Pub Date : 2011-02-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.16.1.Y8327N3NK0740677
M. T. Heaney, F. Rojas
Changes in threats perceived by activists, partisan identification, and coalition brokerage are three mechanisms that help to explain the demobilization of the antiwar movement in the United States from 2007 to 2009. Drawing upon 5,398 surveys of demonstrators at antiwar protests, interviews with movement leaders, and ethnographic observation, this article argues that the antiwar movement demobilized as Democrats, who had been motivated to participate by anti-Republican sentiments, withdrew from antiwar protests when the Democratic Party achieved electoral success, if not policy success in ending the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. The withdrawal of Democratic activists changed the character of the antiwar movement by undermining broad coalitions in the movement and encouraging the formation of smaller, more radical coalitions. While the election of Barack Obama had been heralded as a victory for the antiwar movement, Obama's election, in fact, thwarted the ability of the movement to achieve critical mass.
{"title":"The partisan dynamics of contention: Demobilization of the antiwar movement in the United States, 2007-2009","authors":"M. T. Heaney, F. Rojas","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.16.1.Y8327N3NK0740677","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.16.1.Y8327N3NK0740677","url":null,"abstract":"Changes in threats perceived by activists, partisan identification, and coalition brokerage are three mechanisms that help to explain the demobilization of the antiwar movement in the United States from 2007 to 2009. Drawing upon 5,398 surveys of demonstrators at antiwar protests, interviews with movement leaders, and ethnographic observation, this article argues that the antiwar movement demobilized as Democrats, who had been motivated to participate by anti-Republican sentiments, withdrew from antiwar protests when the Democratic Party achieved electoral success, if not policy success in ending the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. The withdrawal of Democratic activists changed the character of the antiwar movement by undermining broad coalitions in the movement and encouraging the formation of smaller, more radical coalitions. While the election of Barack Obama had been heralded as a victory for the antiwar movement, Obama's election, in fact, thwarted the ability of the movement to achieve critical mass.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2011-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.16.1.Y8327N3NK0740677","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439259","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-02-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.16.1.GT7617043N132422
Daniel R. Sherman
Between 1986 and 1993, local activists in the U.S. organized more than 900 collective acts of public opposition to low-level radioactive waste site proposals across twenty-one counties. Yet, the number of such acts varied significantly across the counties. Both waste-siting professionals and social movement scholars have sought to identify factors of mobilization to explain such variation. An analysis of these cases reveals that a focus limited to pre-existing factors of mobilization—whether the demographic and economic factors favored by siting professionals, or the mobilization and political opportunity structures of the "classic social movement agenda"—badly misjudges mobilization. A paired comparison of two counties that differed dramatically in the number of acts of collective opposition mustered over the course of the siting process demonstrates the importance of social mechanisms that shape just how a community interacts with its political resources. The key differences between the two counties lie...
{"title":"Critical Mechanisms For Critical Masses: Exploring Variation In Opposition To Low-level Radioactive Waste Site Proposals","authors":"Daniel R. Sherman","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.16.1.GT7617043N132422","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.16.1.GT7617043N132422","url":null,"abstract":"Between 1986 and 1993, local activists in the U.S. organized more than 900 collective acts of public opposition to low-level radioactive waste site proposals across twenty-one counties. Yet, the number of such acts varied significantly across the counties. Both waste-siting professionals and social movement scholars have sought to identify factors of mobilization to explain such variation. An analysis of these cases reveals that a focus limited to pre-existing factors of mobilization—whether the demographic and economic factors favored by siting professionals, or the mobilization and political opportunity structures of the \"classic social movement agenda\"—badly misjudges mobilization. A paired comparison of two counties that differed dramatically in the number of acts of collective opposition mustered over the course of the siting process demonstrates the importance of social mechanisms that shape just how a community interacts with its political resources. The key differences between the two counties lie...","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2011-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.16.1.GT7617043N132422","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439245","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-12-20DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.15.4.W03123213LH37042
J. Earl, K. Kimport, G. Prieto, C. Rush, Kimberly Reynoso
Researchers studying Internet activism have disagreed over the extent to which Internet usage alters the processes driving collective action, and therefore also over the utility of existing social movement theory. We argue that some of this disagreement owes to scholars studying different kinds of Internet activism. Therefore, we introduce a typology of Internet activism, which shows that markedly different findings are associated with different types of Internet activism and that some types of Internet activism have been studied far more frequently than others. As a consequence, we ask an empirical question: is this skew in the selection of cases, and hence apparent trends in findings, a reflection of the empirical frequency of different types of Internet activism? Troublingly, using unique data from random samples of websites discussing 20 different issue areas commonly associated with social movements, we find a mismatch between trends in research cases studied and empirical frequency.
{"title":"Changing the world one webpage at a time: Conceptualizing and explaining Internet activism","authors":"J. Earl, K. Kimport, G. Prieto, C. Rush, Kimberly Reynoso","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.15.4.W03123213LH37042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.15.4.W03123213LH37042","url":null,"abstract":"Researchers studying Internet activism have disagreed over the extent to which Internet usage alters the processes driving collective action, and therefore also over the utility of existing social movement theory. We argue that some of this disagreement owes to scholars studying different kinds of Internet activism. Therefore, we introduce a typology of Internet activism, which shows that markedly different findings are associated with different types of Internet activism and that some types of Internet activism have been studied far more frequently than others. As a consequence, we ask an empirical question: is this skew in the selection of cases, and hence apparent trends in findings, a reflection of the empirical frequency of different types of Internet activism? Troublingly, using unique data from random samples of websites discussing 20 different issue areas commonly associated with social movements, we find a mismatch between trends in research cases studied and empirical frequency.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2010-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.15.4.W03123213LH37042","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439174","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-06-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.15.2.A628NL52H3Q5T133
Sally J. Kenney
*† Rosalie Wahl’s appointment to the Minnesota Supreme Court and her subsequent election reveals how emotions make events historical, how they signal symbolic meanings, and how they mobilize social movements. The treatment of political women in the 1970s engendered the emotions that Wahl’s appointment and campaign surfaced. Relegating women party activists to the role of chore doers rather than decision makers humiliated them. Homemakers felt discarded and downwardly mobile after divorce. Exclusion and discrimination stung women lawyers. Feminism surfaced the powerful emotions of anger, exhilaration, solidarity, and hope that women would break down barriers. By deconstructing the rhetorical arguments of Wahl’s speeches, interviewing participants in the campaigns, reading the letters that Minnesotans sent to Wahl, and examining my own emotional reactions, I uncover the emotional dimensions of these events. Understanding what catalyzed intense emotional identifications and what this historical event symbolized to participants facilitates theorizing gender as a social process and understanding why other women first to hold public office or first women candidacies generally do not become historical events. Why are some events turning points? Why did it seem to me, a seventh grader, that the pride and dignity of all women and girls hung in the balance of whether Billie Jean King defeated Bobby Riggs at tennis? Why did Geraldine Ferraro’s candidacy for the vice presidency lead women to hoist their daughters on their shoulders to see her? Why did Anita Hill’s testimony stop daily life and mesmerize the entire country? Public policy scholars use the term “focusing event” to explain why issues such as homeland security after 9/11, disaster management after Hurricane Katrina, or bridge inspection after the collapse of a bridge in Minneapolis, Minnesota, rose to the top of the government’s agenda. Social movement scholars define a critical event as one that makes the targets of social movement activity more vulnerable, makes resources more available to the movement, and encourages individuals and groups to set aside their differences and work together, thereby making coalitions possible (Staggenborg 1993: 321). 1
{"title":"MOBILIZING EMOTIONS TO ELECT WOMEN: THE SYMBOLIC MEANING OF MINNESOTA'S FIRST WOMAN SUPREME COURT JUSTICE","authors":"Sally J. Kenney","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.15.2.A628NL52H3Q5T133","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.15.2.A628NL52H3Q5T133","url":null,"abstract":"*† Rosalie Wahl’s appointment to the Minnesota Supreme Court and her subsequent election reveals how emotions make events historical, how they signal symbolic meanings, and how they mobilize social movements. The treatment of political women in the 1970s engendered the emotions that Wahl’s appointment and campaign surfaced. Relegating women party activists to the role of chore doers rather than decision makers humiliated them. Homemakers felt discarded and downwardly mobile after divorce. Exclusion and discrimination stung women lawyers. Feminism surfaced the powerful emotions of anger, exhilaration, solidarity, and hope that women would break down barriers. By deconstructing the rhetorical arguments of Wahl’s speeches, interviewing participants in the campaigns, reading the letters that Minnesotans sent to Wahl, and examining my own emotional reactions, I uncover the emotional dimensions of these events. Understanding what catalyzed intense emotional identifications and what this historical event symbolized to participants facilitates theorizing gender as a social process and understanding why other women first to hold public office or first women candidacies generally do not become historical events. Why are some events turning points? Why did it seem to me, a seventh grader, that the pride and dignity of all women and girls hung in the balance of whether Billie Jean King defeated Bobby Riggs at tennis? Why did Geraldine Ferraro’s candidacy for the vice presidency lead women to hoist their daughters on their shoulders to see her? Why did Anita Hill’s testimony stop daily life and mesmerize the entire country? Public policy scholars use the term “focusing event” to explain why issues such as homeland security after 9/11, disaster management after Hurricane Katrina, or bridge inspection after the collapse of a bridge in Minneapolis, Minnesota, rose to the top of the government’s agenda. Social movement scholars define a critical event as one that makes the targets of social movement activity more vulnerable, makes resources more available to the movement, and encourages individuals and groups to set aside their differences and work together, thereby making coalitions possible (Staggenborg 1993: 321). 1","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2010-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.15.2.A628NL52H3Q5T133","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439097","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-02-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.15.1.Y561981851788672
D. Halfmann, Michael P. Young
†This article examines the uses and effects of grotesque imagery in the antislavery and antiabortion movements and considers implications for theories of movement framing and mobilization. Grotesque images can produce strong emotions that may increase the resonance of movement frames and provide physiological “evidence” of immorality. Such images may also produce confusion and ambiguity that deeply engages readers or viewers and potentially breaks frames. But grotesque images can also be counterproductive for activists. They can cause readers or viewers to turn away in disgust, and their use can taint activists as prurient, irrational, uncivil, or manipulative. Finally, the effects of grotesque images are likely to vary across audiences, social contexts, and the skill of the activists that deploy them. The use of shocking and gruesome images has been a much remarked-upon feature of the antiabortion movement in the Untied States. But such images have been utilized by many other movements as well, including those against slavery, racial oppression, child labor, war, nuclear weapons, alcohol, drunk driving, tobacco, pornography, immigration, and the mistreatment of animals. In this article, we examine uses of such images in the antiabortion and antislavery movements and consider implications for theories of movement framing and mobilization. Utilizing the literary and artistic concept of “the grotesque”—images of distorted bodies and the border between human and inhuman—we argue that this aesthetic technique is available to most moral movements and discuss its tactical strengths and weaknesses. Over the last twenty years, scholars of social movements have made great strides in understanding the cultural frames that movements use to diagnose social problems, identify targets of action, and mobilize adherents (Benford and Snow 2000; Snow and Benford 1988; Snow, Rochford, Worden, and Benford 1986). Our analysis of the grotesque in the antiabortion and antislavery movements advances this literature in three ways. First, it builds on recent work on the role of emotions in social movements and framing processes (Aminzade and McAdam 2002; Goodwin, Jasper, and Polletta 2001; Jasper 1997; Jasper 1998; Yang 2000a). Second, it examines not just the content of frames, but their aesthetic techniques. In doing so, it builds on a growing body of work that utilizes concepts from literary and aesthetic theory to analyze social movements (Jasper 1997; Kane 2001; Polletta 2007; Somers 1994; Steinberg 1998). Finally, we suggest that the grotesque is not only an available framing technique, but it can also break frames (Goffman 1974: 345). By provoking strong, often contradictory, emotions and challenging natural and social categories, the grotesque may provoke feelings of confusion and ambiguity that may aid mobilization.
†本文考察了怪诞意象在反奴隶制和反堕胎运动中的运用和影响，并考虑了运动框架和动员理论的含义。怪诞图像可以产生强烈的情绪，增加运动框架的共鸣，并提供不道德的生理“证据”。这样的图像也可能产生混乱和模糊，深深吸引读者或观众，并潜在地打破框架。但怪诞的图像也可能对活动人士产生反作用。它们可能会导致读者或观众厌恶地转身离开，它们的使用可能会使积极分子被玷污为好色、非理性、不文明或操纵。最后，怪诞图像的效果可能会因受众、社会背景和使用它们的活动人士的技巧而异。使用令人震惊和可怕的图像一直是美国反堕胎运动的一个引人注目的特征。但这些图像也被许多其他运动所利用，包括反对奴隶制、种族压迫、童工、战争、核武器、酒精、酒后驾驶、烟草、色情、移民和虐待动物的运动。在本文中，我们研究了这些图像在反堕胎和反奴隶制运动中的使用，并考虑了对运动框架和动员理论的影响。利用“怪诞”的文学和艺术概念——扭曲的身体图像和人类与非人类之间的边界——我们认为这种美学技巧适用于大多数道德运动，并讨论了它的战术优势和弱点。在过去的二十年里，研究社会运动的学者们在理解运动用来诊断社会问题、确定行动目标和动员追随者的文化框架方面取得了长足的进步(Benford and Snow 2000;斯诺和本福德1988;Snow, Rochford, Worden, and Benford 1986)。我们对反堕胎和反奴隶制运动中怪诞的分析从三个方面推动了这一文学。首先，它建立在最近关于情绪在社会运动和框架过程中的作用的研究基础上(Aminzade and McAdam 2002;Goodwin, Jasper, and Polletta 2001;碧玉1997;碧玉1998;杨2000)。其次，它不仅考察了框架的内容，还考察了它们的美学技巧。在此过程中，它建立在越来越多的工作基础上，这些工作利用文学和美学理论的概念来分析社会运动(Jasper 1997;凯恩2001;Polletta 2007;萨默斯1994;斯坦伯格1998)。最后，我们认为怪诞不仅是一种可用的框架技术，而且它也可以打破框架(Goffman 1974: 345)。通过激发强烈的，往往是矛盾的情感，挑战自然和社会范畴，怪诞可能会引发混乱和模棱两可的感觉，这可能有助于动员。
{"title":"WAR PICTURES: THE GROTESQUE AS A MOBILIZING TACTIC *","authors":"D. Halfmann, Michael P. Young","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.15.1.Y561981851788672","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.15.1.Y561981851788672","url":null,"abstract":"†This article examines the uses and effects of grotesque imagery in the antislavery and antiabortion movements and considers implications for theories of movement framing and mobilization. Grotesque images can produce strong emotions that may increase the resonance of movement frames and provide physiological “evidence” of immorality. Such images may also produce confusion and ambiguity that deeply engages readers or viewers and potentially breaks frames. But grotesque images can also be counterproductive for activists. They can cause readers or viewers to turn away in disgust, and their use can taint activists as prurient, irrational, uncivil, or manipulative. Finally, the effects of grotesque images are likely to vary across audiences, social contexts, and the skill of the activists that deploy them. The use of shocking and gruesome images has been a much remarked-upon feature of the antiabortion movement in the Untied States. But such images have been utilized by many other movements as well, including those against slavery, racial oppression, child labor, war, nuclear weapons, alcohol, drunk driving, tobacco, pornography, immigration, and the mistreatment of animals. In this article, we examine uses of such images in the antiabortion and antislavery movements and consider implications for theories of movement framing and mobilization. Utilizing the literary and artistic concept of “the grotesque”—images of distorted bodies and the border between human and inhuman—we argue that this aesthetic technique is available to most moral movements and discuss its tactical strengths and weaknesses. Over the last twenty years, scholars of social movements have made great strides in understanding the cultural frames that movements use to diagnose social problems, identify targets of action, and mobilize adherents (Benford and Snow 2000; Snow and Benford 1988; Snow, Rochford, Worden, and Benford 1986). Our analysis of the grotesque in the antiabortion and antislavery movements advances this literature in three ways. First, it builds on recent work on the role of emotions in social movements and framing processes (Aminzade and McAdam 2002; Goodwin, Jasper, and Polletta 2001; Jasper 1997; Jasper 1998; Yang 2000a). Second, it examines not just the content of frames, but their aesthetic techniques. In doing so, it builds on a growing body of work that utilizes concepts from literary and aesthetic theory to analyze social movements (Jasper 1997; Kane 2001; Polletta 2007; Somers 1994; Steinberg 1998). Finally, we suggest that the grotesque is not only an available framing technique, but it can also break frames (Goffman 1974: 345). By provoking strong, often contradictory, emotions and challenging natural and social categories, the grotesque may provoke feelings of confusion and ambiguity that may aid mobilization.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2010-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.15.1.Y561981851788672","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439083","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-01-01DOI: 10.1057/9780230304208_11
Marco Giugni
{"title":"The Contentious Politics of Unemployment in Europe: Some Conclusions","authors":"Marco Giugni","doi":"10.1057/9780230304208_11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230304208_11","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2010-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58212560","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-12-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.14.4.M1408K812244744H
L. Bosi, Katrin Uba
increased attention has led to calls for the improvement of our theoretical and conceptual arguments, the more effective implementation of methodological tools, and more empirical examples based on broader comparisons of issues and contexts (Giugni 1998; Earl 2000; Burstein and Linton 2002; Meyer 2005; Giugni 2008). With this special issue of Mobilization, our aim is to take some steps toward meeting these calls. Each of the contributors in this issue adds an important aspect to the current literature and introduces themes that we hope will be developed further in future research. We have included articles emphasizing several issues, including incremental outcomes, novel empirical factors for studying the contextual dependence of the outcomes of mobilization, different methods for strengthening and testing the robustness of our theoretical arguments, and new ways of thinking about the role of public opinion. Our introduction develops a foundation for the contributions contained in this special issue by stressing the connection between the five articles and laying out a few important achievements and problems in studying the outcomes of social movements. Finally, we briefly sketch several directions for future research.
越来越多的关注导致人们呼吁改进我们的理论和概念论点，更有效地实施方法论工具，以及基于更广泛的问题和背景比较的更多实证例子(Giugni 1998;伯爵2000;Burstein and Linton 2002;迈耶2005;Giugni 2008)。通过本期《动员》特刊，我们的目标是采取一些步骤来满足这些呼吁。本期的每位撰稿人都为当前的文献增加了一个重要的方面，并介绍了我们希望在未来的研究中进一步发展的主题。我们收录了强调几个问题的文章，包括增量结果、研究动员结果上下文依赖性的新经验因素、加强和检验我们理论论点稳健性的不同方法，以及思考公众舆论作用的新方法。我们的引言通过强调五篇文章之间的联系，并列出研究社会运动结果的一些重要成就和问题，为本期特刊所载的贡献奠定了基础。最后，对今后的研究方向作了简要的展望。
{"title":"INTRODUCTION: THE OUTCOMES OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS *","authors":"L. Bosi, Katrin Uba","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.14.4.M1408K812244744H","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.14.4.M1408K812244744H","url":null,"abstract":"increased attention has led to calls for the improvement of our theoretical and conceptual arguments, the more effective implementation of methodological tools, and more empirical examples based on broader comparisons of issues and contexts (Giugni 1998; Earl 2000; Burstein and Linton 2002; Meyer 2005; Giugni 2008). With this special issue of Mobilization, our aim is to take some steps toward meeting these calls. Each of the contributors in this issue adds an important aspect to the current literature and introduces themes that we hope will be developed further in future research. We have included articles emphasizing several issues, including incremental outcomes, novel empirical factors for studying the contextual dependence of the outcomes of mobilization, different methods for strengthening and testing the robustness of our theoretical arguments, and new ways of thinking about the role of public opinion. Our introduction develops a foundation for the contributions contained in this special issue by stressing the connection between the five articles and laying out a few important achievements and problems in studying the outcomes of social movements. Finally, we briefly sketch several directions for future research.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2009-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.14.4.M1408K812244744H","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438981","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-12-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.14.4.M8477J873P47P546
Katrin Uba
This article investigates the empirical evidence for the statement that the impact of social movement organizations (SMOs) and interest groups on policy making is dependent on public opinion and the political system. A meta-analysis of articles published in eleven sociology and political science journals from 1990 to 2007 is used to test two hypotheses: 1) when public opinion is taken into account, SMOs and interest groups have no direct effect on policy; 2) the existence of a democratic regime is a necessary precondition for finding any policy impact of SMOs and interest groups. Results show that taking account of public opinion does not generally make any difference in the finding of direct effects. However, the role of public opinion varies across the measures of organizational resources and activity. I also find that a democratic regime is not a necessary precondition for the impact of SMOs and interest groups on public policy, but show that a direct effect of interest organizations is less likely to be found in the studies that take account of political regime.
{"title":"The Contextual Dependence of Movement Outcomes: A Simplified Meta-Analysis","authors":"Katrin Uba","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.14.4.M8477J873P47P546","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.14.4.M8477J873P47P546","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the empirical evidence for the statement that the impact of social movement organizations (SMOs) and interest groups on policy making is dependent on public opinion and the political system. A meta-analysis of articles published in eleven sociology and political science journals from 1990 to 2007 is used to test two hypotheses: 1) when public opinion is taken into account, SMOs and interest groups have no direct effect on policy; 2) the existence of a democratic regime is a necessary precondition for finding any policy impact of SMOs and interest groups. Results show that taking account of public opinion does not generally make any difference in the finding of direct effects. However, the role of public opinion varies across the measures of organizational resources and activity. I also find that a democratic regime is not a necessary precondition for the impact of SMOs and interest groups on public policy, but show that a direct effect of interest organizations is less likely to be found in the studies that take account of political regime.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2009-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.14.4.M8477J873P47P546","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439043","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-12-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.14.4.M2W21H55X5562R57
Marco Giugni, S. Yamasaki
This article reanalyzes the data of a previous study on the policy impact of antinuclear, ecology, and peace movements in three countries with the aim of replicating its findings. Our goal is to see whether using a different analytical technique will yield similar results. The previous study, used a regression approach to time-series analysis. Here, the use qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) to analyze the previous study's data. Specifically, the test the two main hypotheses based on the joint-effect model of social movement outcomes: (1) that the policy impact of social movements is conditioned by the presence of powerful allies within the institutional arenas. by, the presence of a favorable public opinion. and/or by both factors simultaneously; and (2) that social movements are more likely, to have policy impacts when they address issues and policy, domains of low saliency. In addition, we compare the policy, impact of social movements across countries. Our analysis confirms to a large extent the findings of the earlier time-series analysis, namely, the strong explanatory power of the joint-effect model of social movement outcomes and the varying impact of different movements on public policy.
{"title":"The Policy Impact of Social Movements: a Replication Through Qualitative Comparative Analysis","authors":"Marco Giugni, S. Yamasaki","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.14.4.M2W21H55X5562R57","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.14.4.M2W21H55X5562R57","url":null,"abstract":"This article reanalyzes the data of a previous study on the policy impact of antinuclear, ecology, and peace movements in three countries with the aim of replicating its findings. Our goal is to see whether using a different analytical technique will yield similar results. The previous study, used a regression approach to time-series analysis. Here, the use qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) to analyze the previous study's data. Specifically, the test the two main hypotheses based on the joint-effect model of social movement outcomes: (1) that the policy impact of social movements is conditioned by the presence of powerful allies within the institutional arenas. by, the presence of a favorable public opinion. and/or by both factors simultaneously; and (2) that social movements are more likely, to have policy impacts when they address issues and policy, domains of low saliency. In addition, we compare the policy, impact of social movements across countries. Our analysis confirms to a large extent the findings of the earlier time-series analysis, namely, the strong explanatory power of the joint-effect model of social movement outcomes and the varying impact of different movements on public policy.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2009-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.14.4.M2W21H55X5562R57","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-09-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.14.3.56415G86G5H07044
Lori M. Poloni-Staudinger
*This study asks under what domestic conditions environmental groups in the United Kingdom, France, and Germany will overcome the collective action, resource, and ideological impediments to cooperative activity. A political opportunity structure (POS) approach is employed which looks at the relationship between elite alliances and domestic cleavages and the choice to engage in domestic as well as transnational cooperation. Using data gathered through content analysis over a nearly twenty-five year period, I find that changes in domestic opportunities influence the choice of environmental groups to engage in cooperative activities. An open POS is found to depress both domestic and transnational cooperation, while a closed POS increases cooperative activities.
{"title":"Why Cooperate? Cooperation Among Environmental Groups in the United Kingdom, France, and Germany","authors":"Lori M. Poloni-Staudinger","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.14.3.56415G86G5H07044","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.14.3.56415G86G5H07044","url":null,"abstract":"*This study asks under what domestic conditions environmental groups in the United Kingdom, France, and Germany will overcome the collective action, resource, and ideological impediments to cooperative activity. A political opportunity structure (POS) approach is employed which looks at the relationship between elite alliances and domestic cleavages and the choice to engage in domestic as well as transnational cooperation. Using data gathered through content analysis over a nearly twenty-five year period, I find that changes in domestic opportunities influence the choice of environmental groups to engage in cooperative activities. An open POS is found to depress both domestic and transnational cooperation, while a closed POS increases cooperative activities.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2009-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.14.3.56415G86G5H07044","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438935","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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