of an unprecedented government characterised by the strong populist stance of both coalition partners (M5S and the Lega) and amid a growing polarisation in party positions on a number of political issues, the European and regional elections of 2019–20 marked an important test for Italy. After presenting the results of the 2019–20 election cycle, the article investigates the most salient lines of party competition and the varying degrees of polarisation. Our analysis shows two kinds of polarisation: the first being the intra-coalitional polarisation which characterised the first Conte government; while the second, affecting the party system as a whole, is driven by the electoral rise of far-right parties.
在一个前所未有的政府诞生一年后,其特点是联盟伙伴(五星运动党和联盟党)都采取了强烈的民粹主义立场,在许多政治问题上政党立场日益两极分化的背景下,2019 - 2020年的欧洲和地区选举对意大利来说是一次重要的考验。在介绍了2019 - 2020年选举周期的结果之后,本文研究了政党竞争最突出的路线和不同程度的两极分化。我们的分析显示了两种类型的两极分化:第一种是联合政府内部的两极分化,这是第一届孔蒂政府的特点;而影响整个政党体系的第二点,则是由极右翼政党在选举中的崛起所推动的。
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引用次数: 17
Policy Polarisation in Italy: The Short and Conflictual Life of the ‘Government of Change’ (2018–2019) 意大利的政策两极分化:“变革政府”的短暂和冲突生活(2018-2019)
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1840110
N. Conti, A. Pedrazzani, Federico Russo
ABSTRACT This article uses the concept of policy polarisation to understand the short and conflictual life of the Conte I cabinet which remained in office in Italy from June 2018 to September 2019. We show how policy polarisation in parliament and between coalition parties shaped the formation and termination of the so-called ‘government of change’. When investigating the implementation of the government agenda, we also assess the role of the coalition contract as an (ineffective) institutional solution to problems stemming from policy divisions between the Five Star Movement and the Lega. We argue that, despite some policy accomplishments of the government, the Five Star Movement-Lega coalition appears more as a temporary experiment, whose legacy may not represent a new course of action.
本文运用政策两极分化的概念来理解2018年6月至2019年9月在意大利执政的Conte I内阁短暂而冲突的生活。我们展示了议会和联合政党之间的政策两极分化如何塑造了所谓的“变革政府”的形成和终止。在调查政府议程的执行情况时,我们还评估了联合政府合同作为一种(无效的)制度性解决方案的作用,这种解决方案源于五星运动党和联盟党之间的政策分歧。我们认为,尽管政府在政策上取得了一些成就,但五星运动-联盟党联盟更像是一个暂时的实验,其遗产可能并不代表新的行动方针。
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引用次数: 7
Polarisation in Southern Europe: Elites, Party Conflicts and Negative Partisanship 南欧的两极分化:精英、政党冲突和消极的党派关系
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1971444
A. Bosco, S. Verney
ABSTRACT The article complements our collection of studies of politics in polarised Southern Europe by offering a cross-regional comparison. Following a brief excursion into how polarisation in Southern Europe has been addressed in the existing literature, the focus zooms in on three country case studies. After showing the differential evolution of polarisation in Italy, Greece and Spain over recent decades, the story is brought up to date with an examination of the specific ways in which polarisation played out in the 2019 election cycle. marked by the Catalan conflict in Spain, the Macedonian name question in Greece and the polarising role of Matteo Salvini in Italy. The article concludes with comparative insights into the current polarisation drives in the three countries.
本文通过提供跨区域比较,补充了我们关于两极分化的南欧政治研究的集合。在简要介绍了现有文献中如何解决南欧的两极分化问题之后,重点放在三个国家的案例研究上。在展示了近几十年来意大利、希腊和西班牙两极分化的不同演变之后,这个故事通过研究两极分化在2019年选举周期中发挥作用的具体方式来更新。比如西班牙的加泰罗尼亚冲突、希腊的马其顿国名问题以及意大利马泰奥·萨尔维尼(Matteo Salvini)的两极分化。文章最后对这三个国家当前的两极化驱动进行了比较分析。
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引用次数: 10
Two-bloc Logic, Polarisation and Coalition Government: The November 2019 General Election in Spain 两集团逻辑、两极分化和联合政府:2019年11月西班牙大选
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1857085
Pablo Simon
ABSTRACT This article focuses on the role played by polarisation in the Spanish party system. It first analyses the failure in the attempts to form a government after the 28 April 2019 general election in Spain. It shows how polarisation and short-term calculations made government formation impossible and led to a new general election in November that year. The article also describes how prior to the electoral campaign, the exhumation of Francisco Franco’s body and the riots in Catalonia, which added to the saliency of territorial conflict, fostered votes for the radical right-wing party Vox. It will also be shown how the election results led to a fragmented and more polarised Congress. Finally, the article discusses the formation of the first minority coalition government in the recent democratic history of Spain – one made up of the PSOE and UP – its structure and its potential implications for the Spanish party system.
本文主要探讨西班牙政党制度中两极分化所扮演的角色。文章首先分析了2019年4月28日西班牙大选后组建政府的失败。它显示了两极分化和短期算计如何使政府组建成为不可能,并导致了当年11月的新大选。这篇文章还描述了在大选之前,弗朗西斯科·佛朗哥(Francisco Franco)遗体的挖掘和加泰罗尼亚的骚乱如何助长了激进右翼政党Vox的选票,这些骚乱加剧了领土冲突的突出性。它还将展示选举结果是如何导致一个分裂和更加两极化的国会。最后,本文讨论了西班牙近代民主历史上第一个少数派联合政府的组成——由社会主义工人党(PSOE)和联盟党(up)组成——其结构及其对西班牙政党制度的潜在影响。
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引用次数: 13
Looking for Affective Polarisation in Spain: PSOE and Podemos from Conflict to Coalition 寻找西班牙的情感两极分化:PSOE和Podemos从冲突到联合
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1911440
Lluís Orriols, Sandra León
ABSTRACT Voters in many advanced democracies increasingly dislike their political opponents, a phenomenon that is known as affective polarisation. The growing animosity between electorates is particularly challenging in multiparty systems, where ruling is more dependent on cross-party alliances. In this work, we examine the case of Spain, a multiparty democracy that exhibits one of the highest levels of affective polarisation among advanced democracies. Using public opinion databases as well as extensive qualitative evidence, we operationalise and explore the evolution of affective polarisation in the Spanish electorate and its main drivers, with a particular focus on the competition for the left–wing electorate between the PSOE and Podemos during the 2015–2020 period.
许多发达民主国家的选民越来越不喜欢他们的政治对手,这种现象被称为情感两极分化。在多党制国家,执政更依赖于跨党派联盟,选民之间日益增长的敌意尤其具有挑战性。在这项工作中,我们研究了西班牙的情况,这是一个多党制民主国家,在发达民主国家中表现出最高水平的情感两极分化。利用民意数据库以及广泛的定性证据,我们操作并探索了西班牙选民中情感两极分化的演变及其主要驱动因素,特别关注2015-2020年期间社会主义工人党(PSOE)和我们可以党(Podemos)之间对左翼选民的竞争。
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引用次数: 14
Two-partyism Reloaded: Polarisation, Negative Partisanship, and the Return of the Left-right Divide in the Greek Elections of 2019 两党制度重新加载:两极分化、消极的党派关系以及2019年希腊选举中左右分歧的回归
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1855798
Emmanouil Tsatsanis, Eftichia Teperoglou, Angelos Seriatos
ABSTRACT The article examines the four electoral contests (municipal, regional, European, and parliamentary) that took place in Greece in 2019 through the prism of the growing polarisation that has dominated Greek political life since the early 2010s. It is argued that with these elections, the decade-long political cycle that began with the economic crisis came to its conclusion. The new party system resembles the pre-crisis one, featuring a return of two-partyism, single-party governments, and competition along the left-right dimension. However, the legacy of the crisis period remains present, as the ‘new’ two-party system continues to be characterised by high degrees of affective polarisation and negative partisanship.
本文通过自2010年代初以来主导希腊政治生活的日益严重的两极分化的棱镜,研究了2019年希腊发生的四场选举(市政、地区、欧洲和议会)。有人认为,随着这些选举,始于经济危机的长达十年的政治周期结束了。新的政党制度类似于危机前的制度,其特点是两党制、一党政府的回归,以及左右两党之间的竞争。然而,危机时期的遗产仍然存在,因为“新的”两党制继续以高度的情感两极分化和消极的党派关系为特征。
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引用次数: 13
期刊
South European Society and Politics
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