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Wages, labour markets, and living standards in China, 1530–1840 中国的工资、劳动力市场和生活水平,1530-1840 年
IF 2.3 1区 历史学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-12-28 DOI: 10.1016/j.eeh.2023.101569
Ziang Liu

This article studies the long-term wage development in China between 1530 and 1840. In the long run, nominal wages moved in tandem with prices, but did not respond as quickly as the increase in prices. Real wages experienced two substantial falls between the 1620s-1650s and the 1740s-1760s, but remained relatively stable in the remainder of the period examined. Rural-urban wage disparities suggest that the agricultural sector, rather than urban industries, continued to absorb surplus labour. A comparison of wages in Lower Yangzi China and England suggests that the wage gap widens after 1700.

本文研究了 1530 年至 1840 年间中国的长期工资发展。从长期来看,名义工资与物价同步变动,但没有像物价上涨那样迅速做出反应。实际工资在 16 世纪 20 年代至 16 世纪 50 年代和 17 世纪 40 年代至 17 世纪 60 年代经历了两次大幅下降,但在所研究的其余时期保持相对稳定。城乡工资差异表明,农业部门而非城市工业继续吸收剩余劳动力。对中国长江下游地区和英国工资的比较表明,1700 年后工资差距拉大。
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引用次数: 0
Incomes and income inequality in Stockholm, 1870–1970: Evidence from micro data 斯德哥尔摩的收入与收入不平等,1870-1970 年:来自微观数据的证据
IF 2.3 1区 历史学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-12-08 DOI: 10.1016/j.eeh.2023.101568
Erik Bengtsson , Jakob Molinder

This paper analyzes incomes and income inequality in Stockholm from 1870 to 1970. The paper builds on a new dataset of 38,022 randomly sampled Stockholm residents 1870–1950, with information on income, occupation, age, gender, and household composition. This is complemented by the Census of 1930 and a Statistics Sweden sample for 1960 and 1970. Incomes were very unequally distributed between 1870 and 1920, with Gini coefficients of pre-tax income around sixty. After 1920 inequality fell quite steadily. A drop in capital incomes contributed, and when looking at post-tax incomes the growth of progressive taxation after 1930 also contributed, but most of the high inequality up to 1920 and equalization after this date depended on the distribution of labour income. In the early 1900s professional groups had huge income advantages over workers, but this advantage was drastically reduced after 1920 when working-class incomes grew rapidly. An important mechanism of income growth was the upgrading of the jobs structure, highlighting the importance of structural change, beyond the Kuznetsian binary of agriculture–manufacturing, for understanding long-run economic inequality.

本文分析了 1870-1970 年间斯德哥尔摩的收入和收入不平等情况。本文以一个新的数据集为基础,该数据集包含了 1870-1950 年间随机抽样的 38022 名斯德哥尔摩居民的收入、职业、年龄、性别和家庭组成信息。1930 年的人口普查以及瑞典统计局 1960 年和 1970 年的抽样调查对此进行了补充。1870 年至 1920 年间,收入分配非常不均,税前收入的基尼系数约为 60。1920 年后,不平等程度稳步下降。资本收入的下降是原因之一,1930 年后累进税的增长也是税后收入下降的原因之一,但 1920 年前的严重不平等和 1920 年后的平等主要取决于劳动收入的分配。在 20 世纪初,专业群体的收入比工人高出很多,但在 1920 年后,工人阶级的收入迅速增长,这种优势被大幅削弱。收入增长的一个重要机制是就业结构的升级,这凸显了结构变化(超越库兹涅茨的农业-制造业二元结构)对于理解长期经济不平等的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Moderate opulence: the evolution of wealth inequality in Mexico in its first century of independence 适度富裕:墨西哥独立后第一个世纪财富不平等的演变。
IF 2.3 1区 历史学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-11-27 DOI: 10.1016/j.eeh.2023.101567
Diego Castañeda Garza

This article presents the first complete 19th-century reconstruction of the Mexican wealth distribution, from independence to the Mexican Revolution. It uses an often underutilized source in Mexican historiography: will inventories/protocols. In addition, the present article estimates the levels and trends of historical wealth inequality using five different methods, among them the application of the properties of two theoretical parametric distributions to the measurement of historical inequality. The dynamics of wealth inequality in 19th century Mexico were dominated by the top 1% and the middle 40% of the wealth distribution; meanwhile, the top 10% and bottom 50% demonstrate remarkable stability. This article makes significant contributions through two primary avenues: firstly, the reconstruction of historical wealth inequality, and secondly, the analysis of historical developments in the context of their potential impact on the distribution of wealth within a dynamic political economy environment.

N36, D31, I32, H20.

本文首次完整地再现了19世纪墨西哥从独立到墨西哥革命时期的财富分配状况。它使用了墨西哥史学中经常未被充分利用的资源:将清单/协议。此外,本文使用五种不同的方法估计了历史财富不平等的水平和趋势,其中包括应用两个理论参数分布的性质来测量历史不平等。19世纪墨西哥财富不平等的动态是由财富分配中最富有的1%和中间40%的人主导的;与此同时,收入最高的10%和收入最低的50%表现出了显著的稳定性。本文通过两个主要途径做出了重大贡献:首先,重建历史上的财富不平等,其次,在动态的政治经济环境中分析历史发展对财富分配的潜在影响。N36 d31 i32 h20。
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引用次数: 0
The political economy of assisted immigration: Australia 1860–1913 协助移民的政治经济:澳大利亚1860-1913
IF 2.3 1区 历史学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-11-17 DOI: 10.1016/j.eeh.2023.101565
Timothy J. Hatton

From 1860 to 1913 the six colonies that became states of Australia strove to attract migrants from the UK with a variety of assisted passages. The colonies/states shared a common culture and sought migrants from a common source, the UK, but set policy independently of each other. This experience provides a unique opportunity to examine the formation of assisted immigration policies. Using a panel of colonies/states over the years 1862 to 1913 I investigate the association between measures of policy activism and a range of economic and political variables. Assisted migration policies were positively linked with government budget surpluses and local economic prosperity. They were also associated with political participation including the widening of the franchise and remuneration of members of parliament. While the reduction in travel time to Australia reduced the need for assisted migration, slumps in the UK increased the take-up of assisted passages.

从1860年到1913年,成为澳大利亚各州的六个殖民地通过各种辅助通道努力吸引来自英国的移民。殖民地/国家拥有共同的文化,并从一个共同的来源——英国——寻求移民,但各自制定独立的政策。这一经验为审查协助移民政策的形成提供了一个独特的机会。通过对1862年至1913年间的殖民地/州的调查,我研究了政策激进主义措施与一系列经济和政治变量之间的关系。援助移民政策与政府预算盈余和地方经济繁荣呈正相关。它们还与政治参与有关,包括扩大国会议员的选举权和报酬。虽然前往澳大利亚旅行时间的减少减少了对辅助移民的需求,但英国的经济衰退增加了对辅助通道的接受。
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引用次数: 0
Male and female self-selection during the Portuguese mass migration, 1885–1930 葡萄牙大规模移民期间的男性和女性自我选择,1885年至1930年
IF 2.3 1区 历史学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1016/j.eeh.2023.101555
Martín Fernández, Gaspare Tortorici

This paper analyzes migrant self-selection from Portugal between 1885 and 1930 for both men and women. Leveraging newly digitized data on migrants’ characteristics across districts and literacy as a selection indicator, we document that self-selection was positive over the entire period but varied markedly across space and time. In some districts, migrants’ literacy was similar to the general population, while in others over three times as large. In line with models of household migration, selection was significantly lower among migrant women, who were more likely to be tied movers. Our econometric analyses show a large negative relationship between migrant flows and self-selection, notably among men. We also find that the vintage of networks mattered differently by gender: male self-selection was more responsive to recent flows, while female self-selection was mostly influenced by past flows.

本文分析了1885年至1930年间来自葡萄牙的男性和女性移民的自我选择。利用关于各地区移民特征和识字率的最新数字化数据作为选择指标,我们记录了整个时期的自我选择是积极的,但在空间和时间上差异显著。在一些地区,移民的识字率与普通人口相似,而在另一些地区则是普通人口的三倍多。与家庭移民模式一致,移民妇女的选择率明显较低,她们更有可能成为捆绑搬家者。我们的经济计量分析显示,移民流动与自我选择之间存在很大的负相关关系,尤其是在男性中。我们还发现,网络的年份因性别而异:男性的自我选择对最近的流量更有反应,而女性的自我选择主要受过去流量的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Unintended consequences: International trade shocks and electoral outcomes during the Second Spanish Republic, 1931–1936 意外后果:1931-1936年西班牙第二共和国时期的国际贸易冲击和选举结果
IF 2.3 1区 历史学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-11-04 DOI: 10.1016/j.eeh.2023.101556
Concepción Betrán , Michael Huberman

An intractable domestic conflict between forces on the right and the left roiled the Second Spanish Republic. We claim that international trade shocks exacerbated political instability. Leveraging an exposure design and disaggregated trade and employment data, we study the effects of import and export exposure on vote shares of parties and coalitions in the Republic's three elections, 1931, 1933, and 1936. An increase in import exposure had a modest effect on election outcomes. The primary vector of change was the disruption in export markets caused by the world depression and discriminatory trade practices, most importantly the United Kingdom's adoption of imperial preference. Trade dislocation harmed the left and benefitted the right. If trade had remained at 1928 levels, our projections show that the Popular Front would have gained a clear and comfortable majority in the decisive 1936 election.

右翼和左翼势力之间棘手的国内冲突搅乱了西班牙第二共和国(1931-1939)。我们声称,国际贸易冲击加剧了政治不稳定。利用暴露设计和分类的贸易和就业数据,我们研究了1931年、1933年和1936年共和国三次选举中进出口暴露对政党和联盟选票份额的影响。进口敞口的增加对选举结果的影响不大。变化的主要载体是世界大萧条和歧视性贸易做法造成的出口市场混乱,最重要的是联合王国采用了帝国优惠。贸易错位对左派不利,对右派有利。如果贸易保持在1928年的水平,我们的预测表明,人民阵线将在1936年决定性的选举中获得明显而舒适的多数。
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引用次数: 0
Inland Bills of Exchange: Private Money Production without Banks+ 内陆汇票:没有银行的私人货币生产+
IF 2.3 1区 历史学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-11-03 DOI: 10.1016/j.eeh.2023.101547
Gary Gorton

I study a sample of 482 English inland bills of exchange (where all parties to the bill were in England) during the period 1762-1850. Inland bills were used as a medium of exchange during the Industrial Revolution in the north of England. During this period, they circulated via indorsements, committing each indorser's personal wealth to back the bill. The number of endorsements is a measure of the liquidity/velocity of the bills. I ask what bill characteristics are associated with greater velocity. I also investigate whether bills backed by banks and others backed only by the joint liability of indorsers had different velocities. Bank-backed bills were more liquid than nonbank-backed bills, consistent with the Dang, Gorton, and Holmström (2018) (DGH) theory that the optimal design of private money is debt backed by debt.

我研究了1762-1850年期间482张英国内陆汇票(汇票的所有当事人都在英国)的样本。在英格兰北部的工业革命期间,内陆票据被用作交换媒介。在此期间,它们通过背书流通,承诺每个背书人的个人财富来支持票据。背书数量是衡量票据流动性/流通速度的指标。我问纸币的哪些特征与更高的速度有关。我还调查了由银行支持的票据和仅由背书人连带责任支持的其他票据是否具有不同的速度。银行支持票据比非银行支持票据更具流动性,这与Dang、Gorton和Holmström(2018)(DGH)的理论一致,即私人货币的最佳设计是债务支持的债务。
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引用次数: 0
The economic impact of social distancing: Evidence from state-collected data during the 1918 influenza pandemic 保持社会距离的经济影响:来自1918年流感大流行期间国家收集数据的证据
IF 2.3 1区 历史学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.eeh.2023.101531
Benjamin Bridgman , Ryan Greenaway-McGrevy

What are the long-run economic impacts of the policy responses to control pandemics? We investigate this question by exploiting state-collected data spanning one of the most consequential global pandemics in centuries, the 1918 influenza pandemic. Specifically, we use a difference-in-differences framework to examine the effects of non-pharmaceutical interventions (NPIs), ultimately finding no long-run impact of NPIs on employment, positive or negative. Employment trends prior to 1918 suggest that World War One is an important confounding factor in analyses of the pandemic, since cities with tighter NPIs grew rapidly between 1914 and 1918. We identify new control variables that account for war production and find that social distancing did not have long run employment impacts. The evidence underscores the importance of accounting for confounding economic and policy factors for understanding the impact of pandemics on economic outcomes.

控制流行病的政策应对措施的长期经济影响是什么?我们通过利用国家收集的数据来调查这个问题,这些数据涵盖了几个世纪以来最重要的全球流行病之一,1918年流感大流行。具体而言,我们使用差异中的差异框架来检验非药物干预(NPI)的影响,最终没有发现NPI对就业的长期影响,无论是积极的还是消极的。1918年之前的就业趋势表明,第一次世界大战是疫情分析中的一个重要混淆因素,因为NPI更严格的城市在1914年至1918年间迅速增长。我们确定了解释战争生产的新控制变量,并发现保持社交距离并没有对就业产生长期影响。这些证据强调了解释混淆的经济和政策因素对于理解流行病对经济结果的影响的重要性。
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引用次数: 1
Politics and eminent domain: Evidence from the 1879 California constitution 政治与征用权:来自1879年加州宪法的证据
IF 2.3 1区 历史学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.eeh.2023.101546
Mark Kanazawa

This paper explores the politics of eminent domain, using a specific historical episode: the enactment of the new California constitution in 1879. It presents evidence that the failure of a constitutional provision that would have codified eminent domain powers for water development resulted from a complex interchange of economic interests among farmers, miners, and urban residents. This evidence was manifested in delegate behavior on the floor of the constitutional convention in 1878, including various roll-call votes, which are subjected to an econometric analysis. The results have implications for the interpretation of legislative eminent domain decisions, and the degree to which economic development processes are shaped by the institutional environment in which they occur.

本文探讨了征用权的政治,使用一个特定的历史事件:1879年新加州宪法的颁布。它提供的证据表明,由于农民、矿工和城市居民之间复杂的经济利益交换,宪法条款未能将水资源开发的土地征用权编入法律。这一证据体现在1878年制宪会议上代表们的行为上,包括各种唱名表决,这些都是计量经济学分析的对象。研究结果影响了对立法领域决定的解释,以及经济发展过程在多大程度上受其发生的制度环境的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Land rights in historical Vietnam: Theory and evidence 历史上越南的土地权利:理论与证据
IF 2.3 1区 历史学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.eeh.2023.101551
Hoang-Anh Ho

I develop a theory to study the determination of land rights in precolonial Vietnam, in which the state uses restrictive land rights to tie landless peasants to their land, in order to collect head taxes and enforce unpaid labor services and military conscription. Using a unique national land registry in nineteenth-century Vietnam, I find suggestive evidence supporting a hypothesis that higher population density is associated with lower prevalence of private land rights. The experience of historical Vietnam stands in contrast to the standard prediction that private land rights should become more widespread when population density increases and land becomes more valuable. A comparison with the enclosure movement in premodern England provides useful lessons on the development of private land rights in an agricultural economy.

我发展了一种理论来研究前殖民时期越南土地权利的确定,在越南,国家使用限制性土地权利将无地农民束缚在他们的土地上,以征收人头税和强制执行无偿劳动服务和征兵。利用19世纪越南独特的国家土地登记,我发现了暗含性的证据,支持一个假设,即较高的人口密度与较低的私有土地权利流行率有关。历史上越南的经验与标准预测相反,即当人口密度增加、土地变得更有价值时,私人土地权利应该变得更广泛。将其与前现代英国的圈地运动进行比较,可以为农业经济中私有土地权利的发展提供有益的借鉴。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Explorations in Economic History
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