International Migration最新文献

Policymakers often assume that interactions between host society members and immigrants will promote integration. However, scholars caution against such assumptions, considering both contact theory's optimism and group threat theory's concerns. In the present study, we examine a series of hypotheses pertaining to intergroup contact and group threat theories, utilising data collected from Istanbul, Türkiye. Ordered logistic regression models are employed to examine how contact and threat dynamics affect integration perceptions. Findings indicate that the quality and site of intergroup contact, rather than its quantity, significantly influence host community members' perceptions of refugee integration and Syrians' self-perceptions of their integration. Furthermore, threat perceptions significantly affect integration perceptions while intergroup contact moderates the impact of threat perception.

In this paper I present the notion ‘migrant data extractivism’ and argue that it is a defining aspect of pervasive systems of data-based migration governance. I focus on two specific examples: the partnership between the International Rescue Committee and OpenAI for providing chatbot assistance for the delivery of educational experiences to refugees, and the collection and processing of migrant DNA by the United States Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). Within a system of ‘induced scarcity,’ forcibly displaced persons have been at the centre of exploitative mechanisms of behavioural data extraction aimed at expanding an economy of service provision that profits from the capture of migrant data with considerable behaviour-predictive value, and from racial-profiling securitization technologies. Working through the conceptual lens of the Latin American experience of extractivismo, I argue that migrant data extractivism goes far beyond mere user data collection. Migrant data extractivism sediments an ongoing shift from a system of rights, based on human dignity, to a system of sustained racialized dispossession, appropriation, and control, raising the question as to the limits of human rights in the datafied world.

The literature shows that immigrants who acquire citizenship tend to achieve better labour market outcomes than those who do not, though this may reflect positive selection rather than a causal effect. This study is the first to examine the consequences of citizenship acquisition for immigrants in Italy, a country with rising naturalisation rates and persistent ethnic penalties. Using nationally representative survey and register data for 2016, we compared natives, naturalised and non-naturalised immigrants on employment, socio-economic attainment and earnings. To disentangle selection from causal effects, we applied growth curve models and two-way fixed effects. Results show that naturalised immigrants have higher socio-economic attainment and earnings than their non-naturalised counterparts, but similar employment trajectories. These advantages are more pronounced among women. Overall, findings suggest that improved outcomes among naturalised immigrants are largely driven by positive selection into naturalisation, rather than by the acquisition of citizenship itself.

This study examines the determinants of public attitudes towards immigrants in Africa, using the contact hypothesis as its framework. This study evaluated how neighbourhood violence affects the acceptance of immigrants using three distinct sample groups: a full sample, a group with no foreign exposure and a group with foreign exposure. This study draws on data from 28 African countries, encompassing 28,685 respondents. Binary logistic regression analysis was employed to investigate the relationship between the independent variables and public acceptance of immigrants. The results indicate that concerns about neighbourhood violence significantly predicted negative attitudes towards immigrants in both the full sample and the group without foreign exposure but not in the sample with foreign exposure. Higher levels of education, especially post-secondary education, were found to be strong predictors of more favourable attitudes towards immigrants across all samples. Notable regional variations were observed, with the western, southern, and northern areas generally exhibiting more negative attitudes. The nation's current economic state negatively influenced attitudes in the full and no-foreign-exposure groups, whereas individual financial circumstances had a positive impact. Border control consistently emerged as a negative predictor across the samples, whereas immigration enforcement demonstrated a positive relationship in certain models. These findings offer crucial insights into the multifaceted elements that shape the public opinion of immigrants in African nations and have substantial theoretical and practical implications. This study contributes to the broader literature on public attitudes towards immigrants and the contact hypothesis from an African perspective.

Current guidance for refugee resettlement agency workers encourages the simultaneous pursuit of trust-building and administrative tasks (e.g., housing, transportation and employment). This dual goal is resource-intensive, and focusing on the former may come at a cost to the latter. The purpose of the current research is to challenge the importance of trust-building by resettlement agencies. Drawing from our qualitative data from in-depth interviews with resettled refugees (N = 20) and agency workers (N = 15), we adopt a grounded theory approach and find that the burden of responsibility for both caregiving and administrative responsibilities can overtax agency workers and create unrealistic expectations for refugee newcomers that can potentially have lasting negative effects on their resettlement. We explore the relationships among refugees and service providers and propose a self-efficacy focused rather than solely a trust-focused approach that prioritises opportunities of reciprocity for refugees that enables them to engage, contribute and be agents in their resettlement (self-efficacy approach). This primarily includes delegating some trust-building activities to diaspora to relieve resettlement agency workers of burdensome tasks for which they may be ill-equipped, so they may focus on tasks for which they are qualified and can be more effective. Ultimately, we argue that empowering refugees early on in their resettlement will reduce the likelihood that they will develop long-term reliance on governmental agencies rather than themselves and their new communities.

This study examines how refugees' destination preferences evolve during transit, focusing on three Central and Eastern European countries—Bulgaria, Romania, and Hungary—traditionally regarded as ‘transit only’ prior to the Ukraine refugee crisis. Using a mixed-methods approach, we first analyse 2252 observations from the International Organisation for Migration's Flow Monitoring Surveys to identify the main factors influencing changes in destination choices. We then complement these findings with qualitative data from focus groups with 16 asylum seekers in Romania to explore these dynamics in depth. Our results show that prioritising safety significantly increases the likelihood of asylum seekers reconsidering a transit country as a potential destination. Other influential factors include asylum conditions, migration costs, and educational background, with more educated individuals more likely to revise initial plans. Although our primary focus is on asylum seekers, we find that high migration costs also affect decisions, suggesting a need to ‘recover’ investments through settlement in more stable or economically attractive countries. The qualitative findings support the quantitative results, highlighting the role of legal stability, social networks, and perceived opportunity in shifting preferences. Overall, the study suggests that under certain conditions, transit countries can become viable destinations and supports the application of bounded rationality and human capital theory in understanding refugee decision-making.

Rather than focusing on the agency that refugees (re)gain in the host country, this paper uses the pre-displacement occupation as an indicator to analyse the change and continuity of their occupational pathways from home to host for demonstrating their agency. From an iterational perspective, their pre-displacement occupations reflect the agency underlying their job-seeking efforts and self-reliance. The findings show that while many refugees struggle to find employment, many can use their previous work experience and skills to pursue new careers in their respective fields. Their occupational composition is diverse, including individuals employed across various sectors—blue-collar, white-collar and entrepreneurial. Based on interviews with 110 Syrian refugees in Turkey, I argue that considering refugees' pre-displacement socio-economic context is crucial for examining their agency in host countries and for shaping refugee policies, as the development of their occupational pathways is closely linked to their pre-displacement occupations and may reflect either continuity or change.

This paper interrogates the making of digital subjectivities that stem from the multiple data extractions that migrants experience. It argues that the digitalisation of the border regime does not produce data doubles as discrete and intelligible objects of knowledge; rather, it generates scattered digital subjectivities. Relatedly, it contends that the scattered dimension of subjectivities indexes modes of violence beyond blatant law infringements: migrants are haunted by traces that disrupt their journeys. The paper starts by taking stock of scholarship on digital borders and migration, illustrating the pitfall of analyses that assume a discrete digital subject. Focusing on the French-Italian border, the article moves on by reconstructing the production of scattered digital migrant subjectivities. The third section shifts from digital subjectivities as an object of knowledge towards the effects of extractive processes on migrants: it shows that migrants feel disintegrated and unable to give an account of themselves, that is, of putting order in their life. It concludes by arguing that an analysis of the digitalisation of the border regime should investigate jointly the production of scattered digital subjectivities and the effects of disintegration that it generates on migrants.