Pub Date : 2022-03-15DOI: 10.1177/07311214221082689
S. Mejia
Scholars have long investigated the factors that affect health outcomes in less-developed countries. One debate that has increasingly intensified in recent years is the democracy and health relationship in comparative international context. Scholars argue that democracy does affect country-level health outcomes in less-developed countries, while others argue democracy does not affect country-level health outcomes. I estimate the effect of numerous democracy indexes on child mortality and infant mortality in developing countries using fixed effects regression models with heteroskedasticity-robust standard errors clustered by country. I find that multiple aspects of democracy exert significant beneficial effects on child mortality and infant mortality in less-developed countries.
{"title":"Democracy and Health in Developing Countries: New Cross-National Evidence, 1990–2016","authors":"S. Mejia","doi":"10.1177/07311214221082689","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/07311214221082689","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars have long investigated the factors that affect health outcomes in less-developed countries. One debate that has increasingly intensified in recent years is the democracy and health relationship in comparative international context. Scholars argue that democracy does affect country-level health outcomes in less-developed countries, while others argue democracy does not affect country-level health outcomes. I estimate the effect of numerous democracy indexes on child mortality and infant mortality in developing countries using fixed effects regression models with heteroskedasticity-robust standard errors clustered by country. I find that multiple aspects of democracy exert significant beneficial effects on child mortality and infant mortality in less-developed countries.","PeriodicalId":47781,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Perspectives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42381668","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-09DOI: 10.1177/07311214221080991
M. Moon
This paper explores collective identity building in a feminist online community that in 2018 organized the largest women’s march in South Korean history. Drawing on qualitative and quantitative content analyses of the community’s bulletin boards, this study describes the process through which members of the community developed their cognitive boundaries and their interactional and emotional connections with one another. My finding shows that the language used in the community shifted over time as the participants came to distinguish themselves from other preexisting feminist communities. I argue that protocols set by the leadership team of this online community played an important role in collective identity construction by providing guidelines for boundary drawing and by promoting positive interactions among members. My research also discusses how this leadership operated as “hidden leaders” in shaping collective identity, by navigating the definition of “us” in the context of Korean feminism and encouraging solidarity building among anonymous participants.
{"title":"Digitally Mediated Mobilization in South Korea: Women’s March and Collective Identity Building Online","authors":"M. Moon","doi":"10.1177/07311214221080991","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/07311214221080991","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores collective identity building in a feminist online community that in 2018 organized the largest women’s march in South Korean history. Drawing on qualitative and quantitative content analyses of the community’s bulletin boards, this study describes the process through which members of the community developed their cognitive boundaries and their interactional and emotional connections with one another. My finding shows that the language used in the community shifted over time as the participants came to distinguish themselves from other preexisting feminist communities. I argue that protocols set by the leadership team of this online community played an important role in collective identity construction by providing guidelines for boundary drawing and by promoting positive interactions among members. My research also discusses how this leadership operated as “hidden leaders” in shaping collective identity, by navigating the definition of “us” in the context of Korean feminism and encouraging solidarity building among anonymous participants.","PeriodicalId":47781,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Perspectives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49469975","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-28DOI: 10.1177/07311214211070280
Stephanie Molinda Hansard
Sociological research has established the importance of social support for mental health. Although social support is exchanged within relationships, most research on the relationship between support and mental health examines the perspective of only one person. This study uses the Actor-partner Interdependence Model (APIM) to examine the relationship between perceived support and depressive and anxiety symptoms in intimate partner relationships. Results show that when one perceives more support from one’s partner, one’s depressive and anxiety symptoms are lower. These results are not moderated by gender. Findings indicate that, while one’s own perceived support affects one’s own mental health, one’s partner’s perceived support does not affect one’s mental health, either directly or through moderation. This study advances prior research by examining support and mental health within intimate partner relationships from the perspectives of both relationship partners. Further research using longitudinal data is recommended.
{"title":"Reciprocal Support within Intimate Relationships: Examining the Association with Depression and Anxiety","authors":"Stephanie Molinda Hansard","doi":"10.1177/07311214211070280","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/07311214211070280","url":null,"abstract":"Sociological research has established the importance of social support for mental health. Although social support is exchanged within relationships, most research on the relationship between support and mental health examines the perspective of only one person. This study uses the Actor-partner Interdependence Model (APIM) to examine the relationship between perceived support and depressive and anxiety symptoms in intimate partner relationships. Results show that when one perceives more support from one’s partner, one’s depressive and anxiety symptoms are lower. These results are not moderated by gender. Findings indicate that, while one’s own perceived support affects one’s own mental health, one’s partner’s perceived support does not affect one’s mental health, either directly or through moderation. This study advances prior research by examining support and mental health within intimate partner relationships from the perspectives of both relationship partners. Further research using longitudinal data is recommended.","PeriodicalId":47781,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Perspectives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48865154","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-01DOI: 10.1177/07311214211021126
Abigail Vegter, Donald P. Haider‐Markel
Researchers have considered the role of perceived threat and fear of crime in shaping attitudes about gun regulation. We contribute to this literature by examining whether gun owners, who tend to oppose gun regulations, moderate their gun views when exposed to a gun-related threat. We argue that although exposure to threat can increase the desire to be armed, gun owners primed with a threat may soften their views on gun regulation relative to non-gun owners. We employ an experiment embedded within a nationally representative survey to test our hypotheses. Our analysis of the data from our survey supports the notion that gun owners generally oppose gun regulations, but exposure to a gun-related threat moderates their opposition to gun regulations. We discuss the limitations of our study and conclude with a discussion of the implications of these results for understanding public support for gun regulation in America.
{"title":"Gun Ownership, Threat, and Gun Attitudes in an Experiment","authors":"Abigail Vegter, Donald P. Haider‐Markel","doi":"10.1177/07311214211021126","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/07311214211021126","url":null,"abstract":"Researchers have considered the role of perceived threat and fear of crime in shaping attitudes about gun regulation. We contribute to this literature by examining whether gun owners, who tend to oppose gun regulations, moderate their gun views when exposed to a gun-related threat. We argue that although exposure to threat can increase the desire to be armed, gun owners primed with a threat may soften their views on gun regulation relative to non-gun owners. We employ an experiment embedded within a nationally representative survey to test our hypotheses. Our analysis of the data from our survey supports the notion that gun owners generally oppose gun regulations, but exposure to a gun-related threat moderates their opposition to gun regulations. We discuss the limitations of our study and conclude with a discussion of the implications of these results for understanding public support for gun regulation in America.","PeriodicalId":47781,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Perspectives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46094925","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-01Epub Date: 2021-03-17DOI: 10.1177/0731121421998406
Tara D Warner, Tara Leigh Tober, Tristan Bridges, David F Warner
Protection is now the modal motivation for gun ownership, and men continue to outnumber women among gun owners. While research has linked economic precarity (e.g., insecurity and anxiety) to gun ownership and attitudes, separating economic well-being from constructions of masculinity is challenging. In response to blocked economic opportunities, some gun owners prioritize armed protection, symbolically replacing the masculine role of "provider" with one associated with "protection." Thus, understanding both persistently high rates of gun ownership in the United States (in spite of generally declining crime) alongside the gender gap in gun ownership requires deeper investigations into the meaning of guns in the United States and the role of guns in conceptualizations of American masculinity. We use recently collected crowdsourced survey data to test this provider-to-protector shift, exploring how economic precarity may operate as a cultural-level masculinity threat for some, and may intersect with marital/family status to shape gun attitudes and behaviors for both gun owners and nonowners. Results show that investments in stereotypical masculine ideals, rather than economic precarity, are linked to support for discourses associated with protective gun ownership and empowerment.
{"title":"To Provide or Protect? Masculinity, Economic Precarity, and Protective Gun Ownership in the United States.","authors":"Tara D Warner, Tara Leigh Tober, Tristan Bridges, David F Warner","doi":"10.1177/0731121421998406","DOIUrl":"10.1177/0731121421998406","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Protection is now the modal motivation for gun ownership, and men continue to outnumber women among gun owners. While research has linked economic precarity (e.g., insecurity and anxiety) to gun ownership and attitudes, separating economic well-being from constructions of masculinity is challenging. In response to blocked economic opportunities, some gun owners prioritize armed protection, symbolically replacing the masculine role of \"provider\" with one associated with \"protection.\" Thus, understanding both persistently high rates of gun ownership in the United States (in spite of generally declining crime) alongside the gender gap in gun ownership requires deeper investigations into the meaning of guns in the United States and the role of guns in conceptualizations of American masculinity. We use recently collected crowdsourced survey data to test this provider-to-protector shift, exploring how economic precarity may operate as a cultural-level masculinity threat for some, and may intersect with marital/family status to shape gun attitudes and behaviors for both gun owners and nonowners. Results show that investments in stereotypical masculine ideals, rather than economic precarity, are linked to support for discourses associated with protective gun ownership and empowerment.</p>","PeriodicalId":47781,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Perspectives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9355388/pdf/nihms-1770845.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"40677728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-27DOI: 10.1177/07311214211070000
Irene Browne, Anne-Kathrin Kronberg, J. McDonnell
This paper investigates the question of whether and how restrictive immigration policies affect the earnings of Latinxs who are not the target of these policies—that is, Latinx citizens. Focusing on policies at the state (E-Verify) and county (287(g)) level, we investigate possible spillover on Latinx citizen earnings from 2006 through 2016. We use multiple sources of data, merging policy and census data with two national probability samples of Latinx citizens. Our results show that E-Verify and 287(g) affect earnings similarly. Laws leave wage-employed workers unaffected and instead exclusively shape the earnings of self-employed respondents. Among self-employed, policy effects depend on the type of county respondents live in. Once laws like 287(g) or E-Verify go into effect, Latinx self-employed see dramatic earnings losses when living outside of ethnic enclaves, while seeing earnings gains when living within predominantly-Latinx counties.
{"title":"Spillover Effects of Restrictive Immigration Policy on Latinx Citizens: Raising or Lowering Earnings?","authors":"Irene Browne, Anne-Kathrin Kronberg, J. McDonnell","doi":"10.1177/07311214211070000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/07311214211070000","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates the question of whether and how restrictive immigration policies affect the earnings of Latinxs who are not the target of these policies—that is, Latinx citizens. Focusing on policies at the state (E-Verify) and county (287(g)) level, we investigate possible spillover on Latinx citizen earnings from 2006 through 2016. We use multiple sources of data, merging policy and census data with two national probability samples of Latinx citizens. Our results show that E-Verify and 287(g) affect earnings similarly. Laws leave wage-employed workers unaffected and instead exclusively shape the earnings of self-employed respondents. Among self-employed, policy effects depend on the type of county respondents live in. Once laws like 287(g) or E-Verify go into effect, Latinx self-employed see dramatic earnings losses when living outside of ethnic enclaves, while seeing earnings gains when living within predominantly-Latinx counties.","PeriodicalId":47781,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Perspectives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44680012","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-13DOI: 10.1177/07311214211067755
Phylicia Xin Yi Lee Brown
I conduct a nationwide investigation of the relationship that toxic industrial pollution and the facilities that produce it have with trust and civic engagement within communities. Data on pollution exposure come from the Risk-Screening Environmental Indicators Geographic Microdata (RSEI-GM) and Toxic Release Inventory (TRI) data sets for the years 1995 to 1999. Data on trust and civic engagement come from the 2000 restricted-access Social Capital Community Benchmark Survey (SCCBS). Statistical analyses provide strong support for Freudenburg and Jones’ conceptualization of corrosive communities and indicate that exposures to more toxic air pollution associate negatively with various measures of trust, and that increased numbers of TRI facilities associate negatively with various measures of civic engagement. The implication is that exposure to toxic industrial air pollution and the facilities that produce it not only adversely affect the physical health of nearby communities, but also their social well-being and underlying capacities for collective action.
{"title":"Industrial Pollution, Social Trust, and Civic Engagement: A Nationwide Study of the Socioenvironmental Nature of Social Capital","authors":"Phylicia Xin Yi Lee Brown","doi":"10.1177/07311214211067755","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/07311214211067755","url":null,"abstract":"I conduct a nationwide investigation of the relationship that toxic industrial pollution and the facilities that produce it have with trust and civic engagement within communities. Data on pollution exposure come from the Risk-Screening Environmental Indicators Geographic Microdata (RSEI-GM) and Toxic Release Inventory (TRI) data sets for the years 1995 to 1999. Data on trust and civic engagement come from the 2000 restricted-access Social Capital Community Benchmark Survey (SCCBS). Statistical analyses provide strong support for Freudenburg and Jones’ conceptualization of corrosive communities and indicate that exposures to more toxic air pollution associate negatively with various measures of trust, and that increased numbers of TRI facilities associate negatively with various measures of civic engagement. The implication is that exposure to toxic industrial air pollution and the facilities that produce it not only adversely affect the physical health of nearby communities, but also their social well-being and underlying capacities for collective action.","PeriodicalId":47781,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Perspectives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45007860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-12DOI: 10.1177/07311214211067763
Rebecca Farber, Joseph Harris
COVID-19 has focused global attention on disease spread across borders. But how has research on infectious and noncommunicable disease figured into the sociological imagination historically, and to what degree has American medical sociology examined health problems beyond U.S. borders? Our 35-year content analysis of 2,588 presentations in the American Sociological Association’s (ASA) Section on Medical Sociology and 922 articles within the section’s official journal finds less than 15 percent of total research examined contexts outside the United States. Research on three infectious diseases in the top eight causes of death in low-income countries (diarrheal disease, malaria, and tuberculosis [TB]) and emerging diseases—Ebola, Middle East Respiratory Syndrome (MERS), and Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS)—was nearly absent, as was research on major noncommunicable diseases. Human Immunodeficiency Virus/Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (HIV/AIDS) received much more focus, although world regions hit hardest received scant attention. Interviews suggest a number of factors shape geographic foci of research, but this epistemic parochialism may ultimately impoverish sociological understanding of illness and disease.
{"title":"American Medical Sociology and Health Problems in the Global South","authors":"Rebecca Farber, Joseph Harris","doi":"10.1177/07311214211067763","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/07311214211067763","url":null,"abstract":"COVID-19 has focused global attention on disease spread across borders. But how has research on infectious and noncommunicable disease figured into the sociological imagination historically, and to what degree has American medical sociology examined health problems beyond U.S. borders? Our 35-year content analysis of 2,588 presentations in the American Sociological Association’s (ASA) Section on Medical Sociology and 922 articles within the section’s official journal finds less than 15 percent of total research examined contexts outside the United States. Research on three infectious diseases in the top eight causes of death in low-income countries (diarrheal disease, malaria, and tuberculosis [TB]) and emerging diseases—Ebola, Middle East Respiratory Syndrome (MERS), and Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS)—was nearly absent, as was research on major noncommunicable diseases. Human Immunodeficiency Virus/Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (HIV/AIDS) received much more focus, although world regions hit hardest received scant attention. Interviews suggest a number of factors shape geographic foci of research, but this epistemic parochialism may ultimately impoverish sociological understanding of illness and disease.","PeriodicalId":47781,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Perspectives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47963204","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-28DOI: 10.1177/07311214211062106
Edward Haddon, Cary Wu
While some scholars suggest that awareness of income inequality is strongest when the actual level of inequality is high, others find that individuals’ awareness of income inequality is largely unresponsive to actual inequality. In this article, we argue that individuals in different social class positions often respond to the actual levels of income inequality distinctively, and therefore a class perspective is essential in understanding how actual inequality and people’s perceptions of it are associated. Using data from the social inequality modules of the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP, 1992, 1999, and 2009) as well as the World Income Inequality Database (https://www.wider.unu.edu/) and the World Inequality Database (https://wid.world/), we consider how actual inequality interacts with social class to shape people’s perceptions of income inequality across 64 country-years between 1992 and 2009. We find that overall, perceptions of inequality are higher among the working class and lower among salariats. However, cross-nationally and over time, as the actual level of inequality increases, working classes become less critical toward inequality, whereas salariats become more critical. The actual level of inequality itself has no impact on people’s discontent toward it. This creates a counterbalancing effect that obscures the aggregate relationship between rising inequality and people’s perceptions of it.
{"title":"How Does Actual Inequality Shape People’s Perceptions of Inequality? A Class Perspective","authors":"Edward Haddon, Cary Wu","doi":"10.1177/07311214211062106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/07311214211062106","url":null,"abstract":"While some scholars suggest that awareness of income inequality is strongest when the actual level of inequality is high, others find that individuals’ awareness of income inequality is largely unresponsive to actual inequality. In this article, we argue that individuals in different social class positions often respond to the actual levels of income inequality distinctively, and therefore a class perspective is essential in understanding how actual inequality and people’s perceptions of it are associated. Using data from the social inequality modules of the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP, 1992, 1999, and 2009) as well as the World Income Inequality Database (https://www.wider.unu.edu/) and the World Inequality Database (https://wid.world/), we consider how actual inequality interacts with social class to shape people’s perceptions of income inequality across 64 country-years between 1992 and 2009. We find that overall, perceptions of inequality are higher among the working class and lower among salariats. However, cross-nationally and over time, as the actual level of inequality increases, working classes become less critical toward inequality, whereas salariats become more critical. The actual level of inequality itself has no impact on people’s discontent toward it. This creates a counterbalancing effect that obscures the aggregate relationship between rising inequality and people’s perceptions of it.","PeriodicalId":47781,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Perspectives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2021-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43674292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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