Pub Date : 2009-02-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.14.1.Y01123143T231Q66
S. Soule, C. Davenport
Most scholars of social movements agree that since the 1960s protest policing in the United States has decreased in severity. Yet this characterization runs counter to sociolegal arguments that virtually all forms of state social control have become more forceful. We maintain that both of these arguments obfuscate what is really of essence to policing of protest: the character of the protest event and the level of threat posed to police. We examine U.S. protest policing over the 1960-1990 period and show that while it is generally true that aggressive policing is less likely following the 1960s, threatening protests are always policed aggressively, regardless of the period. The findings suggest that general claims about the increasing or decreasing severity of policing over time are less useful than are arguments about the character of the protest event and the level of threat posed to police officers.
{"title":"Velvet glove, iron fist, or even hand? protest policing in the united states, 1960-1990","authors":"S. Soule, C. Davenport","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.14.1.Y01123143T231Q66","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.14.1.Y01123143T231Q66","url":null,"abstract":"Most scholars of social movements agree that since the 1960s protest policing in the United States has decreased in severity. Yet this characterization runs counter to sociolegal arguments that virtually all forms of state social control have become more forceful. We maintain that both of these arguments obfuscate what is really of essence to policing of protest: the character of the protest event and the level of threat posed to police. We examine U.S. protest policing over the 1960-1990 period and show that while it is generally true that aggressive policing is less likely following the 1960s, threatening protests are always policed aggressively, regardless of the period. The findings suggest that general claims about the increasing or decreasing severity of policing over time are less useful than are arguments about the character of the protest event and the level of threat posed to police officers.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":"14 1","pages":"1-22"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2009-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.14.1.Y01123143T231Q66","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438926","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-09-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.13.3.PX4848183V2T073W
Marco Giugni
This article follows a revised political opportunity approach to argue that mobilization of underprivileged groups is constrained by the political opportunity structures provided by the institutional context of the country in which they act. Contrary to traditional opportunity theories, it is suggested that their mobilization also depends on a set of opportunities specific to the political or issue field most directly addressed by their claims. I propose to look for these specific opportunities in the institutional approaches to unemployment. I further maintain that such opportunities stem largely from the ways in which a given political or issue field is collectively defined. I apply a theoretical framework stressing both general and specific opportunities as well as the discursive context of claim making to original data on claim making in the unemployment political field in six European countries for the 1995-2002 period. The findings provide some support for the proposed theoretical framework, but also point to its shortcomings, especially in the lack of attention to economic factors.
{"title":"Welfare States, Political Opportunities, and the Mobilization of the Unemployed: A Cross-National Analysis","authors":"Marco Giugni","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.13.3.PX4848183V2T073W","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.13.3.PX4848183V2T073W","url":null,"abstract":"This article follows a revised political opportunity approach to argue that mobilization of underprivileged groups is constrained by the political opportunity structures provided by the institutional context of the country in which they act. Contrary to traditional opportunity theories, it is suggested that their mobilization also depends on a set of opportunities specific to the political or issue field most directly addressed by their claims. I propose to look for these specific opportunities in the institutional approaches to unemployment. I further maintain that such opportunities stem largely from the ways in which a given political or issue field is collectively defined. I apply a theoretical framework stressing both general and specific opportunities as well as the discursive context of claim making to original data on claim making in the unemployment political field in six European countries for the 1995-2002 period. The findings provide some support for the proposed theoretical framework, but also point to its shortcomings, especially in the lack of attention to economic factors.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":"13 1","pages":"297-310"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2008-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.13.3.PX4848183V2T073W","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Contentious Politics of Unemployment in Europe: An Introduction","authors":"Marco Giugni","doi":"10.1057/9780230304208_1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230304208_1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":"13 1","pages":"1-16"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2008-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58212504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Simone Baglioni, Britta Baumgarten, Didier Chabanet, Christian Lahusen
{"title":"Transcending Marginalization: The Mobilization of the Unemployed in France, Germany, and Italy in a Comparative Perspective","authors":"Simone Baglioni, Britta Baumgarten, Didier Chabanet, Christian Lahusen","doi":"10.1057/9780230304208_7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230304208_7","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":"21 1","pages":"152-168"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2008-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58212571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2007-12-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.12.4.HK88JK1MW3036302
J. Noakes, Patrick Gillham
{"title":"Police and Protester Innovation since Seattle","authors":"J. Noakes, Patrick Gillham","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.12.4.HK88JK1MW3036302","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.12.4.HK88JK1MW3036302","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":"12 1","pages":"335-340"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2007-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.12.4.HK88JK1MW3036302","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439127","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2007-12-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.12.4.J10822802T7N0T34
Patrick Gillham, J. Noakes
We examine how tactical innovations introduced by transgressive protesters during the Seattle cycle of protests contributed to the end of a long, relatively stable period of detente between police and protesters in the United States. Case studies of the demonstrations staged by the AFL-CIO and the Direct Action Network (DAN) during the 1999 WTO protests are used to reveal the divergent capacity of the negotiated management style of policing protest to control contained and transgressive protesters. We argue that the transgressive protesters' tactics, organizational structure, and decision-making processes all frustrated police attempts to control their demonstrations and contributed to DAN's ability to shut down the opening day of the WTO. We conclude by developing a framework for understanding how police responded in subsequent protests using what we describe as "strategic incapacitation" and by proposing research questions about the impact of this style of policing on subsequent protests in the U.S. and...
{"title":"\"More Than A March in a Circle\": Transgressive Protests and the Limits of Negotiated Management","authors":"Patrick Gillham, J. Noakes","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.12.4.J10822802T7N0T34","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.12.4.J10822802T7N0T34","url":null,"abstract":"We examine how tactical innovations introduced by transgressive protesters during the Seattle cycle of protests contributed to the end of a long, relatively stable period of detente between police and protesters in the United States. Case studies of the demonstrations staged by the AFL-CIO and the Direct Action Network (DAN) during the 1999 WTO protests are used to reveal the divergent capacity of the negotiated management style of policing protest to control contained and transgressive protesters. We argue that the transgressive protesters' tactics, organizational structure, and decision-making processes all frustrated police attempts to control their demonstrations and contributed to DAN's ability to shut down the opening day of the WTO. We conclude by developing a framework for understanding how police responded in subsequent protests using what we describe as \"strategic incapacitation\" and by proposing research questions about the impact of this style of policing on subsequent protests in the U.S. and...","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":"12 1","pages":"341-357"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2007-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.12.4.J10822802T7N0T34","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439135","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2007-11-12DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.12.3.K6Q6303J65H1L432
Marie Cornwall, Brayden G. King, Elizabeth M. Legerski, E. Dahlin, Kendra S. Schiffman
Drawing on political opportunity theory, the theory of legislative logic, and political mediation theory, we hypothesize differential effects of the political environment on the actions of challengers (suffragists) and state actors (legislators) in the women's suffrage movement. We use sequential logistic regression to assess the effects of explanatory variables on two intermediate stages of mobilization and policy change. In the case of challengers, we estimate the likelihood a state-level organization is present in any given legislative year. In the case of state actors, we estimate the likelihood a bill passes one legislative house given the presence of a state-level suffrage organization and that a bill has been introduced. Mixed signals are apparent in that challengers and legislators respond to the same environmental factors differently. Challengers respond to perceived opportunities for change. Legislators seek to enhance their political careers and are responsive to the demands of challengers when...
{"title":"Signals or Mixed Signals: Why Opportunities for Mobilization are not Opportunities for Policy Reform","authors":"Marie Cornwall, Brayden G. King, Elizabeth M. Legerski, E. Dahlin, Kendra S. Schiffman","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.12.3.K6Q6303J65H1L432","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.12.3.K6Q6303J65H1L432","url":null,"abstract":"Drawing on political opportunity theory, the theory of legislative logic, and political mediation theory, we hypothesize differential effects of the political environment on the actions of challengers (suffragists) and state actors (legislators) in the women's suffrage movement. We use sequential logistic regression to assess the effects of explanatory variables on two intermediate stages of mobilization and policy change. In the case of challengers, we estimate the likelihood a state-level organization is present in any given legislative year. In the case of state actors, we estimate the likelihood a bill passes one legislative house given the presence of a state-level suffrage organization and that a bill has been introduced. Mixed signals are apparent in that challengers and legislators respond to the same environmental factors differently. Challengers respond to perceived opportunities for change. Legislators seek to enhance their political careers and are responsive to the demands of challengers when...","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":"12 1","pages":"239-254"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2007-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.12.3.K6Q6303J65H1L432","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2007-09-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.12.3.3V020M3751V1K642
S. Levitsky
This article draws on a study of interorganizational relations in the Chicago gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender movement to elaborate a theory for how activists integrate divergent organizational approaches to social reform into a coherent "movement identity." Departing from the resource mobilization and collective identity literatures, which tend to reduce organizational specialization either to a competition over resources or to ideological differences among movement participants, I argue that organizational interests and shared beliefs play interrelated, but nonreducible roles in the construction of movement identity. Activists understand social reform as requiring competencies in a wide range of cultural and political venues. Focusing on specific forms of movement activity, or niches, organizations develop proficiencies that activists share as part of a collective effort in which each organization is seen as playing a necessary, but insufficient part. Rather than undermining a unified movement i...
{"title":"Niche activism: Constructing a unified movement identity in a heterogeneous organizational field","authors":"S. Levitsky","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.12.3.3V020M3751V1K642","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.12.3.3V020M3751V1K642","url":null,"abstract":"This article draws on a study of interorganizational relations in the Chicago gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender movement to elaborate a theory for how activists integrate divergent organizational approaches to social reform into a coherent \"movement identity.\" Departing from the resource mobilization and collective identity literatures, which tend to reduce organizational specialization either to a competition over resources or to ideological differences among movement participants, I argue that organizational interests and shared beliefs play interrelated, but nonreducible roles in the construction of movement identity. Activists understand social reform as requiring competencies in a wide range of cultural and political venues. Focusing on specific forms of movement activity, or niches, organizations develop proficiencies that activists share as part of a collective effort in which each organization is seen as playing a necessary, but insufficient part. Rather than undermining a unified movement i...","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":"12 1","pages":"271-286"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2007-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.12.3.3V020M3751V1K642","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2007-06-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.12.2.K578066743257820
A. Bergesen
Terrorist violence is a distinct type of violence. It has a different design architecture than personal (suicide), interpersonal (murder, theft, assault), or collective (mob, riot, crowd) violence. Employing three primitives, the social roles of perpetrator, victim, and target, which can be distributed across different sets of individuals, one-step, two-step, and three-step models are derived as structural descriptions of personal, interpersonal/collective, and terrorist violence. Why the unique design properties of terrorist violence poses a problem for the present theory of collective violence is also discussed.
{"title":"Three-Step Model of Terrorist Violence","authors":"A. Bergesen","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.12.2.K578066743257820","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.12.2.K578066743257820","url":null,"abstract":"Terrorist violence is a distinct type of violence. It has a different design architecture than personal (suicide), interpersonal (murder, theft, assault), or collective (mob, riot, crowd) violence. Employing three primitives, the social roles of perpetrator, victim, and target, which can be distributed across different sets of individuals, one-step, two-step, and three-step models are derived as structural descriptions of personal, interpersonal/collective, and terrorist violence. Why the unique design properties of terrorist violence poses a problem for the present theory of collective violence is also discussed.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":"12 1","pages":"111-118"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2007-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.12.2.K578066743257820","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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