Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2022.2040225
C. Castel-Branco
ABSTRACT This article critically analyses the political economy dynamics and trajectory of the mode of capital accumulation in post-independence Mozambique, focusing on the capitalist restructuring that followed the adoption of the Washington Consensus from the late 1980s. The article highlights the main structural characteristics, dynamics and tensions in the economy, the relationships and conflicts that explain why they reproduce and expand, what makes them change and the nature of the crises that emerge. The historical logic of the mode of capital accumulation is explored focusing on the historically built and class-structured conditions of capital accumulation, highlighting linkagency, which is the dynamic relationship between agents and linkages. The historically specific traits of the mode of accumulation in Mozambique are derived from the structures of accumulation and class struggle conditions, both domestic and international. The argument is that the recent trajectory of the Mozambican economy was not inevitable, and that it can be logically understood and derived from the existing historical conditions of accumulation. Understanding this historical logic enables us to articulate socially transformative actions which are drawn from the objective and concrete analysis of the mode of accumulation and its contradictions, countering idealistic perspectives in political economy.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2022.2047297
C. Castel-Branco, E. Greco
Over two decades, in the 1990s and 2000s, international organisations, development cooperation agencies, financial institutions and the media often described the Mozambican economic, social and political trajectory as a ‘miracle’. Hailed as the ‘rising star’ of Africa in 2005 by the New York Times (2005) and by The Economist, the country has long been praised by neoliberal institutions as a model reformer, open and attractive to foreign direct investment (FDI), and for its high rates of economic growth, soaring primary commodity exports and one-digit inflation. While a milder version of this image of a Mozambican ‘miracle’ persisted throughout the 2010s, it started to clash with the reality of worsening inequality, poverty and crisis in social reproduction, as well as the emergence of the first clear signs of a debt crisis yet to come. In the main cities, violent riots triggered by rising costs of basic wage goods and services, over and above average inflation, erupted in February 2008 and again in September 2010. In September 2010, The Economist described these riots as the revolt of the ‘angry poor’, which did not deter international financial think tanks and media from continuing to emphasise the Mozambican ‘miracle’ (The Economist 2010). The country saw the contradiction of worsening poverty, high aid dependency and inequality at the same time as it was being described by the Financial Times as ‘at the centre of unprecedented international investor attention’ (Financial Times 2012, 2010). In May 2014, in her speech to the Africa Rising conference held in Maputo, IMF Managing Director Christine Lagarde highlighted Mozambique’s impressive performance with respect to economic growth as being the result of decades of institution building and sound macroeconomic management, which justified the IMF’s formal permission for Mozambique to obtain new loans on non-concessional terms (Orre and Rønning 2017). Two years later, in 2016, The Economist highlighted the country’s soaring sovereign debt in a context of increasing FDI and aid inflows, and the creditworthiness of the Mozambican economy was downgraded by credit rating agencies from stable average, where it had been from 2003 to 2015, to severe risk of default (Castel-Branco 2020). How can we make sense of this somehow contradictory information? Is Mozambique a ‘miracle’ or a ‘mirage’? International commentators exposed some of the paradoxes and contradictions that characterise the crisis of capital accumulation and social reproduction in Mozambique, but they could not understand its systemic nature, the dialectic relationship between expansion and crises in the mode of capital accumulation in Mozambique or, as Marx and Engels (1969 [1848]) would have put it, the class-structured, historically built systemic contradictions of capitalism in Mozambique. The country reproduces the patterns of specialisation and surplus-value production inherited from colonialism and the emerging speculative financialis
{"title":"Mozambique – neither miracle nor mirage","authors":"C. Castel-Branco, E. Greco","doi":"10.1080/03056244.2022.2047297","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2022.2047297","url":null,"abstract":"Over two decades, in the 1990s and 2000s, international organisations, development cooperation agencies, financial institutions and the media often described the Mozambican economic, social and political trajectory as a ‘miracle’. Hailed as the ‘rising star’ of Africa in 2005 by the New York Times (2005) and by The Economist, the country has long been praised by neoliberal institutions as a model reformer, open and attractive to foreign direct investment (FDI), and for its high rates of economic growth, soaring primary commodity exports and one-digit inflation. While a milder version of this image of a Mozambican ‘miracle’ persisted throughout the 2010s, it started to clash with the reality of worsening inequality, poverty and crisis in social reproduction, as well as the emergence of the first clear signs of a debt crisis yet to come. In the main cities, violent riots triggered by rising costs of basic wage goods and services, over and above average inflation, erupted in February 2008 and again in September 2010. In September 2010, The Economist described these riots as the revolt of the ‘angry poor’, which did not deter international financial think tanks and media from continuing to emphasise the Mozambican ‘miracle’ (The Economist 2010). The country saw the contradiction of worsening poverty, high aid dependency and inequality at the same time as it was being described by the Financial Times as ‘at the centre of unprecedented international investor attention’ (Financial Times 2012, 2010). In May 2014, in her speech to the Africa Rising conference held in Maputo, IMF Managing Director Christine Lagarde highlighted Mozambique’s impressive performance with respect to economic growth as being the result of decades of institution building and sound macroeconomic management, which justified the IMF’s formal permission for Mozambique to obtain new loans on non-concessional terms (Orre and Rønning 2017). Two years later, in 2016, The Economist highlighted the country’s soaring sovereign debt in a context of increasing FDI and aid inflows, and the creditworthiness of the Mozambican economy was downgraded by credit rating agencies from stable average, where it had been from 2003 to 2015, to severe risk of default (Castel-Branco 2020). How can we make sense of this somehow contradictory information? Is Mozambique a ‘miracle’ or a ‘mirage’? International commentators exposed some of the paradoxes and contradictions that characterise the crisis of capital accumulation and social reproduction in Mozambique, but they could not understand its systemic nature, the dialectic relationship between expansion and crises in the mode of capital accumulation in Mozambique or, as Marx and Engels (1969 [1848]) would have put it, the class-structured, historically built systemic contradictions of capitalism in Mozambique. The country reproduces the patterns of specialisation and surplus-value production inherited from colonialism and the emerging speculative financialis","PeriodicalId":47526,"journal":{"name":"Review of African Political Economy","volume":"49 1","pages":"1 - 10"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48386423","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2022.2033521
P. Roelofs
ABSTRACT In this 2019 reboot of his collection of essays from the 1970s, Gavin Williams traces the lingering the impact of colonialism and international capital on Nigeria’s political economy, the shaky development of an indigenous industrial class and the changing role of the state in national development. However, reading the book, it is not clear what such an analysis is for. Is it intended as a diagnosis? An indictment? Williams leftist commitments are clear, but amid the painstaking analysis one can ask: what is the point of studying politics? In this review article the author unpicks Williams’ at times contradictory answers to this question and argues that the book demonstrates the relevance of mid twentieth-century Nigerian politics to readers today. She poses the question of how we can navigate the possibility and risks of newly volatile twenty-first-century politics, unchained as it is from the liberal orthodoxy of the past 40 years.
{"title":"The death of political possibility? Reading State and society in Nigeria 40 years on","authors":"P. Roelofs","doi":"10.1080/03056244.2022.2033521","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2022.2033521","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this 2019 reboot of his collection of essays from the 1970s, Gavin Williams traces the lingering the impact of colonialism and international capital on Nigeria’s political economy, the shaky development of an indigenous industrial class and the changing role of the state in national development. However, reading the book, it is not clear what such an analysis is for. Is it intended as a diagnosis? An indictment? Williams leftist commitments are clear, but amid the painstaking analysis one can ask: what is the point of studying politics? In this review article the author unpicks Williams’ at times contradictory answers to this question and argues that the book demonstrates the relevance of mid twentieth-century Nigerian politics to readers today. She poses the question of how we can navigate the possibility and risks of newly volatile twenty-first-century politics, unchained as it is from the liberal orthodoxy of the past 40 years.","PeriodicalId":47526,"journal":{"name":"Review of African Political Economy","volume":"49 1","pages":"184 - 191"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48421824","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2022.2047304
Leo Zeilig
In this section of the journal, we aim to give readers of the print journal a picture of what has been published on Roape.net over the last few months, and invite you to connect and follow the articles, blogposts, authors and debates online. Details of all the blogposts referred to here are in the reference list at the end. We warmly invite all our readers to sign up to the Roape.net newsletter by entering their email address at the top of the home page of the website.
{"title":"Connecting people and voices for radical change in Africa","authors":"Leo Zeilig","doi":"10.1080/03056244.2022.2047304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2022.2047304","url":null,"abstract":"In this section of the journal, we aim to give readers of the print journal a picture of what has been published on Roape.net over the last few months, and invite you to connect and follow the articles, blogposts, authors and debates online. Details of all the blogposts referred to here are in the reference list at the end. We warmly invite all our readers to sign up to the Roape.net newsletter by entering their email address at the top of the home page of the website.","PeriodicalId":47526,"journal":{"name":"Review of African Political Economy","volume":"49 1","pages":"197 - 199"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46935513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2022.2049143
C. Castel-Branco, D. Maia
ABSTRACT The article argues that the historical conditions under which national capitalism developed in post-independence Mozambique pushed the economy towards growing financialisation and narrower specialisation of production around increasingly basic and simple activities. In post-independence Mozambique, national capitalism rose from the ashes of state-centred accumulation built around the dominant social structures of production inherited from colonialism, under the impulse of neoliberal economic reforms and heavy dependency on inflows of private international finance. The speculative dynamics of accumulation prevented diversification and more complex industrialisation which, in turn, reinforced the role of financialisation as a means to and form of accumulation of capital. The paper argues that changing these dynamics of accumulation requires conscious industrial strategies focused on diversification and articulation of production, which cannot be achieved without challenging the extractive mode of accumulation and the power relationships associated with it.
{"title":"Financialisation, narrow specialisation of production and capital accumulation in Mozambique","authors":"C. Castel-Branco, D. Maia","doi":"10.1080/03056244.2022.2049143","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2022.2049143","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article argues that the historical conditions under which national capitalism developed in post-independence Mozambique pushed the economy towards growing financialisation and narrower specialisation of production around increasingly basic and simple activities. In post-independence Mozambique, national capitalism rose from the ashes of state-centred accumulation built around the dominant social structures of production inherited from colonialism, under the impulse of neoliberal economic reforms and heavy dependency on inflows of private international finance. The speculative dynamics of accumulation prevented diversification and more complex industrialisation which, in turn, reinforced the role of financialisation as a means to and form of accumulation of capital. The paper argues that changing these dynamics of accumulation requires conscious industrial strategies focused on diversification and articulation of production, which cannot be achieved without challenging the extractive mode of accumulation and the power relationships associated with it.","PeriodicalId":47526,"journal":{"name":"Review of African Political Economy","volume":"49 1","pages":"46 - 66"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48462573","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-26DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2021.1996344
O. Ajala
ABSTRACT Despite the rising academic scholarship on democracy, particularly the role played by social movements in entrenching democracy in Africa, few studies have explored the transformation of social movements after they have achieved (or come close to achieving) their stated goals. Using a case study of the Oodua Peoples Congress in Nigeria, this study argues that social movements in Africa lack the capacity to transform and often become partisan or disintegrate. The study concludes that the unique characteristics of African politics, coupled with the inability of social movements to maintain public support after initial gains, eventually weaken the movements.
{"title":"Evolution and decline: transformation of social movements in Nigeria","authors":"O. Ajala","doi":"10.1080/03056244.2021.1996344","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2021.1996344","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Despite the rising academic scholarship on democracy, particularly the role played by social movements in entrenching democracy in Africa, few studies have explored the transformation of social movements after they have achieved (or come close to achieving) their stated goals. Using a case study of the Oodua Peoples Congress in Nigeria, this study argues that social movements in Africa lack the capacity to transform and often become partisan or disintegrate. The study concludes that the unique characteristics of African politics, coupled with the inability of social movements to maintain public support after initial gains, eventually weaken the movements.","PeriodicalId":47526,"journal":{"name":"Review of African Political Economy","volume":"49 1","pages":"246 - 263"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49065596","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-18DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2022.1990624
Rosimina Ali, S. Stevano
ABSTRACT This article discusses the tensions between job creation and employment quality in the system of accumulation in Mozambique. Addressing job quality is central because Mozambique’s economic structure has mostly failed to generate stable work and pay and dignified working conditions. However, this is neglected in the mainstream view of labour markets, which is dominated by dualisms and limited by its blind spot regarding social reproduction. The authors follow a political economy approach informed by a social reproduction lens and draw on original primary evidence on agro-industries. They argue that low-quality jobs reflect the current mode of organisation of production, in which companies’ profitability depends on access to cheap and disposable labour and relies on workers’ ability to engage in multiple, interdependent paid and unpaid forms of work to sustain themselves. Unless the co-constitutive interrelations between production and reproduction are understood and addressed, the fragmentation of livelihoods will intensify the social system crisis.
{"title":"Work in agro-industry and the social reproduction of labour in Mozambique: contradictions in the current accumulation system","authors":"Rosimina Ali, S. Stevano","doi":"10.1080/03056244.2022.1990624","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2022.1990624","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article discusses the tensions between job creation and employment quality in the system of accumulation in Mozambique. Addressing job quality is central because Mozambique’s economic structure has mostly failed to generate stable work and pay and dignified working conditions. However, this is neglected in the mainstream view of labour markets, which is dominated by dualisms and limited by its blind spot regarding social reproduction. The authors follow a political economy approach informed by a social reproduction lens and draw on original primary evidence on agro-industries. They argue that low-quality jobs reflect the current mode of organisation of production, in which companies’ profitability depends on access to cheap and disposable labour and relies on workers’ ability to engage in multiple, interdependent paid and unpaid forms of work to sustain themselves. Unless the co-constitutive interrelations between production and reproduction are understood and addressed, the fragmentation of livelihoods will intensify the social system crisis.","PeriodicalId":47526,"journal":{"name":"Review of African Political Economy","volume":"49 1","pages":"67 - 86"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43645975","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-10DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2021.1998987
Mohamed Chamekh
{"title":"Postcolonial security: Britain, France, and West Africa’s Cold War","authors":"Mohamed Chamekh","doi":"10.1080/03056244.2021.1998987","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2021.1998987","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47526,"journal":{"name":"Review of African Political Economy","volume":"49 1","pages":"192 - 194"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42800915","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2021.1998768
V. Iwuoha
ABSTRACT This research adopts qualitative method and patron–client analysis to underscore the political economy of oil block allocation, development and receipts/remittances in Nigeria. It contests Wilson’s (1961) and Scott’s (1972) claims on the superiority of the patron over clients, and argues that ‘clients’ in Nigeria (indigenous oil block awardees) maintain some degree of control over the patron (ruling elite), enjoy more economic returns/oil rents, and possess some leverage over the patrons’ decision-making power. The ruling elite’s personalisation of oil block allocation/rents results in poor development of the upstream oil sector by ‘clients’, defaults in oil remittances and a consistent decline in oil production. The author recommends that the bidding process for oil block allocation be carried out in a more transparent and competitive manner.
{"title":"Rethinking the ‘patron–client’ politics of oil block allocation, development and remittances in Nigeria","authors":"V. Iwuoha","doi":"10.1080/03056244.2021.1998768","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2021.1998768","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This research adopts qualitative method and patron–client analysis to underscore the political economy of oil block allocation, development and receipts/remittances in Nigeria. It contests Wilson’s (1961) and Scott’s (1972) claims on the superiority of the patron over clients, and argues that ‘clients’ in Nigeria (indigenous oil block awardees) maintain some degree of control over the patron (ruling elite), enjoy more economic returns/oil rents, and possess some leverage over the patrons’ decision-making power. The ruling elite’s personalisation of oil block allocation/rents results in poor development of the upstream oil sector by ‘clients’, defaults in oil remittances and a consistent decline in oil production. The author recommends that the bidding process for oil block allocation be carried out in a more transparent and competitive manner.","PeriodicalId":47526,"journal":{"name":"Review of African Political Economy","volume":"48 1","pages":"552 - 580"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42802862","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2021.1987209
M. Evans
SUMMARY Critical scholarship on transitional justice, in Africa and globally, has drawn attention both to limits of liberalism and legalism (such as inattention to structural injustices) and to normatively more expansive – transformative, and even revolutionary – approaches to justice. Focusing particularly on South Africa, this debate piece considers the roles of liberal property relations and conceptions of the rule of law in producing and maintaining injustices related to land and property in (post-)transitional societies in Africa and beyond. Moreover, the extent to which transitional justice might contribute to revolutionary aspirations of overcoming capitalist social and economic relations (as espoused, at least rhetorically, by liberation movements throughout Africa) is considered. It is suggested that while this is unlikely, non-reformist reforms offer one avenue by which more expansive (transformative or revolutionary) goals might be pursued, in part, in and through transitional justice.
{"title":"Land and the limits of liberal legalism: property, transitional justice and non-reformist reforms in post-apartheid South Africa","authors":"M. Evans","doi":"10.1080/03056244.2021.1987209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2021.1987209","url":null,"abstract":"SUMMARY Critical scholarship on transitional justice, in Africa and globally, has drawn attention both to limits of liberalism and legalism (such as inattention to structural injustices) and to normatively more expansive – transformative, and even revolutionary – approaches to justice. Focusing particularly on South Africa, this debate piece considers the roles of liberal property relations and conceptions of the rule of law in producing and maintaining injustices related to land and property in (post-)transitional societies in Africa and beyond. Moreover, the extent to which transitional justice might contribute to revolutionary aspirations of overcoming capitalist social and economic relations (as espoused, at least rhetorically, by liberation movements throughout Africa) is considered. It is suggested that while this is unlikely, non-reformist reforms offer one avenue by which more expansive (transformative or revolutionary) goals might be pursued, in part, in and through transitional justice.","PeriodicalId":47526,"journal":{"name":"Review of African Political Economy","volume":"48 1","pages":"646 - 655"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49602299","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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