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Book notes: Television Production in Transition: Independence, Scale, Sustainability and the Digital Challenge by Gillian Doyle, Richard Paterson and Kenny Barr 读书笔记:过渡时期的电视制作:独立、规模、可持续性和数字挑战》,作者:Gillian Doyle、Richard Paterson 和 Kenny Barr
IF 2.4 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2024-09-14 DOI: 10.1177/02673231241273708d
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引用次数: 0
Book notes: The Digital Lives of Black Women in Britain by Francesca Sobande 读书笔记:英国黑人妇女的数字生活》,弗朗西斯卡-索班德著
IF 2.4 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2024-09-14 DOI: 10.1177/02673231241273708c
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引用次数: 0
Populist alone, but harmless together? Analysing inter- and transnational populism of EP parties ID and ECR on Facebook 单打独斗是民粹主义,联合起来就无伤大雅?分析欧洲议会政党 ID 和 ECR 在 Facebook 上的跨国民粹主义
IF 2.4 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2024-09-14 DOI: 10.1177/02673231241271905
Yannik Peters, Jakob Schlußmeier
Right-wing populist parties are highly successful in online communication and have made electoral gains in a wide range of European countries. In the European Parliament, until the recent European elections in 2024, the majority of them were distributed between the two party alliances and parliamentary groups Identity and Democracy (ID) and European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR). To analyse their communicative strategies, we collected all Facebook posts of the party and parliamentary group accounts of ID and ECR ( N = 616) within one year (08/21–08/22). Subsequently, structural topic modelling (STM), sentiment analysis and manual content analysis were applied to determine their communication strategies. Overall, the results indicate that ECR and ID are communicating rather moderately online. However, while ECR differs significantly from its national member parties, ID seems to reproduce right-wing populist narratives. Overall, this paper argues for a stronger focus on European party alliances, not only national parties, when researching right-wing populist communication in the EU.
右翼民粹主义政党在网络传播方面取得了巨大成功,并在众多欧洲国家的选举中取得了胜利。在欧洲议会中,直到最近的 2024 年欧洲大选,他们中的大多数人都分布在身份与民主(ID)和欧洲保守与改革派(ECR)这两个政党联盟和议会党团中。为了分析它们的传播策略,我们收集了一年内(08/21-08/22)ID 和 ECR 的政党和议会党团账户在 Facebook 上的所有帖子(N = 616)。随后,我们采用结构主题模型(STM)、情感分析和人工内容分析来确定他们的传播策略。总体而言,研究结果表明,ECR 和 ID 的在线交流程度相当一般。然而,虽然 ECR 与其国家成员党有很大不同,但 ID 似乎在复制右翼民粹主义的叙事。总之,本文认为在研究欧盟右翼民粹主义传播时,应更多地关注欧洲政党联盟,而不仅仅是国家政党。
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引用次数: 0
Book notes: Digital and Social Media Regulation: A Comparative Perspective of the US and Europe by Sorin Adam Matei, Franck Rebillard and Fabrice Rochelandet (Editors) 读书笔记:数字和社交媒体监管:Sorin Adam Matei、Franck Rebillard 和 Fabrice Rochelandet(编者)著:《数字与社交媒体监管:美国与欧洲的比较视角
IF 2.4 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2024-09-14 DOI: 10.1177/02673231241273708a
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引用次数: 0
Public service media and public service internet as a counterweight to media concentration 公共服务媒体和公共服务互联网作为媒体集中的制衡力量
IF 2.4 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2024-09-14 DOI: 10.1177/02673231241270972
Barbara Thomass
This article will discuss the question of whether and to what extent private ownership of media is the appropriate form for organising the infrastructures of social communication, or whether media oriented towards the common good and not profit-driven are better suited to the requirements of democratic communication in a pluralistic society. Starting from the dual character of media as merit goods and commodities, the connection between media concentration and democracy will be discussed based on concentration theories. In view of the fears that this connection might lead to negative excesses, media policy has long been attempting to curb media concentration. These efforts are shortly presented and discussed. Possibilities of balancing the dual character of the media within the framework of different ownership structures lead to the idea that public service media can form a counterweight to media concentration. This is as well an option for an internet oriented towards the common good. The suggestion of a Public Service Media and Public Service Manifesto that was published in 2021 and supported by more than 1000 subscribers from the academic and media community worldwide illustrates this possibility.
本文将讨论这样一个问题:媒体的私有制是否以及在多大程度上是组织社会传播基础设施的适当形式,还是以共同利益为导向、不以盈利为目的的媒体更适合多元化社会中的民主传播要求。从媒体作为公益物和商品的双重特性出发,我们将以集中理论为基础,讨论媒体集中与民主之间的联系。鉴于人们担心这种联系可能导致负面的过度发展,媒体政策长期以来一直试图遏制媒体集中。下文将对这些努力进行介绍和讨论。在不同所有权结构的框架内平衡媒体双重特性的可能性导致了这样一种想法,即公共服务媒体可以成为媒体集中的制衡力量。这也是以共同利益为导向的互联网的一种选择。2021 年发表的《公共服务媒体和公共服务宣言》得到了全世界学术界和媒体界 1000 多名订户的支持,该宣言的建议说明了这种可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Book notes: The Periodical Press Revolution: E. S. Dallas and the Nineteenth-Century British Media System by Graham Law 读书笔记期刊革命:E. S. Dallas 和十九世纪英国媒体系统》,作者:Graham Law
IF 2.4 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2024-09-14 DOI: 10.1177/02673231241273708b
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Pragmatics, (Im)Politeness, and Intergroup Communication: A Multilayered, Discursive Analysis of Cancel Culture by Pilar G. Blitvich 书评:语用学、(不)礼貌和群体间交流:取消文化的多层次话语分析》,Pilar G. Blitvich 著
IF 2.4 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2024-09-12 DOI: 10.1177/02673231241281164
Arianto Arianto
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引用次数: 0
What are the predictors of political incivility perceptions? 政治不文明感的预测因素是什么?
IF 2.4 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2024-08-28 DOI: 10.1177/02673231241271008
Sara Bentivegna, Rossella Rega
Incivility in public discourse has become a central concern. This research develops an approach based on citizens’ perceptions of incivility to assess predictors of such perceptions. Starting from a definition of the concept in a multidimensional sense, we identified different types of incivility that can be easily translated into operational terms (using vulgar/insulting language, referring to another politician with racist/sexist/religious epithets, lying/inventing facts to attack political opponents, and resorting to violence against political opponents). Through a survey of a representative sample of the Italian population, we found that citizens’ perception of incivility is not uniform but varies depending on the context and individual characteristics (socio-demographic variables, news consumption and relationship with politics). Overall, the importance of disentangling the concept into different types has emerged, because continuing to speak of ‘incivility’ in a broad sense does not help to clarify the phenomenon nor to identify the consequences for citizens’ relationship with politics.
公共话语中的不文明现象已成为人们关注的焦点。本研究基于公民对不文明行为的感知开发了一种方法,以评估这种感知的预测因素。从多维意义上的不文明概念定义出发,我们确定了不同类型的不文明行为,这些不文明行为可以很容易地转化为可操作的术语(使用粗俗/侮辱性语言、用种族主义/性别歧视/宗教蔑称称呼另一位政治家、撒谎/捏造事实攻击政治对手,以及对政治对手使用暴力)。通过对具有代表性的意大利人口进行抽样调查,我们发现公民对不文明行为的看法并不一致,而是因环境和个人特征(社会人口变量、新闻消费和与政治的关系)而异。总之,将这一概念分为不同类型的重要性已经显现,因为继续从广义上谈论 "不文明行为 "既无助于澄清这一现象,也无助于确定公民与政治关系的后果。
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引用次数: 0
Progressive activism and the media in the twenty-first century 二十一世纪的进步主义和媒体
IF 2.4 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2024-08-26 DOI: 10.1177/02673231241278116
Ian Taylor
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Virtual Holocaust Memory by Matthew Boswell and Antony Rowland 书评:虚拟大屠杀记忆》,马修-博斯韦尔和安东尼-罗兰著
IF 2.4 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2024-08-26 DOI: 10.1177/02673231241278115
Gal Ravia
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引用次数: 0
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European Journal of Communication
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