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Notes on the Contributors 投稿人备注

1区哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

Philosophy & Public Affairs

Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1111/papa.12251

Philosophy & Public AffairsVolume 51, Issue 4 p. 332-332 Notes on the Contributors Notes on the Contributors First published: 10 October 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/papa.12251Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onEmailFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume51, Issue4Fall 2023Pages 332-332 RelatedInformation

哲学与公共事务第51卷第4期第332-332页对贡献者的说明对贡献者的说明首次发布:2023年10月10日https://doi.org/10.1111/papa.12251Read全文taboutpdf ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare给予accessShare全文accessShare全文accessShare全文accessShare请查看我们的使用条款和条件，并在下面的复选框中分享文章的全文版本。我已经阅读并接受了Wiley在线图书馆使用共享链接的条款和条件，请使用下面的链接与您的朋友和同事分享本文的全文版本。学习更多的知识。复制URL共享链接共享一个emailfacebooktwitterlinkedinreddit微信本文无摘要vol . 51, Issue4Fall, 2023Pages 332-332

引用次数: 0

Bad Question! 不好的问题!

1区哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

Philosophy & Public Affairs

Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1111/papa.12249

Sam Berstler

Individuals…exude expressions.1 Performers can stop giving expressions but cannot stop giving them off.2 Defense attorney Mickey Haller (and protagonist of the fictional series Lincoln Lawyer) has his witness exactly where he wants him.3 Anton Shavar isn't on trial. But Haller wants to insinuate that Shavar committed the murders that Haller's client stands accused of committing. First, he needs to insinuate that Shavar knows how to orchestrate a hit. Haller asks about Shavar's former job: “I have a background in formal intelligence in Israel.” So he was in the Mossad? Shavar replies: “I did not say that.” Haller repeats the question: “Were you in the Mossad? An organization which is known to carry out targeted assassinations?” The prosecution objects. Then a man at the back of the court room stands up. He announces that he is Mr. Shavar's counsel and that “Mr. Shavar's past employment in Israel, whatever it may be, has no bearing on this case. It could jeopardize the national security of one of this country's closest allies.” Haller smirks. Bingo. “It's all right, Your Honor, I'll take that as a yes.” Just by asking, “Were you in the Mossad?” Haller had trapped Shavar. All of his available options became bad. Shavar could tell the truth, but the cost would be too high. Shavar knew that Haller would use this information to smear his good name. Shavar could lie, but the risk would be too high: under oath, to lie is to commit a felony offense. Or he could stay silent. But that too was a bad choice. That Shavar stayed silent revealed that Shavar had good reason to stay silent. And, as Haller's quip “I'll take that as a yes” dramatized, Shavar thereby revealed that he worked for Mossad.4 Courtrooms have elaborate rules to attempt to defuse what I call the problem of loud silence. In Lincoln Lawyer, the judge instructs the jury to disregard Haller's final quip. If the jury does what it should, it will deliberate without taking into account the information that Haller extracted through Shavar's silence. But without formal rules of evidence and deliberation, everyday interactions offer no such kindness. The right sort of question put to us, in the right sort of way, can leave us with only three bad options: to lie; to speak truthfully and reveal what we do not want to reveal; and to stay silent and reveal what we do not want to reveal anyway. I call this the problem of loud silence. The right sort of question, put the right sort of way, can do worse still. A tell-tale pause, a barely perceptible facial expression, a subtle vocal change, an odd word choice: all have the potential to reveal sensitive information. You might ask me a prying question, not because you want to know what I will say but because you want to see how I will react. Face-to-face conversation, then, renders us uniquely informationally vulnerable to each other. We are porous beings, our information often escapes from us against our will, and we can exploit this vulnerability in order to

个人…散发出expressions.1表演者可以停止表达，但不能停止释放辩护律师米奇·哈勒(虚构剧集《林肯律师》的主角)让他的证人在他想要的地方安东·沙瓦尔不是在受审但哈勒想暗示沙瓦尔犯下了哈勒的客户被指控犯下的谋杀罪。首先，他需要暗示沙瓦尔知道如何策划暗杀。哈勒问起沙瓦尔以前的工作:“我在以色列有正式情报背景。”所以他是摩萨德的?沙瓦尔回答说:“我可没这么说。”哈勒重复了这个问题:“你在摩萨德吗?”一个以定点暗杀著称的组织?”控方反对。然后，法庭后面的一个男人站了起来。他宣称自己是沙瓦尔先生的律师，“沙瓦尔先生过去在以色列的工作经历，无论如何，都与本案无关。”这可能会危及美国最亲密盟友之一的国家安全。”哈勒笑了起来。宾果。“没关系，法官大人，我就当你同意了。”只要问"你在摩萨德工作过吗"哈勒把沙瓦尔困住了。他所有的选择都变坏了。沙瓦可以说出真相，但代价太高了。沙瓦知道哈勒会利用这些信息来抹黑他的好名声。沙瓦尔可以撒谎，但风险太大了:在宣誓后，撒谎是重罪。或者他可以保持沉默。但这也是一个糟糕的选择。沙瓦尔保持沉默表明，沙瓦尔有充分的理由保持沉默。而且，正如哈勒的妙语“我就当那是肯定的”所戏剧化的那样，沙瓦尔由此暴露了他为摩萨德工作的事实。法庭有精心制定的规则，试图化解我所说的大声沉默的问题。在《林肯律师》中，法官指示陪审团不要理会哈勒最后的俏皮话。如果陪审团做了它应该做的事，它会在不考虑哈勒从沙瓦尔的沉默中获取的信息的情况下进行审议。但如果没有正式的证据和审议规则，日常互动就不会带来这种善意。以正确的方式向我们提出正确的问题，只会给我们留下三个糟糕的选择:撒谎;说真话，说出我们不想说的话;保持沉默，揭露我们本来就不想揭露的事。我把这个问题称为“大声沉默”。正确的问题，用正确的方式提问，可能会造成更糟的结果。一个告密的停顿，一个难以察觉的面部表情，一个微妙的声音变化，一个奇怪的用词:所有这些都有可能泄露敏感信息。你可能会问我一个刺探性的问题，不是因为你想知道我会说什么，而是因为你想看看我会作何反应。因此，面对面的交谈使我们在信息上非常容易受到对方的伤害。我们是漏洞百出的生物，我们的信息经常违背我们的意愿从我们身上逃脱，我们可以利用这个弱点来从彼此身上获取信息。面对一个足够强大的精神控制机器，我毫无防御能力，而且我无法做任何事情来提高我的防御能力。但对于窥探性的问题，我可以采取一些保护措施，并且随着时间的推移，我可以改进这种保护措施。任何优秀的扑克玩家都知道，我越是学会主动控制自己的“信息”，也就是说，我越是学会管理自己自愿和非自愿泄露的信息，我就越不容易受到你问题的影响。根据上世纪中叶社会学家戈夫曼(Goffman)的研究，我把后一种能力称为“平衡”(poise)。在爱打探者和沉稳者之间的军备竞赛中，道德能提供什么保障?特别是，什么时候一个窥探的问题不仅是粗鲁、粗鲁或令人讨厌的，而且是真正的错误?更具体地说，什么时候一个窥探问题不仅是错误的，而且是错误的，因为它侵犯了收件人的隐私权?换句话说，什么时候一个侵入性的问题不仅仅是冒犯而是侵入?我提出两个不同的原则。(我对哪一种说法是正确的保持中立。)第一个原则:如果p是我的私人信息，那么我有权反对你问我p?我，你在问我吗?，你因此削弱了我对是否、何时以及如何向你透露p的有效控制。第二条原则:如果p是我的私人信息，那么我有权反对你问我p?如果你能合理地期望在问我p?，你就会因此削弱我对是否、何时以及如何向你透露p的有效控制。(实际上，这是一个近似值。有些簿记问题我稍后再考虑。)这些原则说，你不能问我私人问题，也不能强迫我说出私人信息。即使我不强迫你回答我的问题，我也可以强迫你提供信息。比较一下我强迫你坐着的两种方法。我可以说"坐那儿，不然我开枪了"这是强迫。或者我可以把手按在你的肩膀上，这样你就站不起来了。有趣的是，我们并没有反对窥探问题的一般权利。如果你问我想去哪里吃饭，并以此逼问我，你并没有侵犯我的任何权利。首先，我假定我们的直觉是正确的。糟糕的问题确实侵犯了我们的隐私权。问题是:这怎么可能?一些“健谈的自由意志主义者”不会喜欢这样的起点会话自由主义者认为糟糕的问题可能是俗气或粗鲁的。但他们不认为糟糕的问题可能是错误的，或者至少，因为它们侵犯了权利而不是错误的。我希望读者们能有耐心。我对为什么糟糕的问题侵犯了我们的隐私权的分析也构成了一个论点，即它们确实侵犯了我们的隐私权。我也假设，在一开始，我们确实有一类权利可以称为隐私权。这些隐私权的作用是保护“我的”信息。我的医疗诊断、性史和宗教背景，但不是我工作的大学的身份，都是这种特殊意义上的“我的”信息。对于向谁、何时、是否以及如何披露“我们的”信息，保持一种自由裁量的控制，对我们有特殊的、合法的利益。这种兴趣反过来又为我们的隐私权提供了依据和理由这种兴趣可能是建立在一个更基本的兴趣或能力的基础上，或被解释或证明是合理的。有人对这一愿景持怀疑态度。汤姆森著名地指出，许多典型的“侵犯隐私”同时也是其他形式的权利侵犯如果我侵入你的笔记本电脑，看你写给贾斯汀·比伯的情书，我可能侵犯了你的隐私权，但我绝对侵犯了你的财产权。如果一个男人在地铁上拉下我的裙子，他可能侵犯了我的隐私权，但他绝对侵犯了我不受身体侵犯的权利。如果这是正确的，那么隐私权还有什么工作要做呢?不像道德哲学家通常会侵犯隐私，糟糕的问题似乎不会侵犯我的隐私权之外的任何权利。那么，对于隐私怀疑论者来说，我的论文得出的一个结论是，隐私权毕竟有一些真正的工作要做。我将这篇论文按如下方式整理。在下一节中，我将对自己和怀特最近关于窥探问题的讨论提出质疑尽管打探问题可能会表现出不尊重或权利(挑战是这样的)，但它们肯定不是侵犯人权。比如，“你得了癌症吗?”这句话最好被比喻成毫无头绪或有理由的请求帮助，而不是透过帘子偷窥。为了回应这种担忧，在第三节中，我介绍了三个关键概念，每个概念都受到戈夫曼工作的启发:信息自我控制;风度;和唯心主义。在第四部分，我用这些概念来捍卫我所谓的坏问题原则。我认为，“坏问题原则”源于我们隐私权的基础利益，并表明为什么前面的讨论甚至应该说服隐私怀疑论者我们拥有隐私权。然后，我区分了对BQP的两种不同解释，并得出了每种解释的后果。在最后一节，我梳理了我的分析提出的一些进一步的问题。我问的是，我们对类似窥探行为的权利有多大。我认为，有时通过电子邮件询问我们不能面对面询问的问题是允许的。我表明，我的讨论可能揭示了某些礼貌规范的一种意想不到的功能，这可能反过来奠定了它们的(部分)价值。最后，我想谈谈我们的多孔性的价值，特别是在回答问题时。我认为，我们对姿态的不完美控制是关键，这不仅关系到我们表现真实性的能力，也关系到我们采取某种礼貌策略的能力。卡米拉患有早期癌症。然而，她是一个注重隐私的人，她还没有准备好告诉她的同事。她还没准备好告诉杰奎琳，那个部门里爱管闲事的人。不幸的是，杰奎琳注意到卡米拉的病情越来越严重;她一直在休假;她还经常在浴室里哭。和许多爱管闲事的人一样，杰奎琳有一种知道别人哪里出了问题的诀窍。杰奎琳在卡米拉的办公室停下来，突然问道:“你得了癌症吗?”将这一切与我们可能描述的仅仅是粗鲁、令人讨厌和脱离联系的请求的方式进行比较。

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引用次数: 0

Notes on the Contributors 投稿人备注

1区哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

Philosophy & Public Affairs

Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1111/papa.12246

Philosophy & Public AffairsVolume 51, Issue 3 p. 194-194 Notes on the Contributors Notes on the Contributors First published: 02 July 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/papa.12246Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL No abstract is available for this article. Volume51, Issue3Summer 2023Pages 194-194 RelatedInformation

哲学与公共事务第51卷第3期第194-194页对贡献者的说明对贡献者的说明首次发布:2023年7月2日https://doi.org/10.1111/papa.12246Read全文taboutpdf ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare给予accessShare全文accessShare全文accessShare全文accessShare请查看我们的使用条款和条件，并在下面的复选框中共享文章的全文版本。我已经阅读并接受了Wiley在线图书馆使用共享链接的条款和条件，请使用下面的链接与您的朋友和同事分享本文的全文版本。学习更多的知识。本文没有摘要。vol . 51, Issue3Summer 2023Pages 194-194

引用次数: 0

Notes on the Contributors 投稿人备注

1区哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

Philosophy & Public Affairs

Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1111/papa.12234

Philosophy & Public AffairsVolume 51, Issue 2 p. 96-96 Notes on the Contributors Notes on the Contributors First published: 19 April 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/papa.12234Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onEmailFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume51, Issue2Spring 2023Pages 96-96 RelatedInformation

哲学与公共事务第51卷第2期第96-96页对贡献者的说明对贡献者的说明首次发布:2023年4月19日https://doi.org/10.1111/papa.12234Read全文taboutpdf ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare给予accessShare全文accessShare全文accessShare全文accessShare请查看我们的使用条款和条件，并在下面的复选框中选择分享文章的全文版本。我已经阅读并接受了Wiley在线图书馆使用共享链接的条款和条件，请使用下面的链接与您的朋友和同事分享本文的全文版本。学习更多的知识。复制URL共享链接共享一个emailfacebooktwitterlinkedinreddit微信本文无摘要卷51,Issue2Spring 2023页96-96

引用次数: 0

Making the All‐Affected Principle Safe for Democracy 使所有受影响的原则对民主安全

IF 2.2 1区哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

Philosophy & Public Affairs

Pub Date : 2022-02-09 DOI: 10.1111/papa.12209

James L. Wilson

引用次数: 3

Market Harms and Market Benefits 市场危害与市场利益

IF 2.2 1区哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

Philosophy & Public Affairs

Pub Date : 2022-02-08 DOI: 10.1111/papa.12210

Hayden Wilkinson

I MARKET HARMS IN THE WILD

Until the early 2000s, grain collected from the quinoa plant was eaten almost exclusively in its native Peru and Bolivia. But that changed rapidly as western shoppers learned of its nutritional properties—between 2005 and 2015, the amount of quinoa shipped out of Peru and Bolivia grew more than tenfold.11 Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, “Crops,” accessed July 5, 2021, http://www.fao.org/faostat/en/#data/QC. With residents of wealthy countries demanding more and more of it, the price of quinoa rocketed from US$350 per tonne to a peak of $2,770.22 Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, “Producer prices,” accessed July 5, 2021, https://www.fao.org/faostat/en/#data/PP. Prices here and throughout are the prices obtained by producers in the country of production, measured in 2021 US dollars.

How did this price rise affect those Peruvians and Bolivians for whom quinoa was a key staple food? Quinoa consumption in those countries plummeted.33 Dan Collyns, “Quinoa brings riches to the Andes,” The Guardian, January 14, 2013, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/ jan/14/quinoa-andes-bolivia-peru-crop. In Peruvian marketplaces, it sold for more than rice or even chicken, resulting in few locals being able to afford it. Some commentators predicted that this would lead to widespread malnutrition among the poorest in those countries.44 Ibid.; Joanna Blythman, “Can vegans stomach the unpalatable truth about quinoa?,” The Guardian (2013), accessed July 5, 2021, https://www. theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/jan/16/vegans-stomach-unpalatable-truth-quinoa. And so it seemed that wealthy western quinoa eaters had imposed great harm by buying so much quinoa.

But that is just one side of quinoa's story. Although the price rise may have harmed those who consumed quinoa, it also benefited those who produced it. The income of quinoa farmers rose dramatically during this time, as did their self-reported life satisfaction.55 Andrew W. Stevens, “Quinoa Quandary: Cultural Tastes and Nutrition in Peru,” Food Policy 71 (2017): 132–42; Marc F. Bellemare, Johanna Fajardo-Gonzalez, and Seth R. Gitter, “Foods and Fads: The Welfare Impacts of Ri

直到21世纪初，从藜麦植物收集的谷物几乎只在其原产地秘鲁和玻利维亚食用。但随着西方消费者了解到藜麦的营养特性，这种情况迅速发生了变化——2005年至2015年间，从秘鲁和玻利维亚运出的藜麦数量增长了10倍以上联合国粮食及农业组织，“作物”，2021年7月5日访问，http://www.fao.org/faostat/en/#data/QC。随着富裕国家的居民对它的需求越来越大，藜麦的价格从每吨350美元飙升至每吨2770.22美元的峰值。联合国粮食及农业组织，“生产者价格”，网址:https://www.fao.org/faostat/en/#data/PP, 2021年7月5日。这里和所有的价格都是生产者在生产国获得的价格，以2021年美元计算。藜麦的价格上涨对秘鲁人和玻利维亚人有什么影响?这些国家的藜麦消费量急剧下降丹·科林斯，“藜麦给安第斯山脉带来财富”，《卫报》，2013年1月14日，https://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/ jan/14/藜麦-安第斯-玻利维亚-秘鲁作物。在秘鲁的市场上，它的售价超过了大米甚至鸡肉，导致很少有当地人能买得起它。一些评论家预测，这将导致这些国家最贫穷的人普遍营养不良同前。乔安娜·布莱斯曼(Joanna Blythman)，“素食主义者能忍受藜麦令人不快的真相吗?，《卫报》(2013)，2021年7月5日访问，https://www。theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/jan/16/vegans-stomach-unpalatable-truth-quinoa。因此，富裕的西方藜麦消费者购买了如此多的藜麦，似乎造成了巨大的伤害。但这只是藜麦故事的一面。尽管价格上涨可能损害了藜麦的消费者，但它也使藜麦的生产者受益。在这段时间里，藜麦农民的收入急剧增加，他们自我报告的生活满意度也有了显著提高安德鲁w史蒂文斯，“藜麦困境:秘鲁的文化口味和营养”，食品政策71 (2017):132-42;Marc F. Bellemare, Johanna Fajardo-Gonzalez, Seth R. Gitter，《食品与时尚:秘鲁藜麦价格上涨对福利的影响》，《世界发展》(2018):163-79。在秘鲁和玻利维亚，藜麦种植者是最贫穷的人，而藜麦消费者通常是最富有的人——秘鲁藜麦消费者的平均收入大约是藜麦种植者的三倍M. Bellemare, S. Gitter, A. Katsterine, E. Obregon和A. Zotz，藜麦贸易:对秘鲁社区福利的影响(日内瓦:国际贸易中心，2016);Bellemare等人，《食物与时尚》因此，从一个富有的藜麦消费者那里拿走一美元，给一个贫穷的藜麦农民，实现了更公平的财富分配。而且，消费者损失的那一美元所造成的伤害远小于农民获得的好处——后者对接受者的机会、物质福利和整体福利的影响要大得多。因此，即使价格上涨减少了当地藜麦消费者的财富，只要它至少使农民的财富增加了同样多，它仍然会产生一个看似更好的结果。但是，事实证明，当地的藜麦消费者甚至没有受到藜麦价格上涨的伤害——经济学家发现，即使是他们，作为一个群体，最终也因为资金流入他们的社区而变得更富有了Bellemare等人，藜麦贸易。因此，引发价格上涨的西方藜麦买家不仅造成了伤害;它们也给秘鲁和玻利维亚的穷人带来了相当大的好处。事实上，它的好处似乎远远大于坏处。第二次世界大战期间，印度的孟加拉省发生了另一次戏剧性的价格上涨，但结果不那么乐观。1943年，由于战时囤积、恐慌性购买、投机和通货膨胀，孟加拉对大米的需求惊人同上，粮食价格急剧上涨，使得许多孟加拉最贫穷的人——对他们来说，大米是最便宜的主食——无法满足他们的热量需求。在随后发生的饥荒中，大约有三百万人死亡Stephen Devereux，“20世纪的饥荒”，IDS工作文件105(2000)，访问2021年7月5日，https://www.ids.ac.uk/publications/famine-in-the-twentieth-century/。尽管孟加拉在2010年生产了迄今为止最大的水稻，但这种情况仍然发生了阿马蒂亚·森，“孟加拉大饥荒”，《贫困与饥荒:权利与剥夺随笔》(牛津:牛津大学出版社，1983年)。如何?囤积者、恐慌性买家和孟加拉的投机者通过购买多余的大米，推高了价格，使穷人买不起他们需要的大米，从而对他们的同伴、更脆弱的消费者造成了巨大的伤害。然而，2007年和2008年，全球各种主食的价格又出现了需求驱动的上涨。就像孟加拉在1943年的稻米丰收一样，2008年世界见证了迄今为止最大的小麦收成。但随之而来的是对小麦、大米、玉米和大豆的惊人需求。这种增长的需求从何而来?主要来自富裕的西方投资者。在全球经济衰退期间，投资者将大量资金投入小麦等被视为安全投资的大宗商品弗雷德里克·考夫曼，“食品泡沫:华尔街如何让数百万人挨饿并逃脱惩罚”，《哈珀杂志》，2010年7月，https://harpers.org/archive/2010/07/the-food-bubble/;凯蒂·艾伦，《对冲基金被指在食品价格飙升之际拿最贫困人口的生命赌博》，《卫报》(2010)，2021年7月5日，https://www.theguardian.com/business/2010/jul/19/speculators-commodities-food-price-rises。除其他原因外，这导致了各种主食价格的急剧上涨。价格上涨使4000万人陷入饥饿，并在30多个国家引发骚乱联合国粮食及农业组织，《饥饿人口增至9.63亿》(2008)，参见2021年7月5日，http://www.fao.org/news/story/en/item/8836/icode/;Anuradha Mittal，“2008年粮食价格危机:重新思考粮食安全政策”，联合国贸易和发展会议G-24讨论文件系列第1号。56(2009年6月)，https://unctad.org/system/files/official-document/gdsmdpg2420093_en.pdf。然而，一些市场参与者的购买行为再次伤害了其他人。在这些案例中，这些消费者的行为在道德上是错误的吗?如果是这样，消费者是否更容易犯类似的错误?这就是我想在这里回答的问题。

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IF 2.2 1区哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

Philosophy & Public Affairs

Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1111/papa.12167

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Feasibility as Deliberation‐Worthiness 可行性作为审议价值

IF 2.2 1区哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

Philosophy & Public Affairs

Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1111/papa.12206

N. Southwood

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Little Republics: Authority and the Political Nature of the Firm 小共和国：权力与企业的政治性质

IF 2.2 1区哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

Philosophy & Public Affairs

Pub Date : 2021-12-29 DOI: 10.1111/papa.12205

Iñigo González‐Ricoy

引用次数: 7

Time for Caution 是时候谨慎了

IF 2.2 1区哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

Philosophy & Public Affairs

Pub Date : 2021-11-19 DOI: 10.1111/papa.12204

J. Thoma

引用次数: 2

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