Environmental Policy and Governance最新文献

Across the globe, ecosystems, biodiversity and human societies are experiencing the escalating and often catastrophic impacts of anthropogenic climate change. Well-considered, properly resourced and trans-scalar adaptation responses are essential. Local governments (e.g., municipal councils) can provide crucial support to communities enabling planning, response and recovery from climate change impacts. While innumerable municipal climate change adaptation policies, strategies and plans have been developed, the implementation of adaptation actions typically lags, creating a planning-to-implementation gap. Contributing factors and the opportunities to overcome key constraints remain underexplored. This article reports the results of research addressing that knowledge gap analysing the circumstances that give rise to a municipal climate adaptation implementation gap, and the opportunities to progress from adaptation planning to implementation. Interviews with 25 local government leaders and staff reveal five key opportunities to advance the implementation of adaptation polices and plans—(i) mobilising novel finance solutions; (ii) developing an adaptation skills pipeline; (iii) building collaborative and trans-disciplinary ways of working across municipal councils; (iv) enhancing the salience and prominence of adaptation as a core municipal concern and (v) legislating for municipal climate change adaptation mainstreaming. Establishing good climate governance and improving capacity for adaptation will be critical if local governments are to close the municipal climate change adaptation planning-to-implementation gap.

The threat of service failures because of climate shocks can provoke a re-negotiation of roles and responsibilities among private and public actors, and a shift towards more polycentric arrangements. This research builds on frameworks for documenting the emergence and evolution of polycentric governance arrangements through an analysis of the enrollment of private corporate actors in water provisioning services in response to the “Day Zero” 2017–2018 drought in Cape Town, South Africa. Through an analysis of interview data, we document the motivations of the corporate and municipal actors to coordinate their efforts to address acute water shortages through a novel governance venue and mechanism: Water Service Intermediaries. We document their experience with collaboration in the governance arrangements that evolved. The case illustrates both the potential, but also the limitations of shifts toward polycentricity in the context of critical resource provisioning. Our actor-centric approach documents the transaction and material costs associated with new regulatory burdens as the actors negotiated their respective responsibilities and roles. Actors face coordination challenges associated with their dependence on shared physical infrastructure, tensions associated with duties of care towards specific constituencies, and the friction entailed in reconciling their new nodal responsibilities and core missions. While the experiment in this form of polycentric water provisioning was curtailed at the end of the drought, the evidence of feedback and learning among private and public actors indicates a shift in mindsets concerning joint responsibilities for urban resilience, and the potential for future collaboration in polycentric governance around novel issues.

Interest in knowledge politics driving urban environmental policy is growing. The aim of this paper is to assess the conditions that enable an epistemic community of experts to influence policy in a specific locality. We evaluate an epistemic community of urban climatology researchers in Fukuoka, Japan, who have successfully engaged with local policy despite documented knowledge circulation failures for urban climatology elsewhere. The research is based on a process tracing-derived methodology, analysing archival and documentary sources. Its results show the epistemic community has conducted observational and modelling-based research in Fukuoka over decades, networking with peers across Japan and globally and making recommendations for policy interventions locally through government expert committees and collaborative projects. These findings reflect the importance of professionalisation and modes of persuasion – especially visuals, such as maps showing heat islands – in explaining how epistemic communities come to be effective. We argue, however, that institutions constitute epistemic communities as well as individuals. The conclusions display, however, that even if an epistemic community is effective in influencing policy, this will not necessarily translate into practical interventions in the built environment. Understanding how epistemic communities define and measure their own ‘success’ is thus an area for future research.

In recent years, there has been a growing recognition of energy efficiency as the ‘first fuel,’ seen as one of the most promising approaches for achieving climate change mitigation goals and enhancing energy security without compromising economic well-being. However, meeting the standards of the IEA Net Zero Emissions by 2050 Scenario demands a more thorough exploitation of economically viable energy efficiency potentials. The United States has a huge energy efficiency potential to cost-effectively reduce its electricity use, but utilizing this potential requires proactive policymaking. Recent studies suggest that state policymaking increasingly responds to mass policy preferences, gradually shaping policy changes despite existing barriers. This underscores the importance of investigating public energy preferences. Given that energy preferences of the US citizens are significantly polarized due to ideological and identity-driven beliefs about the existence and severity of climate change, understanding these preferences becomes even more vital. While there is plenty of literature on the merits and challenges of energy efficiency as well as on public preferences for various energy policies, there remains a noticeable research gap in the understanding of the public's specific preferences for energy efficiency policies especially in the American West. This study addresses this gap through a survey of 1804 randomly selected respondents across California, Idaho, Oregon, and Washington. It broadens the scope beyond political ideology to explore how environmental values, social identities, and policy literacy are associated with public support for energy efficiency policies in building and agricultural sectors.

Knowledge co-production is a collaborative approach to research that seeks to enable transformative societal change and improve outcomes in natural resource management and sustainable development. Instituting knowledge co-production requires that researchers, decision-makers, and stakeholders be willing to work together towards shared goals. In the context of fisheries management, co-production represents a significant departure from the technocratic discourses and governance practices that have characterized decision-making for decades. Moreover, some fisheries contexts have been plagued by persistent and seemingly intractable epistemological conflicts between stakeholders and decision-makers. Such situations complicate the implementation of co-production and raise questions about the extent to which researchers can achieve the aims of co-production in situations of distrust, amenity, and entrenched positions. We use the case study of Northern Cod, a stock of Atlantic Cod (Gadus morhua) governance in Newfoundland and Labrador, Canada, a case of long-standing conflict between the regulator, fishers, Indigenous peoples, and industry parties, to explore whether and how co-production can enable collaborative research leading to “transformative societal change.” We find five factors complicating uptake of co-production in the governance of Northern Cod: (i) competing perspectives exist regarding the relative worth of different types of knowledge; (ii) links between epistemic preferences and interests; (iii) barriers related to access and inclusion in governance spaces; (iv) barriers related to institutional design; and, (v) conflict-ridden stakeholder relations. In a context of persistent epistemological conflict and distrust, we propose that knowledge co-production focus on diplomacy through science with an aim to repair relationships rather than produce new knowledge that can serve as evidence in decision-making as the primary goal of the co-production process.

Direct action by citizens has played a pivotal role in shaping environmental policies in the United States. However, several states have recently enacted legislation prohibiting protests at oil and gas project sites, thus undermining the historical legacy of free speech, the American environmental movement, and environmental justice. This study aims to elucidate the determinants influencing the adoption of bills that prohibit civic protests at oil and gas project sites. Existing policy adoption studies have paid limited attention to the impact of policy entrepreneurs and corporate lobbying on policy adoption. This study contributes to the public policy literature by examining the role of the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) and corporate political activities, and how their influence combines with other types of political pressure to influence the adoption of bills that outlaw protests at oil and gas sites (anti-protest bills) at the state level. Using event history analysis with Cox regression, we modeled the likelihood of adoption of anti-protest bills across 50 states from 2017 to 2021. Furthermore, to zoom in on a strategy employed by ALEC, we compared the similarity scores between the texts of ALEC model legislation and proposed anti-protest bills. This study found that the adoption of anti-protest bills is explained by the presence of ALEC-tied legislators, the composition of legislatures, gas production, and the oil and gas industry's contribution to the state economy. The influence of ALEC's model legislation in policy adoption, however, is not significant.

The remediation of nitrate and pesticide pollution from agriculture in drinking water resources has manifested itself as a complex and multifaceted challenge in Europe and in other continents. Addressing agricultural pollution in water resources requires cross-sectoral approaches. The EU Water Framework Directive aims to build bridges among these sectors, but the often sectoral implementation by Member States prevents its potential from being fully explored. This study aims to contribute to the body of interdisciplinary knowledge on the driving forces towards water quality improvement from agricultural pollution by case study research in five European countries in an interdisciplinary setting. The cases have shown that the added value of voluntary practices is considerable for creating shared ambitions but limited for actual water quality improvement. Implementation of strategies should be supported by practical guidance and monitoring of outcomes that enables compliance testing and refines simulation models for the formulation of follow-up actions. Dynamic interactions among the knowledge domains, for example, social-economic context, the legal framework, and the state of the water system, help to identify necessary actions at the different stages of the policy cycle. Especially in the implementation, monitoring, evaluation, and adaptation stage of the policy cycle, there is a need for further studies in order to improve effectiveness, for example on the role of monitoring and evaluation, licensing, and the issue of scale in cross-sectoral approaches.

This study considers how and why agricultural groundwater users would limit their own water consumption. We find that voluntary governance arrangements are based on a form of legitimacy that stems from informal social processes. Agricultural irrigation reform in Nebraska, U.S. took place after decades of collaboration in informal social settings; this background of decentralized rulemaking contributed to legitimizing extraction limits in times of water stress. The dimensions of social legitimacy are assessed through triangulation of interview data, integrated management plans, workshop facilitation, and recordings of legal proceedings related to the Natural Resources Districts in the state of Nebraska. These districts initially placed voluntary limits on extraction but evolved to sanction violators for over-consumption. Groundwater rules are accepted because they are set by publicly elected boards, leaders participate in a state-wide leadership training network, and the districts are granted rule-making authority by the state. Our results show that voluntary self-limiting behavior can form the basis for binding legal requirements. The legitimacy of polycentric governance stems from social acceptance, inclusive membership, a prior history of collaboration, and an understanding of rules. The rules themselves are context-specific and self-made. We summarize these elements in an evaluation framework to test whether and how authority in other polycentric groundwater governance arrangements is justified and accepted.

The Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) is an international NGO promoting sustainable forest management by setting standards and certifying timber as eco-friendly. After facing significant resistance from the Chilean forestry sector, which is plagued by environmental and territorial conflicts, FSC began certifying Chile's main forestry corporations in 2010. This article examines the implementation of FSC's standards by addressing two questions. First, how does FSC function in practice, including the roles of consultants, chambers, and instruments in the certification process? Second, what are the scope and limitations of FSC in achieving sustainable development and managing forestry industry conflicts? Elaborating on 24 interviews with key forestry stakeholders, ethnographic fieldwork, and documentary analysis, the findings indicate that FSC enhances management practices in the forestry industry by promoting legal compliance, rational production management, and improved relations between firms and local communities. FSC provides a green imaginary that ‘cleans up’ timber production as conflict-free, facilitating its free circulation in the international market. However, as a private governance system, FSC is based on an artificial consensus that has limitations such as power imbalances between firms and communities, limited sanctioning power, and close ties with large industry actors. This neoliberal form of governance fails to resolve structural problems between industry and indigenous communities, yet it creates strategic opportunities for mediating the relationships between actors. In Chile, FSC enables incomplete citizenship for communities and serves as a ‘soft regulation’ for firms, reducing the likelihood of increased State regulation in the forestry sector.

Laws aimed at tackling climate change problems have grown significantly in the last two decades. Following this global trend and under pressure from international institutions and lenders, both rich, oil exporting (i.e., major greenhouse gas [GHG] emitters) and poor, non-oil rich (i.e., mostly vulnerable nations with lower shares of emission) states in the Middle East and North Africa have hastened to adopt new laws and regulations to mitigate and/or adapt to climate change. The question remains, however, does the adoption of these laws have any measurable impact on these nations' climate change performance? That is, to what degree do these laws have an impact on greenhouse gas emissions or adaptation capacity and readiness? Utilizing a panel data of 660 country-year observations (22 countries over 30 years), our cross-national statistical analysis shows that while climate change laws seem to have an impact on GHG emissions, they have so far failed to boost these nations' adaptation capacity. Our case study shows that oil politics and basic development objectives seem to be the key to this failure.