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Democrats abroad: What motivates core activists to engage in political transnationalism? 海外民主人士:是什么促使核心积极分子参与政治跨国主义?
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-18 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13251
Amanda von Klekowski von Koppenfels
Research into transnational political engagement of non‐resident citizens has largely focused on the Global South and less on the Global North. This article focuses on non‐resident United States citizens, or overseas Americans, asking what motivates them to become politically engaged. This article contributes insights to an insufficiently explored case. Drawing from 14 semi‐structured interviews with strongly politically engaged US citizens living abroad, this article shows that they engage in political activism for many of the same reasons as individuals from other countries, as well as ones which may be unique to the US case. Key factors include mobilising to change things at home, the role of the United States in the world, civic duty, fulfilling work and reactive transnationalism. The article concludes with policy recommendations and sets the scene for future comparative research, both within the Global North and between Global North and Global South non‐resident citizen groups.
对非居民公民跨国政治参与的研究主要集中在全球南部,对全球北部的研究较少。本文重点关注非居民美国公民或海外美国人,询问他们参与政治的动机是什么。本文对这一探索不足的案例提出了自己的见解。本文通过对 14 位具有强烈政治参与意识的海外美国公民进行半结构式访谈,发现他们参与政治活动的许多原因与其他国家的个人相同,但也有一些可能是美国独有的原因。主要因素包括动员起来改变国内的情况、美国在世界上的作用、公民义务、工作的成就感和被动的跨国主义。文章最后提出了政策建议,并为今后在全球北方内部以及全球北方和全球南方非居民公民群体之间开展比较研究奠定了基础。
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引用次数: 0
Exploring the difference: Immigrant peers and the imagination of natives 探索差异:移民同伴与本地人的想象力
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-15 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13254
Ana Alanis-Amaya, Carlos Vargas-Silva

Using data for the United States, we explore how interactions with immigrants during school age affect imagination during adulthood for native children. The analysis uses The National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health survey and focuses on the impact of differences in the number of immigrants across cohorts within schools. Results suggest that exposure to immigrant classmates has positive effects on the long-term imagination of natives. Increasing the number of immigrants in the grade by 20 students, would increase the likelihood of reporting a high level of imagination during adulthood by three percentage points. We suggest that the effect is not coming via direct friendship with immigrant students, but through increasing exposure to diverse ideas and experiences.

我们利用美国的数据,探讨了学龄期与移民的互动如何影响本地儿童成年后的想象力。分析采用了《全国青少年到成人健康纵向研究》(National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health)调查,重点关注学校内不同组群中移民数量差异的影响。结果表明,接触移民同学对本地人的长期想象力有积极影响。如果年级中的移民人数增加 20 人,那么成年后报告想象力丰富的可能性就会增加 3 个百分点。我们认为,这种影响不是通过与移民学生的直接友谊产生的,而是通过增加接触不同思想和经验的机会产生的。
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引用次数: 0
Between a rock and a hard place: Multisystem resilience and Honduran youth migration intentions 左右为难:多系统复原力与洪都拉斯青年移民意向
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-12 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13253
Maria Estela Rivero Fuentes, Tom Hare, Laura Miller-Graff

More is known about how ‘push factors’ motivate emigration and how immigrants adapt to their new environment than about psychological factors associated with migration intentions for those experiencing adversity in their country of origin. This paper explores the association between multisystem resilience and migration intentions among youth in Honduras. In this context of high economic need and contextual violence, higher levels of resilience are associated with higher levels of migration intentions among those who have a job and thus the ability to navigate or negotiate access to resources – economic, social and psychological – that make it possible to consider migration. Among those who have not been victims of violence and consequently may not have that motivation to migrate, higher levels of resilience are associated with lower migration intentions.

人们对 "推动因素 "如何促使移民移居国外以及移民如何适应新环境的了解,要多于那些在原籍国遭遇逆境的人与移民意向相关的心理因素。本文探讨了洪都拉斯青年的多系统复原力与移民意愿之间的关联。在经济需求旺盛、暴力环境严重的情况下,对于那些有工作的人来说,较高的抗逆力与较高的移民意愿相关,因此他们有能力引导或协商获得经济、社会和心理资源,从而考虑移民。而对于那些没有遭受过暴力侵害,因此可能没有移民动机的人来说,抗逆力越高,移民意愿越低。
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引用次数: 0
Size and ethnic homogeneity of extended social networks in the Netherlands: Differences between migrant groups and migrant generations 荷兰扩展社交网络的规模和种族同质性:移民群体和移民世代之间的差异
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-11 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13252
Thijmen Jeroense, Bas Hofstra, Niels Spierings, Jochem Tolsma
Extended social networks encompass both weak and strong ties to provide social support and resources. Hence, it is important to study what explains variation in these networks. This paper addresses this and examines the size and ethnic homogeneity of extended social networks, and group differences therein, and it aims to explain these differences based on a preference–opportunities approach through a decomposition analysis. We apply state‐of‐the‐art NSUM methods to measure the extended networks for different ethnic‐majority and minoritized groups, also considering migrant generation differences, in the Netherlands. Results show that group differences in network size reflect first‐generation minority citizens having smaller networks and majority citizens having more ethnically homogeneous networks. More positive out‐group attitudes among the Moroccan– and Turkish–Dutch partly explain why these groups have less homogeneous networks than Dutch majority members. Differences in the ethnic composition of neighbourhoods also contribute to explaining the homogeneity gap between Dutch majority and Turkish‐Dutch.
扩展的社会网络包括提供社会支持和资源的弱联系和强联系。因此,研究如何解释这些网络中的差异非常重要。本文针对这一问题,研究了扩展社交网络的规模和种族同质性,以及其中的群体差异,旨在通过分解分析,基于偏好-机会方法来解释这些差异。我们采用了最先进的 NSUM 方法来测量荷兰不同种族多数群体和少数群体的扩展网络,同时也考虑了移民世代的差异。结果表明,网络规模的群体差异反映出第一代少数民族公民的网络规模较小,而多数民族公民的网络更具种族同质性。摩洛哥裔和土耳其裔荷兰人对外群体的态度更为积极,这在一定程度上解释了为什么这些群体的网络同质性低于荷兰多数群体成员。社区种族构成的差异也有助于解释荷兰多数族裔与土耳其裔荷兰人之间的同质性差距。
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引用次数: 0
Negative social capital and requests for resources in a developing country: The case of rural–urban migrants in Kampala, Uganda 发展中国家的负社会资本和资源需求:乌干达坎帕拉城乡移民案例
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-11 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13244
Giacomo Solano
This article analyses the social networks of rural–urban migrant entrepreneurs in Uganda. While social contacts are often an important asset to access resources for migrants, they are often expected to financially support the members of their social networks. These claims for support are here labelled ‘negative social capital’, following Portes' seminal work. This paper focuses on the kinds of networks that are more likely to produce negative social capital, operationalized here as requests for financial resources, and links this to the discourse on bridging and bonding social capital. By means of a regression analysis, this article provides evidence of dense networks with a higher share of migrants (bonding social capital) being associated with negative social capital. In addition, both a higher share of contacts met before migration, which is related to bonding social capital, and a higher share of contacts living in the city, which is related to bridging social capital, are negatively associated with requests for resources. These findings suggest that migrants can instrumentally keep some contacts from before migration and acquire new key contacts in the urban area.
本文分析了乌干达城乡移民企业家的社会网络。虽然社会关系往往是移民获取资源的重要资产,但他们往往需要在经济上支持其社会网络中的成员。根据 Portes 的开创性工作,这些支持要求在此被称为 "负社会资本"。本文重点探讨了哪些类型的网络更有可能产生负面社会资本(在此将其操作化为对财政资源的要求),并将其与有关桥梁和纽带社会资本的论述联系起来。通过回归分析,本文提供了移民比例较高的密集网络(纽带型社会资本)与负社会资本相关的证据。此外,与粘合型社会资本相关的较高比例的移民前联系人,以及与连接型社会资本相关的较高比例的居住在城市的联系人,都与资源请求负相关。这些研究结果表明,移民可以通过工具保留移民前的一些联系人,并在城市地区获得新的关键联系人。
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引用次数: 0
Transforming settlement and integration services during a pandemic 大流行病期间的安置和融合服务转型
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-11 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13245
Valerie Preston, John Shields, Jayesh D'Souza

Settlement services are key to Canada's success in welcoming and integrating immigrants. Offered mainly in person prior to COVID-19 by non-governmental agencies reliant on and regulated by government funders, services were forced online and delivered by staff working remotely. We document this transition between September 2020 and September 2021 in Ontario, Canada and the conditions that influenced it. Surveys completed by workers and managers at member agencies of the Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants reveal how agencies provided services and stabilized organizational resources and capacities. Their success is evident in staff satisfaction with management's responses to the pandemic. While our findings underscore the resilience of the agencies and their workforce, they also challenge many tenets of New Public Management. The survey and discussions with managers suggest that sustained and flexible funding, rapid and respectful communication between agencies and funders and collaborations with other agencies were key to overcoming pandemic challenges.

安置服务是加拿大成功接纳和融合移民的关键。在 COVID-19 之前,这些服务主要由依赖政府资助并受政府监管的非政府机构亲自提供,而在 COVID-19 之后,这些服务被迫在线提供,并由工作人员远程提供。我们记录了 2020 年 9 月至 2021 年 9 月期间加拿大安大略省的这一转变,以及影响这一转变的条件。安大略省移民服务机构理事会成员机构的工作人员和管理人员完成的调查揭示了各机构如何提供服务并稳定组织资源和能力。他们的成功体现在员工对管理层应对大流行病的措施表示满意。虽然我们的调查结果强调了这些机构及其工作人员的应变能力,但也对新公共管理的许多原则提出了挑战。调查和与管理人员的讨论表明,持续和灵活的资助、机构与资助者之间快速和相互尊重的沟通以及与其他机构的合作是克服大流行病挑战的关键。
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引用次数: 0
Unpacking “the system”: Multi-level governance gaps in the labour market integration of highly skilled refugees 解读 "制度":高技能难民融入劳动力市场的多层次治理差距
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-07 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13246
Micheline van Riemsdijk

A plethora of government- and non-government actors are involved in the labour market integration of highly skilled refugees, forming a complex “system” that is difficult to navigate for integration actors and refugees. Based on interviews with 32 labour market integration actors in Sweden, this article examines multi-level governance gaps in the wake of the simultaneous centralization and decentralization of labour market preparation services. It examines various “steps” in the labour market integration process to gain a more holistic perspective of “the system”, and identifies governance gaps in each step. The article finds that the devolution of services has opened up participatory spaces for non-government actors, but narrowly defined mandates and short-term funding mechanisms hamper cooperation within and between territorial levels of policy implementation.

大量政府和非政府行为者参与了高技能难民的劳动力市场融入工作,形成了一个复杂的 "系统",难以为融入者和难民所用。本文基于对瑞典 32 名劳动力市场融入参与者的访谈,研究了劳动力市场准备服务同时集中化和分散化之后的多层次治理差距。文章研究了劳动力市场一体化过程中的各个 "步骤",以获得对 "系统 "的更全面的视角,并确定了每个步骤中的治理差距。文章认为,服务下放为非政府行为者开辟了参与空间,但狭隘的任务规定和短期供资机制阻碍了政策实施地区内部和地区之间的合作。
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引用次数: 0
How framing impacts attitudes about electoral rights for non‐resident citizens 框架如何影响对非居民公民选举权的态度
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-28 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13243
Staffan Himmelroos, Jean‐Michel Lafleur, Magdalena Lesinska, Marco Liesi, Johanna Peltoniemi, Theresa Reidy, Daniela Vintila, Åsa von Schoultz
Widespread adoption of policies granting electoral rights to citizens living abroad has spurred vivid scholarly debates regarding the drivers and consequences of extra‐territorial enfranchisement. But, little is known about the views of resident citizens in origin countries on the matter. We address this research gap and investigate how resident citizens' attitudes to external voting rights are affected by different arguments usually salient in homeland political debates. The study draws on an original survey experiment conducted across five countries (Belgium, Finland, Poland, Portugal and Ireland) with different external voting regulations. Our results show that utilitarian arguments on the costs and benefits of extra‐territorial enfranchisement are persuasively shaping public support for the voting rights of nationals living abroad. They further suggest that resident citizens in origin countries that already grant extensive political rights to non‐resident nationals are more receptive to moral arguments of democratic inclusion regarding the recognition of such entitlements.
赋予居住在国外的公民选举权的政策被广泛采纳,引发了学术界对域外选举权的动因和后果的热烈讨论。但是,人们对居住在原籍国的公民对这一问题的看法却知之甚少。我们针对这一研究空白,调查了居住在本国的公民对外部投票权的态度如何受到本国政治辩论中通常突出的不同论点的影响。本研究借鉴了在五个国家(比利时、芬兰、波兰、葡萄牙和爱尔兰)进行的原创调查实验,这五个国家都有不同的外部投票法规。我们的研究结果表明,关于域外选举权的成本与收益的功利主义论点正在说服公众支持海外侨民的选举权。这些结果还表明,在已经给予非居民国民广泛政治权利的原籍国,居民公民更容易接受有关承认这些权利的民主包容的道德论点。
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引用次数: 0
Immobility in Moldova: Beyond the migration paradigm 摩尔多瓦的不流动性:超越移民范式
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-22 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13241
Ludmila Bogdan

This paper explores the motivations and barriers behind the decision of economically disadvantaged Moldovans to refrain from migrating for better economic prospects. Drawing on 30 qualitative interviews with voluntary stayers, it uncovers a range of individual-level characteristics that impede migration aspirations. These findings highlight the heightened sensitivity of lower-wage stayers to their perceived social status abroad, their limited adaptability to new cultures and environments and their lower willpower to endure the challenges of long-term gains. Moreover, this paper sheds light on their contentment with modest material gains and their aversion to migration risks. At the structural level, it emphasizes how social inequalities act as barriers for specific social groups, particularly the economically disadvantaged. These empirical insights challenge prevailing assumptions about the dominance of economic costs and network abroad in migration decision-making, offering a fresh perspective on the social factors and costs shaping stayers' choices.

本文探讨了经济上处于不利地位的摩尔多瓦人决定不为更好的经济前景而移民的动机和障碍。通过对自愿留在摩尔多瓦的人进行 30 次定性访谈,本文发现了一系列阻碍移民愿望的个人特征。这些发现突出表明,工资较低的滞留者对其在国外的社会地位更为敏感,他们对新文化和新环境的适应能力有限,忍受长期收益挑战的意志力较低。此外,本文还揭示了他们对微薄物质利益的满足感以及对移民风险的厌恶感。在结构层面,本文强调了社会不平等如何成为特定社会群体,尤其是经济弱势群体的障碍。这些经验性见解挑战了关于经济成本和国外网络在移民决策中占主导地位的普遍假设,为影响留守者选择的社会因素和成本提供了一个全新的视角。
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引用次数: 0
From smuggled migrants to ‘alleged smugglers’: Empirical evidence and policy perspectives on the criminalization of people on the move in Italy 从被偷运移民到 "涉嫌偷运者":意大利对流动人口定罪的经验证据和政策视角
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-22 DOI: 10.1111/imig.13242
Federico Alagna

Since 2014, numerous people on the move have been accused of migrant smuggling in Italian courts for steering makeshift vessels or for assisting in navigation across the Mediterranean Sea. This is the case regardless of the fact that such behaviour was the result of coercion or threats. In this contribution, drawing upon extensive empirical research and following a socio-legal paradigm, I first explore the criminalization of people on the move in relation to migrant smuggling charges in the years following the so-called 2014–2015 refugee crisis and discuss the impact on their rights. Second, I tackle the issue from a policy perspective, considering three potential EU/national policy reforms and the ways in which they could successfully address an existing policy problem. Such reforms vary in scope, from a damage limitation logic to a fully fledged change of paradigm, and the three can be described as follows: alignment of EU and national frameworks with the United Nations Protocol against migrant smuggling; a more significant differentiation between migrant smuggling and the facilitation of undocumented migration; and an explicit exoneration from criminal liability for people on the move accused of migrant smuggling. This article presents innovative insights, providing on the one hand an up-to-date empirical understanding of this form of criminalization of people on the move and, on the other, extensive reflections on the way in which policy reforms could prevent it.

自2014年以来,在意大利法院,许多流动人口因驾驶临时船只或协助航行穿越地中海而被指控偷运移民。无论这种行为是否是胁迫或威胁的结果,情况都是如此。在这篇论文中,我利用广泛的实证研究并遵循社会法律范式,首先探讨了在所谓的2014-2015年难民危机之后的几年中,因偷运移民指控而对流动人口进行刑事定罪的情况,并讨论了对其权利的影响。其次,我从政策的角度来解决这一问题,考虑了三种潜在的欧盟/国家政策改革,以及它们成功解决现有政策问题的方式。这些改革的范围各不相同,有的是限制损害的逻辑,有的则是范式的全面改变,这三种改革可描述如下:欧盟和国家框架与联合国打击偷运移民议定书保持一致;对偷运移民和为无证移民提供便利进行更显著的区分;明确免除被控偷运移民的流动人口的刑事责任。本文提出了创新性的见解,一方面对这种对流动人口的刑事定罪形式提供了最新的经验性理解,另一方面对政策改革如何防止这种形式进行了广泛的思考。
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引用次数: 0
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International Migration
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