Pub Date : 2007-06-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.12.2.C27P720K825U3636
J. Goodwin
Most theories of terrorism would lead one to have expected high levels of antiwhite terrorism in apartheid South Africa. Yet the African National Congress, the country's most important and influential antiapartheid political organization, never sanctioned terrorism against the dominant white minority. I argue that the ANC eschewed terrorism because of its commitment to "nonracial internationalism." From the ANC's perspective, to have carried out a campaign of indiscriminate or "categorical" terrorism against whites would have alienated actual and potential white allies both inside and outside the country. The ANC's ideological commitment to nonracialism had a specific social basis: It grew out of a long history of collaboration between the ANC and white leftists inside and outside the country, especially those in the South African Communist Party.
大多数恐怖主义理论都会导致人们预期在种族隔离的南非会发生高度的反白人恐怖主义。然而，南非最重要、最具影响力的反种族隔离政治组织非洲人国民大会(African National Congress)从未批准针对占主导地位的白人少数民族的恐怖主义。我认为非国大避开恐怖主义是因为它致力于“非种族的国际主义”。从非洲人国民大会的角度来看，对白人进行不分青红皂白或“绝对”的恐怖主义活动，将会疏远南非国内外实际和潜在的白人盟友。非国大对非种族主义的意识形态承诺有着特定的社会基础:它源于非国大与南非内外的白人左翼分子，尤其是南非共产党(South African Communist Party)中的白人左翼分子长期以来的合作。
{"title":"\"The struggle made me a nonracialist\": Why there was so little terrorism in the antiapartheid struggle","authors":"J. Goodwin","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.12.2.C27P720K825U3636","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.12.2.C27P720K825U3636","url":null,"abstract":"Most theories of terrorism would lead one to have expected high levels of antiwhite terrorism in apartheid South Africa. Yet the African National Congress, the country's most important and influential antiapartheid political organization, never sanctioned terrorism against the dominant white minority. I argue that the ANC eschewed terrorism because of its commitment to \"nonracial internationalism.\" From the ANC's perspective, to have carried out a campaign of indiscriminate or \"categorical\" terrorism against whites would have alienated actual and potential white allies both inside and outside the country. The ANC's ideological commitment to nonracialism had a specific social basis: It grew out of a long history of collaboration between the ANC and white leftists inside and outside the country, especially those in the South African Communist Party.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2007-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2007-02-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.12.1.B05J1087V7PXG382
Marco Giugni
I confront three models of the policy impact of social movements with data on the mobilization of ecology, antinuclear, and peace movements in the United States between 1975 and 1995 by means of time-series analysis: the direct-effect model, the indirect-effect model, and the joint- effect model. My analysis suggests that social movements have little, if any, impact on public policy and that, if they are to have an impact, it depends on the combination of overt protest activities, the type of issues they raise, and external resources such as public opinion and political alliances with institutional actors. Thus, it appears that, if they are to have a policy impact, movements need the joint occurence of mobilization, support from political allies, and public opinion favorable to the cause.
{"title":"Useless Protest? A Time-Series Analysis of the Policy Outcomes of Ecology, Antinuclear, and Peace Movements in the United States, 1977-1995","authors":"Marco Giugni","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.12.1.B05J1087V7PXG382","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.12.1.B05J1087V7PXG382","url":null,"abstract":"I confront three models of the policy impact of social movements with data on the mobilization of ecology, antinuclear, and peace movements in the United States between 1975 and 1995 by means of time-series analysis: the direct-effect model, the indirect-effect model, and the joint- effect model. My analysis suggests that social movements have little, if any, impact on public policy and that, if they are to have an impact, it depends on the combination of overt protest activities, the type of issues they raise, and external resources such as public opinion and political alliances with institutional actors. Thus, it appears that, if they are to have a policy impact, movements need the joint occurence of mobilization, support from political allies, and public opinion favorable to the cause.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2007-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.12.1.B05J1087V7PXG382","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438446","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-12-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.11.4.16719V547Q255438
G. Fine
In a political world characterized by social movement rivalry, advocates routinely use reputation work to discredit the motivations and character of their adversaries. Reputational entrepreneurs undercut organizational legitimacy by depicting members with disreputable or radical affiliations as representative of their opponents. These attacks on character must be countered, costing resources and limiting organizational reach. Through reputation work, advocates assert that groups they oppose have a large proportion of stigmatized supporters, are affiliated with prominent disreputable figures, and espouse policies favored by such figures. Such claims direct attention from the substance of the debate, directing attention to the moral stature of claimants. Those attacked must rely on counter strategies to defend themselves. They deny that disreputables are representative, demonstrating their bona fides by exclusive practices, claim that opposing groups have the same problem, and suggest that stigmatized suppo...
{"title":"Notorious Support: The America First Committee and The Personalization of Policy","authors":"G. Fine","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.11.4.16719V547Q255438","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.11.4.16719V547Q255438","url":null,"abstract":"In a political world characterized by social movement rivalry, advocates routinely use reputation work to discredit the motivations and character of their adversaries. Reputational entrepreneurs undercut organizational legitimacy by depicting members with disreputable or radical affiliations as representative of their opponents. These attacks on character must be countered, costing resources and limiting organizational reach. Through reputation work, advocates assert that groups they oppose have a large proportion of stigmatized supporters, are affiliated with prominent disreputable figures, and espouse policies favored by such figures. Such claims direct attention from the substance of the debate, directing attention to the moral stature of claimants. Those attacked must rely on counter strategies to defend themselves. They deny that disreputables are representative, demonstrating their bona fides by exclusive practices, claim that opposing groups have the same problem, and suggest that stigmatized suppo...","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2006-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.11.4.16719V547Q255438","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438433","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-10-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.11.3.011507X736926W68
Michael Biggs
The wave of sit-ins that swept the American South in 1960 has become a crucial episode in the literature on social movements. To investigate who joined the sit-ins and why, this article analyzes a sample survey of 255 students in Southern black colleges in 1962. The survey includes measures of integration into preexisting social networks. Most surprisingly, students who attended church frequently were less likely to join the sit-ins, though the presence of activist ministers made protest more likely. The survey also includes measures of beliefs and sentiments. Protesters were motivated by strong grievances, for they had an especially negative evaluation of race relations. Yet they were also motivated by optimism about the prospects of success, for they believed—incorrectly—that there was no white majority for strict segregation. The analysis underscores the importance of beliefs and sentiments, which cannot easily be reduced to objective measures of social location.
{"title":"Who joined the sit-ins and why: Southern black students in the early 1960s","authors":"Michael Biggs","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.11.3.011507X736926W68","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.11.3.011507X736926W68","url":null,"abstract":"The wave of sit-ins that swept the American South in 1960 has become a crucial episode in the literature on social movements. To investigate who joined the sit-ins and why, this article analyzes a sample survey of 255 students in Southern black colleges in 1962. The survey includes measures of integration into preexisting social networks. Most surprisingly, students who attended church frequently were less likely to join the sit-ins, though the presence of activist ministers made protest more likely. The survey also includes measures of beliefs and sentiments. Protesters were motivated by strong grievances, for they had an especially negative evaluation of race relations. Yet they were also motivated by optimism about the prospects of success, for they believed—incorrectly—that there was no white majority for strict segregation. The analysis underscores the importance of beliefs and sentiments, which cannot easily be reduced to objective measures of social location.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2006-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.11.3.011507X736926W68","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438375","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-08-04DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.11.2.B55GM84032815278
J. Earl
Of the phenomena studied by social scientists, few are as potent and moving as scenes of collective action under threats of repression. For instance, the commitment to political and social change that civil rights activists showed by day, with full knowledge that the wrath of the KKK might befall them by night, is a moving testament to their courage and perseverance. And yet, prior to the last decade, research on repression had been somewhat slower to develop when compared with other areas of social movement scholarship. Fortunately, the tide has dramatically shifted over the last decade. A large amount of research has been published recently on repression and the social control of protest: Davenport, Johnston, and Mueller (2005) published the proceedings of a 2001 conference on repression; della Porta and Reiter’s (1998) edited volume introduced a number of important claims and findings about protest policing; and a number of important articles have appeared in peer-reviewed journals (e.g., Earl 2003, 2004; Earl, Soule, and McCarthy 2003; Francisco 2004; Loveman 1998; Rasler 1996). In fact, this special issue stems, in part, from papers delivered at a session on repression at the 2004 Annual Meetings of the American Sociological Association. In this introduction, I assess the fruits of this boom in repression-related research with an eye toward what theories and findings have been supported, what new research trajectories are particularly important, and what areas are still relatively underdeveloped. At the same time, I introduce the seven original research articles that comprise this special issue, pointing to the themes in the existing literature that they productively speak to or question. I will also point out the common themes within the articles that make the special issue more than the sum of its parts by collectively pointing to emergent issues in repressionrelated research.
{"title":"Introduction: Repression and the Social Control of Protest","authors":"J. Earl","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.11.2.B55GM84032815278","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.11.2.B55GM84032815278","url":null,"abstract":"Of the phenomena studied by social scientists, few are as potent and moving as scenes of collective action under threats of repression. For instance, the commitment to political and social change that civil rights activists showed by day, with full knowledge that the wrath of the KKK might befall them by night, is a moving testament to their courage and perseverance. And yet, prior to the last decade, research on repression had been somewhat slower to develop when compared with other areas of social movement scholarship. Fortunately, the tide has dramatically shifted over the last decade. A large amount of research has been published recently on repression and the social control of protest: Davenport, Johnston, and Mueller (2005) published the proceedings of a 2001 conference on repression; della Porta and Reiter’s (1998) edited volume introduced a number of important claims and findings about protest policing; and a number of important articles have appeared in peer-reviewed journals (e.g., Earl 2003, 2004; Earl, Soule, and McCarthy 2003; Francisco 2004; Loveman 1998; Rasler 1996). In fact, this special issue stems, in part, from papers delivered at a session on repression at the 2004 Annual Meetings of the American Sociological Association. In this introduction, I assess the fruits of this boom in repression-related research with an eye toward what theories and findings have been supported, what new research trajectories are particularly important, and what areas are still relatively underdeveloped. At the same time, I introduce the seven original research articles that comprise this special issue, pointing to the themes in the existing literature that they productively speak to or question. I will also point out the common themes within the articles that make the special issue more than the sum of its parts by collectively pointing to emergent issues in repressionrelated research.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2006-08-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.11.2.B55GM84032815278","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-06-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.11.2.U1WJ8W41N301627U
J. Earl, S. Soule
Existing explanations of repression and the policing of protest focus on the interests of political elites, with research indicating that a chief predictor of state repression is the level of threat protesters pose to elite interests. However, prior research has only paid sporadic attention to how the institutional and organizational characteristics of local law enforcement agencies shape the character of protest policing. This article addresses this significant theoretical gap by developing a police-centered, or "blue," approach to protest policing. Using data on the policing of public protest events in New York State between 1968 and 1973, this article finds support for the blue approach. Specifically, the situational threats posed by protesters to those agents who actually perform repression-local police-are critical predictors of police presence and action. Results also show some residual support for the role of elite threats in structuring repression.
{"title":"Seeing Blue: A Police-Centered Explanation of Protest Policing","authors":"J. Earl, S. Soule","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.11.2.U1WJ8W41N301627U","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.11.2.U1WJ8W41N301627U","url":null,"abstract":"Existing explanations of repression and the policing of protest focus on the interests of political elites, with research indicating that a chief predictor of state repression is the level of threat protesters pose to elite interests. However, prior research has only paid sporadic attention to how the institutional and organizational characteristics of local law enforcement agencies shape the character of protest policing. This article addresses this significant theoretical gap by developing a police-centered, or \"blue,\" approach to protest policing. Using data on the policing of public protest events in New York State between 1968 and 1973, this article finds support for the blue approach. Specifically, the situational threats posed by protesters to those agents who actually perform repression-local police-are critical predictors of police presence and action. Results also show some residual support for the role of elite threats in structuring repression.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2006-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.11.2.U1WJ8W41N301627U","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438827","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-02-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.11.1.Q017G82P477P1837
Fredrik Uggla
This article tests two conflicting theoretical views on the extent to which economic and political globalization makes contentious groups and social movements more globally oriented in their strategies. It focuses on a critical case in the globalization of activism: the Attac group, which forms part of the movement for global justice. By analyzing the demands, actions, and targets present in the group's communiques in France, Germany and Sweden, the analysis yields mixed conclusions about the globalization of protest. Although the global orientation of Attac is evident in the demands contained in such statements, the group appears highly centered at the national level through its choice of targets and alliances. Furthermore, in France and Germany there is a clear trend towards a more national focus among the demands made by the group.
{"title":"Between Globalism and Pragmatism: ATTAC in France, Germany, and Sweden","authors":"Fredrik Uggla","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.11.1.Q017G82P477P1837","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.11.1.Q017G82P477P1837","url":null,"abstract":"This article tests two conflicting theoretical views on the extent to which economic and political globalization makes contentious groups and social movements more globally oriented in their strategies. It focuses on a critical case in the globalization of activism: the Attac group, which forms part of the movement for global justice. By analyzing the demands, actions, and targets present in the group's communiques in France, Germany and Sweden, the analysis yields mixed conclusions about the globalization of protest. Although the global orientation of Attac is evident in the demands contained in such statements, the group appears highly centered at the national level through its choice of targets and alliances. Furthermore, in France and Germany there is a clear trend towards a more national focus among the demands made by the group.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2006-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.11.1.Q017G82P477P1837","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438782","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2005-10-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.10.3.PW25225470L850XN
R. Vliegenthart, Dirk Oegema, B. Klandermans
Though social movement organizations (SMOs) depend heavily upon the media for their communication to the public, little is known about the relationships between media coverage and public support for SMOs. This research uses computer-assisted content analysis to assess the relationship between media coverage and membership figures for Dutch environmental organizations over the period 1991-2003. Our analysis provides evidence for direct influence of visibility of the organization and its main issue on membership support, while membership support does not influence visibility of an SMO and its issue. Furthermore, an SMO's media visibility is negatively affected by the visibility of other SMOs within the same sector. These results point to the necessity for SMOs to compete for attention in the public sphere and to the importance of using various strategies to compete for the limited space available in the media.
{"title":"Media coverage and organizational support in the Dutch environmental movement","authors":"R. Vliegenthart, Dirk Oegema, B. Klandermans","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.10.3.PW25225470L850XN","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.10.3.PW25225470L850XN","url":null,"abstract":"Though social movement organizations (SMOs) depend heavily upon the media for their communication to the public, little is known about the relationships between media coverage and public support for SMOs. This research uses computer-assisted content analysis to assess the relationship between media coverage and membership figures for Dutch environmental organizations over the period 1991-2003. Our analysis provides evidence for direct influence of visibility of the organization and its main issue on membership support, while membership support does not influence visibility of an SMO and its issue. Furthermore, an SMO's media visibility is negatively affected by the visibility of other SMOs within the same sector. These results point to the necessity for SMOs to compete for attention in the public sphere and to the importance of using various strategies to compete for the limited space available in the media.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2005-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.10.3.PW25225470L850XN","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438697","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2005-10-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.10.3.Q67572R37257VX66
R. Stern
In 1994, after a year of intense activism by indigenous women and their urban supporters, indigenous women in the New Territories of Hong Kong were legally allowed to inherit land for the first time. In pushing for legislative change, the female inheritance movement adopted key ideas?gender equality, human rights and a critique of patriarchy - from a global vocabulary of feminism and human rights. This paper examines this rights frame to understand how, if at all, activists modified international conceptions of discrimination and rights to fit Hong Kong. Overall, the ideology was not fundamentally altered or adapted, but indigenized by local activists through the use of local symbols. More deep rooted change was not necessary for two reasons: First, in the pre-handover moment, rights arguments derived their political currency from their association with an international community. In addition, critical movement participants, here termed translators, helped encompass the indigenous women's individual kinship grievances within a broader movement based on rights.
{"title":"Unpacking Adaptation: The Female Inheritance Movement in Hong Kong","authors":"R. Stern","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.10.3.Q67572R37257VX66","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.10.3.Q67572R37257VX66","url":null,"abstract":"In 1994, after a year of intense activism by indigenous women and their urban supporters, indigenous women in the New Territories of Hong Kong were legally allowed to inherit land for the first time. In pushing for legislative change, the female inheritance movement adopted key ideas?gender equality, human rights and a critique of patriarchy - from a global vocabulary of feminism and human rights. This paper examines this rights frame to understand how, if at all, activists modified international conceptions of discrimination and rights to fit Hong Kong. Overall, the ideology was not fundamentally altered or adapted, but indigenized by local activists through the use of local symbols. More deep rooted change was not necessary for two reasons: First, in the pre-handover moment, rights arguments derived their political currency from their association with an international community. In addition, critical movement participants, here termed translators, helped encompass the indigenous women's individual kinship grievances within a broader movement based on rights.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2005-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438709","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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