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Book Review: Accidental Feminism: Gender Parity and Selective Mobility Among India’s Professional Elite 书评:偶然的女权主义:印度职业精英中的性别平等和选择性流动
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-28 DOI: 10.1177/00016993221098960
Megan Tobias Neely
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引用次数: 0
Towards a renewed understanding of barriers to immigrant parents’ involvement in education 重新理解移民父母参与教育的障碍
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-28 DOI: 10.1177/00016993221110870
Josefine Jahreie
This article investigates Danish and Norwegian early childhood education and care teachers’ expectations of immigrant parents’ involvement in kindergarten. The findings are interpreted in terms of the multifaceted interplay between social class relations, culture, migration and hegemonic ideals of intensive parenting and concerted cultivation. By taking the early childhood education and care teachers’ standpoint, the article contributes a renewed understanding of previous reports of barriers to immigrant parents’ involvement in their children's education. Based on early childhood education and care teachers’ accounts, I identify three key tensions: (1) conflicting perceptions of responsibility, (2) conflicting perceptions of children's roles and how to communicate with children and (3) conflicting perceptions of what kindergarten is and what constitutes valuable knowledge. The findings suggest the existence of a distinct Nordic adaptation to intensive parenting, contradicting parts of the dominant understandings of concerted cultivation found in more school-oriented curricular contexts, such as the UK and France, while still maintaining the original key characteristics of concerted cultivation.
本研究探讨了丹麦和挪威的幼儿教育和保育教师对移民父母参与幼儿园的期望。这些发现被解释为社会阶级关系、文化、移民和强化育儿和协调培养的霸权理想之间的多方面相互作用。本文从幼儿教育和幼儿护理教师的角度出发,对先前有关移民父母参与子女教育的障碍的报道有了新的认识。根据幼儿教育和保育教师的描述,我确定了三个关键的紧张关系:(1)对责任的冲突看法;(2)对儿童角色和如何与儿童沟通的冲突看法;(3)对幼儿园是什么以及什么构成有价值的知识的冲突看法。研究结果表明,北欧人对强化教育的适应是独特的,这与英国和法国等以学校为导向的课程环境中对协调培养的部分主流理解相矛盾,同时仍保持了协调培养的原始关键特征。
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引用次数: 1
Book Review: Post-Democracy: After the Crises 书评:后民主:危机之后
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-19 DOI: 10.1177/00016993221108485
Alon Helled
for prisoners and the homeless, lax hygiene standards, crowded living conditions, and uneven testing amplify the pandemic’s adverse impact. Chapters 7 through 10 discuss the interaction between the pandemic and social inequalities by focusing on culture, education, digital inequality, and political ideology. In many Asian countries, wearing masks is commonly accepted, contrary to the opposition to masks in many Western cultures. This might explain why COVID-19 spread more rapidly in the USA than in Asia. The relationship between culture and pandemics is complex; even more complex is the relationship between pandemics and politics. At the beginning of the pandemic, politicians focused mainly on government spending, elections, and international aid, but as the pandemic progressed, wearing masks, safe voting practices and vaccines became political issues. The most intense education-related debate centered on the question of whether schools should be closed and shifted to remote learning. The answer related to whether schools could implement basic safety measures, had sufficient funding for testing and prevention supplies, and could estimate the risk of virus transmission promptly. Shutting down classroom teaching seemed the safest bet, but that exacerbated the digital divide problem. Computer and internet access is not only for the privileged in developing countries, but even in the UK, more than 600,000 children did not have internet access at home at the beginning of the pandemic. Apart from education, the digital division also affects employment, entertainment, medical care, food delivery, online shopping, information, and social relationships. The remaining three chapters point to how we can work toward a better future by focusing on issues of inequality. Chapter 11 highlights that the COVID-19 outbreak shows that we cannot ignore environmental protection. Chapter 12 illustrates that vaccination plays a crucial role in helping the world to “move on.” However, unequal distribution among countries, vaccination hesitation and resistance among some groups, and less effectiveness of existing vaccines against mutated viruses undermine the impact of vaccination. Chapter 13 focuses on what the authors believe is “a unique opportunity for humanity to rethink, and rebuild, our societies” (p. 160), for the pandemic has made otherwise hidden inequalities visible. This book is well organized and demonstrates that COVID-19 has made an already unequal world more unequal and created new disparities by comprehensively explicating the interactions between the pandemic and the economy, culture, education, politics, and the environment. It is a valuable resource for scholars and students interested in the impact of COVID-19 by bringing together a wealth of cutting-edge information and research. The authors call for moving forward but readers might expect to see more specific recommendations of how to do so. However, this slight regret does not detract from the book
对于囚犯和无家可归者来说,宽松的卫生标准、拥挤的生活条件和不均衡的检测加剧了疫情的不利影响。第7章至第10章通过关注文化、教育、数字不平等和政治意识形态,讨论了疫情与社会不平等之间的互动。在许多亚洲国家,戴口罩被普遍接受,这与许多西方文化中反对戴口罩的做法相反。这也许可以解释为什么新冠肺炎在美国的传播速度比在亚洲更快。文化与流行病之间的关系是复杂的;更为复杂的是流行病与政治之间的关系。在疫情开始时,政客们主要关注政府支出、选举和国际援助,但随着疫情的发展,戴口罩、安全投票和疫苗成为了政治问题。最激烈的教育相关辩论集中在学校是否应该关闭并转向远程学习的问题上。答案涉及学校是否能够实施基本的安全措施,是否有足够的资金用于检测和预防用品,是否能够及时估计病毒传播的风险。关闭课堂教学似乎是最安全的选择,但这加剧了数字鸿沟问题。计算机和互联网接入不仅是发展中国家的特权阶层,即使在英国,在疫情开始时,也有60多万儿童在家里无法接入互联网。除了教育,数字部门还影响就业、娱乐、医疗、送餐、网上购物、信息和社会关系。剩下的三章指出了我们如何通过关注不平等问题来实现更美好的未来。第11章强调,新冠肺炎疫情表明,我们不能忽视环境保护。第12章表明,疫苗接种在帮助世界“前进”方面发挥着至关重要的作用。然而,各国之间的不平等分配、一些群体对疫苗接种的犹豫和抵抗,以及现有疫苗对变异病毒的有效性较低,都削弱了疫苗接种的影响。第13章重点关注作者认为的“人类重新思考和重建我们社会的独特机会”(第160页),因为疫情使原本隐藏的不平等现象变得显而易见。本书组织严密,通过全面阐述疫情与经济、文化、教育、政治和环境之间的相互作用,表明新冠肺炎使本已不平等的世界变得更加不平等,并产生了新的差异。它汇集了丰富的前沿信息和研究,为对新冠肺炎影响感兴趣的学者和学生提供了宝贵的资源。作者呼吁继续前进,但读者可能会看到关于如何做到这一点的更具体的建议。然而,这种轻微的遗憾并没有降低这本书的价值。这是一本强有力的书,通过关注新冠肺炎,提请人们注意研究和解决不平等问题的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Diversity Regimes: Why Talk is Not Enough to Fix Racial Inequality at Universities 书评:多样性制度:为什么谈话不足以解决大学中的种族不平等
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-19 DOI: 10.1177/00016993221104169
Stephanie M. Ortiz
the firm, especially those with clients, either stymied or buttressed these new frameworks. Lastly, Chapter 5 reveals how external supports (e.g. paid staff and grandmothers) helped to ease the pressures of caregiving and further bolstered women’s performance at work. Accidental Feminism has three broad implications for research on social change, work, organizations, globalization, and feminism. First, Ballakrishnen reveals the interplay between local and global forces in a changing profession. The emergence of transnational ideals, like meritocracy, shaped local practices. A novel case of Indian professional firms with more equal outcomes than their counterparts in the United States reveals the importance of thinking globally. The focus also challenges the typical Western lens in U.S. academia. Ballakrishnen calls attention to the tendency in Western scholarship to assume that prosocial change only occurs in the majority White countries. This is especially clear in research on topics like diversity, inclusion, and equity. Second, the accidental nature of this gender-egalitarian change allows for fresh empirical and theoretical insights that have much to inform existing research on workplace inequality. Ballakrishnen reveals how organizational change with advantageous outcomes for workers, in this case women, can be unintentional, rather than the result of deliberate interventions, feminist or otherwise. Unfortunately, much like intentional feminist interventions at work (e.g. “Lean In” and D&I trainings), accidental forms of gender “equality” may build off of and exacerbate other forms of inequality. This brings us to the book’s third broad implication. By combining multiple levels of analysis, Ballakrishnen identifies how new forms of equality may rest on or reproduce other forms of inequality. In law in India, gender, class, and capital interact in the reproduction of inequality. The book thus poses the important question of whether gender parity is feminist: Are the outcomes “feminist” if other forms of intersecting inequalities are not alleviated? Ballakrishnen concludes by considering how the accidental can queer what it means to craft feminist change. Accidental Feminism will appeal to audiences interested in inequality, gender, feminism, class, diversity, inclusion, work, professional services, globalization, and organizational and institutional change. Ballakrishnen has crafted a well-designed study with meticulous analysis, keen insights, and a compelling argument that will inform academic, policy, and practitioner audiences alike.
该公司,尤其是那些有客户的公司,要么阻碍要么支持这些新框架。最后,第5章揭示了外部支持(如带薪员工和祖母)如何帮助缓解护理压力,并进一步提高妇女的工作表现。偶然女权主义对社会变革、工作、组织、全球化和女权主义的研究有三个广泛的启示。首先,Ballakrishnen揭示了在不断变化的职业中,当地和全球力量之间的相互作用。跨国理想的出现,如精英统治,塑造了当地的做法。一个印度专业公司比美国同行取得更平等成果的新案例揭示了全球思维的重要性。这一焦点也挑战了美国学术界典型的西方视角。Ballakrishnen呼吁人们注意西方学术界的趋势,即认为亲社会的变化只发生在白人占多数的国家。这一点在多样性、包容性和公平性等主题的研究中尤为明显。其次,这种性别平等主义变化的偶然性为现有的工作场所不平等研究提供了新的经验和理论见解。Ballakrishnen揭示了对工人(在这种情况下是女性)有利的组织变革可能是无意的,而不是女权主义或其他蓄意干预的结果。不幸的是,就像工作中有意的女权主义干预(例如“精益”和D&I培训)一样,意外形式的性别“平等”可能会建立并加剧其他形式的不平等。这就引出了这本书的第三个广泛含义。通过结合多个层面的分析,Ballakrishnen确定了新形式的平等如何建立或再现其他形式的不平等。在印度的法律中,性别、阶级和资本在不平等的再生产中相互作用。因此,这本书提出了一个重要的问题,即性别平等是否是女权主义的:如果其他形式的交叉不平等得不到缓解,结果是否是“女权主义的”?Ballakrishnen总结道,考虑到这一偶然事件如何会使女权主义变革的意义变得奇怪。偶然的女权主义将吸引对不平等、性别、女权主义、阶级、多样性、包容性、工作、专业服务、全球化以及组织和制度变革感兴趣的观众。Ballakrishnen精心设计了一项研究,该研究具有细致的分析、敏锐的见解和令人信服的论点,将为学术、政策和从业者受众提供信息。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The New Handbook of Political Sociology 书评:政治社会学新手册
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-19 DOI: 10.1177/00016993221102052
Kristinn Már Ársælsson
democratic regimes in relation to nondemocratic states in what could be labeled global market-oriented governance. Overall, Crouch’s book is a well-structured examination of democracy and the contradictory and critical relations crossing politics and economics. The book’s vantage point sensitizes readers to democratic sensibilities and good practices, far beyond the mere labeling of (post-) democracy as a formal societal container. It represents a “post-post-modernist” critique of hyper-capitalistic society and the challenging role citizens must play to reappropriate political rights and claim social justice. Social scientists and practitioners interested in democracy, neoliberalism, and society-economy relations will benefit greatly from reading Crouch’s theoretical and empirical observations.
民主政体与非民主国家在全球市场导向治理中的关系。总的来说,克劳奇的书对民主以及政治和经济之间的矛盾和关键关系进行了结构良好的考察。这本书的优势是让读者对民主的敏感性和良好的做法敏感,远远超出了仅仅将(后)民主贴上正式社会容器的标签。它代表了对超资本主义社会的“后后现代主义”批判,以及公民必须扮演的具有挑战性的角色,以重新获得政治权利和要求社会正义。对民主、新自由主义和社会经济关系感兴趣的社会科学家和实践者将从阅读克劳奇的理论和实证观察中受益匪浅。
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引用次数: 0
Understanding the immigrant-native gap in childcare use: An empirical exploration for 21 European countries 理解移民与本土儿童保育使用的差距:对21个欧洲国家的实证探索
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-24 DOI: 10.1177/00016993221102506
W. Van Lancker, E. Pavolini
In this contribution, we examine whether and why there is a gap in the use of formal childcare services between immigrant and native families across 21 European countries. We focus on three sets of potential determinants: (1) social class, education and labour market position; (2) immigrant-specific factors such as norms in the region of origin, citizenship acquisition and length of stay in the country of residence; and (3) contextual factors such structural constraints impeding access to childcare and traditional norms on motherhood in the region of origin. Drawing on data from the 2010 ad hoc module of the EU Labour Force Survey, we find evidence for an immigrant-native gap in formal childcare use. Adjusted for social class position, education and maternal employment, immigrant families are less likely to use childcare compared to native families across European countries. However, there are important cross-country differences in the size of this gap. The study also provides evidence for immigrant-specific explanations: acquiring citizenship and staying longer in the country of residence increases the probability to use childcare, while the strength of traditional norms in the region of origin reduces the probability to use childcare. Finally, we find that structural barriers to childcare use negatively affect childcare use for both native and immigrant families. Removing barriers to childcare use in terms of availability and affordability will benefit everyone.
在这篇文章中,我们研究了21个欧洲国家的移民家庭和本地家庭在使用正规儿童保育服务方面是否存在差距,以及为什么存在差距。我们关注三组潜在的决定因素:(1)社会阶层、教育和劳动力市场地位;(2) 移民的具体因素,如原籍地区的规范、获得公民身份和在居住国停留的时间;以及(3)背景因素,如阻碍获得儿童保育的结构性制约因素和原籍地区传统的母性规范。根据2010年欧盟劳动力调查特设模块的数据,我们发现了移民在正式育儿方面存在差距的证据。根据社会阶级地位、教育和孕产妇就业情况进行调整后,与欧洲国家的原生家庭相比,移民家庭不太可能使用儿童保育服务。然而,这一差距的大小存在着重要的跨国差异。该研究还为移民的具体解释提供了证据:获得公民身份并在居住国停留更长时间会增加使用儿童保育的可能性,而原籍国传统规范的力量会降低使用儿童保育服务的可能性。最后,我们发现,儿童保育使用的结构性障碍对本地和移民家庭的儿童保育使用产生了负面影响。消除儿童保育在可用性和可负担性方面的障碍将使每个人都受益。
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引用次数: 4
Formal commitments versus actual practices? Narratives as tools of epistemic governance in the debate over Finnish forestry 正式的承诺还是实际的实践?叙事作为芬兰林业辩论中认知治理的工具
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-11 DOI: 10.1177/00016993221099618
M. Sivonen, Jukka Syväterä
Nation states often end up adopting practices that are incongruent with their formal commitments to international efforts, such as mitigation of climate change. Although the necessity of a transfer towards carbon-neutral societies is widely understood, such decoupling is a challenge to transition. This study analyses the political discourse in the Finnish media from 2017 to 2018 around the European Union's Land Use, Land Use Change and Forestry (LULUCF) Regulation. The discourse embodies a contradiction, as the Finnish government sought to justify its aim to log a record amount of forest while officially pledging to climate change mitigation. The forest industry and the government launched a major lobbying campaign to influence the regulation calculations to be adopted by the European Union. Several representatives of the scientific community rose to oppose the government's plan of action by distributing scientific knowledge on the negative climate effects caused by extensive forestry; a vigorous public debate around the correct ways to use this natural resource ensued. Our analysis identifies three prevailing narratives, each portraying and resolving the contradiction in a distinct way. We argue that narratives work as tools of epistemic governance and demonstrate how policy actors selectively weave scientific knowledge into such narratives.
民族国家最终往往采取与它们对国际努力(如减缓气候变化)的正式承诺不一致的做法。虽然向碳中和社会转型的必要性得到了广泛的理解,但这种脱钩对转型来说是一个挑战。本研究分析了2017年至2018年芬兰媒体围绕欧盟土地利用、土地利用变化和林业(LULUCF)法规的政治话语。这种说法体现了一种矛盾,因为芬兰政府试图为其创纪录的森林砍伐目标辩护,同时又正式承诺减缓气候变化。森林工业和政府发起了一场大规模的游说活动,以影响欧盟将采用的监管计算。科学界的几位代表站起来反对政府的行动计划,他们传播了关于广泛的林业造成的负面气候影响的科学知识;围绕如何正确使用这种自然资源展开了激烈的公众辩论。我们的分析确定了三种主流叙事,每种叙事都以不同的方式描绘和解决矛盾。我们认为,叙事是认知治理的工具,并展示了政策参与者如何有选择地将科学知识编织到这种叙事中。
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引用次数: 2
Co-occurring occupations among siblings in Norway 挪威兄弟姐妹之间共同发生的职业
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-25 DOI: 10.1177/00016993221095985
Stian A. Uvaag
According to class theory, social class boundaries are akin to social mobility patterns. This study explores these patterns by looking at co-occurring occupations among siblings. The author uses data from Norway's population-wide registers to analyze occupational co-occurrences among siblings across 98 occupations. The association is analyzed in relative terms: how often occupations are held by both siblings compared to what would be expected if there was no statistical association between siblings’ occupations. The Mobility Network Clustering Algorithm (MONECA) identifies groups of occupations that are strongly connected. The analysis shows that siblings tend to have the same occupation. Furthermore, non-manual and manual occupations are identified as two separate groups of strongly connected occupations. The analysis also shows a more differentiated structure in occupations, with increased tendencies for siblings to be in more narrow subgroups of the occupational structure. In the non-manual group, occupations in management, finance, business, and sales form a separate cluster from administrative workers, the professions, and cultural-artistic occupations. Beyond this, the occupational structure is differentiated into smaller subgroups.
根据阶级理论,社会阶级界限类似于社会流动模式。这项研究通过观察兄弟姐妹之间共同发生的职业来探索这些模式。作者使用挪威全国人口登记的数据来分析98种职业中兄弟姐妹之间的职业共现现象。这种关联是用相对术语来分析的:兄弟姐妹同时从事职业的频率,与兄弟姐妹的职业之间没有统计关联的情况下的预期频率进行比较。移动网络聚类算法(MONECA)识别强连接的职业组。分析表明,兄弟姐妹往往有相同的职业。此外,非体力和体力职业被确定为两个独立的强关联职业组。分析还显示,职业结构的分化程度更高,兄弟姐妹在更狭窄的职业结构亚组中的趋势增加。在非体力劳动群体中,管理、金融、商业和销售等职业与行政工作者、专业人员和文化艺术职业形成了单独的集群。除此之外,职业结构被划分为更小的子群体。
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引用次数: 0
Political changemakers in Norway: The strategies and political ideas of welfare providers 挪威的政治变革者:福利提供者的战略和政治理念
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-29 DOI: 10.1177/00016993221088785
Signe Bock Segaard
This article contributes to the knowledge of interest groups’ political power. It examines how interest groups shape political debates and decision-making, and what strategies are most successful to this end, through an in-depth case study analysis of the Norwegian transposition of the revised EU policy on public procurement. The case is unique as it illustrates a policy process that changed direction at the eleventh hour, embodies an ideational fight between different views of a good society, and—surprisingly—concludes in favour of non-profit interests. Based on hearing statements, media items, transcripts from the final parliamentary debate on the matter, and interviews with leaders of interest groups, the article demonstrates that the ability to coordinate action and frame and control the public and political debate was a vital power resource for non-profit interests, who did so using a broad range of both direct and indirect strategies. The political ideas advanced through these two strategies were nearly identical; however, the indirect strategy was more personified and strongly emphasised normative conflict.
本文有助于了解利益集团的政治权力。它通过对挪威对修订后的欧盟公共采购政策的转换进行深入的案例研究分析,考察了利益集团如何影响政治辩论和决策,以及为此目的最成功的战略是什么。这个案例是独一无二的,因为它展示了一个在最后时刻改变方向的政策过程,体现了一个好社会不同观点之间的思想斗争,令人惊讶的是,它的结论有利于非营利利益。根据听证会陈述、媒体报道、议会关于此事的最后辩论记录以及对利益集团领导人的采访,这篇文章表明,协调行动、制定和控制公共和政治辩论的能力是非营利利益集团的重要权力资源,他们使用了广泛的直接和间接策略。通过这两种策略提出的政治思想几乎完全相同;然而,间接策略更加拟人化,并强烈强调规范冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Has the terrorist attack on Charlie Hebdo fuelled resistance towards Muslim immigrants in Europe? Results from a natural experiment in six European countries 针对《查理周刊》的恐怖袭击是否加剧了欧洲对穆斯林移民的抵制?这是在六个欧洲国家进行的自然实验的结果
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-25 DOI: 10.1177/00016993221088447
Michael Savelkoul, Manfred te Grotenhuis, P. Scheepers
In recent years, Europe witnessed several terrorist attacks by Islamist terrorists. To date, crucial questions are whether and how such events influence the European public’s resistance towards Muslims, and if such influence depends on the level of intergroup competition, both at the contextual and individual level. Using the European Social Survey (ESS7), we were able to compare respondents interviewed shortly before and after the terrorist attack on Charlie Hebdo in January 2015. While we found no support for a moderating role of intergroup competition, our study shows that the levels of resistance towards Muslim immigrants were higher shortly after the attacks in Ireland and Czech Republic, however, lower in France. For Austria, Finland and Germany we found no influence. Our findings indicate that one cannot be too careful with generalizing conclusions from single countries.
近年来,欧洲发生了多起伊斯兰恐怖分子发动的恐怖袭击。迄今为止,关键的问题是这些事件是否以及如何影响欧洲公众对穆斯林的抵制,以及这种影响是否取决于群体间竞争的程度,无论是在背景层面还是在个人层面。使用欧洲社会调查(ESS7),我们能够比较2015年1月查理周刊恐怖袭击前后不久接受采访的受访者。虽然我们没有发现族群间竞争起到调节作用的证据,但我们的研究表明,爱尔兰和捷克共和国在袭击发生后不久,对穆斯林移民的抵制程度较高,而法国则较低。对于奥地利、芬兰和德国,我们没有发现任何影响。我们的研究结果表明,从单个国家得出的结论再谨慎也不为过。
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引用次数: 4
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Acta Sociologica
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