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Understanding Female White Migrant Academics' Career Narratives: An Intersectional Feminist Standpoint Approach 理解白人女性移民学者的职业叙事:一个交叉性的女权主义立场方法
IF 3 1区 社会学 Q2 MANAGEMENT Pub Date : 2025-05-15 DOI: 10.1111/gwao.13276
Marian Crowley-Henry, Shamika Almeida, Santina Bertone, Asanka Gunasekara

This paper presents how a team of women researchers, with differing intersectional characteristics of race, family support, age, migration background, and career achievement, individually and (subsequently) collaboratively interpreted the career narratives of three white Western women migrant academics. Through auto-ethnographical accounts, we share how each of the researchers' intersectionalities shaped their respective initial interpretations. Moreover, through joint collaborative questioning and analysis of their individual perspectives, the process of their collaborative “doing” of feminist standpoint research uncovered unconscious privilege and power dynamics among the co-authors, leading to intense individual and collective reflexivity. A diverse intersectional research team facilitates a dynamic interplay between scholars' social locations and their evolving interpretations, moving beyond static understandings of standpoint. This underscores the bidirectional nature of knowledge production: Although social situatedness informs interpretation, engagement with diverse perspectives also reshapes scholars' own standpoints. Doing collaborative intersectional feminist standpoint research, therefore, leads to more comprehensive richer analysis where the power relations within a research team are also interrogated to spotlight inequality and exclusionary norms in academia. Drawing reflexively on our own diversity and intersectionalities can bring to light gender, motherhood, social class, ethnic, or racial marginalized positions and aid in understanding the othering process in career progression within academia. This reflexive collaborative research process involves intensive identity work, which is both emotionally exhausting and enlightening, prompting a united position on the intersectional inequalities among female academic migrants and the need for systemic change that questions dominant power structures and advocates an intersectional-focused, inclusive, and broader evidence-based academy.

本文介绍了一组具有种族、家庭支持、年龄、移民背景和职业成就等不同交叉特征的女性研究人员如何单独和(随后)合作解读三位西方白人女性移民学者的职业叙事。通过自我民族志的叙述,我们分享了每个研究人员的交叉性如何塑造了他们各自的最初解释。此外,通过对她们个人视角的共同协作质疑和分析,她们共同“做”女性主义立场研究的过程揭示了共同作者之间无意识的特权和权力动态,导致强烈的个人和集体反身性。一个多元化的交叉研究团队促进了学者的社会位置和他们不断发展的解释之间的动态相互作用,超越了对立场的静态理解。这强调了知识生产的双向性质:尽管社会情境影响了解释,但与不同观点的接触也重塑了学者自己的立场。因此,进行协作交叉性女权主义立场研究可以带来更全面、更丰富的分析,其中研究团队内部的权力关系也被询问,以突出学术界的不平等和排斥性规范。反思我们自身的多样性和交叉性可以揭示性别、母性、社会阶层、民族或种族边缘地位,并有助于理解学术界职业发展的其他过程。这种反思性的合作研究过程涉及密集的身份认同工作,这在情感上既累人又发人深省,促使人们在女性学术移民之间的交叉不平等问题上达成统一立场,并需要进行系统性变革,质疑主导的权力结构,并倡导建立一个以交叉为重点、包容的、更广泛的循证学术。
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引用次数: 0
A Good Bloke and a Good Man to Do Business With: How Men Use Symbolic Masculinity to Network Through Golf 一个好男人和一个做生意的好男人:男人如何利用象征性的男子气概通过高尔夫建立人际关系
IF 3 1区 社会学 Q2 MANAGEMENT Pub Date : 2025-05-08 DOI: 10.1111/gwao.13271
Andreas Giazitzoglu, Andrea Whittle

Business networks are known to be gendered. However, few studies have delved into precisely how gender relates to networking practices. This study focuses on the gendered symbolic practices used by men when they play golf for the purposes of business networking. The study involved participant observations of five men who worked as wealth managers and who used golf for networking with prospective clients. Analysis reveals how networking and cultural expressions of masculinity intersect. Specifically, we identify the discursive, embodied, and material symbolic practices used by the wealth managers to network with other men. The study shows how performances of “being a good bloke” and “being a good man to do business with” are symbolically related. We contribute to literature on how culturally embedded notions of masculinity are enacted in business contexts, especially business networking interactions.

众所周知,商业网络是性别化的。然而,很少有研究深入研究性别与社交实践之间的关系。本研究的重点是男性在打高尔夫球以建立商业网络时所使用的性别象征行为。这项研究的参与者观察了五名从事财富管理工作的男性,他们利用高尔夫球与潜在客户建立联系。分析揭示了网络和男子气概的文化表达是如何交叉的。具体地说,我们确定了财富管理人员用于与其他人建立网络的话语,具体化和物质象征性实践。该研究表明,“做一个好男人”和“做一个做生意的好男人”的表现是如何具有象征意义的。我们撰写了关于文化中嵌入的男子气概概念如何在商业环境中发挥作用的文献,特别是商业网络互动。
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引用次数: 0
“My Child Has Two Parents”: Swedish Women Entrepreneurs Doing and Undoing Their Motherhood “我的孩子有两个父母”:瑞典女企业家做与不做母亲
IF 3 1区 社会学 Q2 MANAGEMENT Pub Date : 2025-05-08 DOI: 10.1111/gwao.13272
Magdalena Markowska, Helene Ahl, Lucia Naldi

In this study, we explore how women who are both mothers and entrepreneurs construct their subject position as mothers in the presence of dominant discourses. Based on multiple interviews with 15 participants, our findings indicate that women engage in doing and undoing motherhood. Although undoing one's motherhood is related to negotiating one's position vis-à-vis social norms and expectations, doing motherhood is related to the construction of new discourses. We illustrate how a norm-breaking motherhood discourse emerges through processes of gender abating and coalescing. In this discourse, child-rearing is not a woman's primary responsibility but is shared between the parents, and the public and private spheres—work and family—coalesce. A good mother is constructed as an individual who can pursue her passions and realize her dreams and who focuses on her relationship with her child through her work as an entrepreneur while mastering desirable attitudes and values in life. We also find that entrepreneurship can be a vehicle for escaping normative assumptions about motherhood and crafting one's “project of the self.”

在这项研究中,我们探讨了既是母亲又是企业家的女性如何在主导话语的存在下构建她们作为母亲的主体地位。基于对15名参与者的多次采访,我们的发现表明,女性参与了做母亲和不做母亲。虽然解除一个人的母性与协商一个人在-à-vis社会规范和期望中的地位有关,但做母亲与新话语的建构有关。我们说明如何打破规范的母性话语出现通过性别消减和合并的过程。在这种论述中,抚养孩子不是女性的主要责任,而是由父母共同承担的,是公共和私人领域——工作和家庭的结合。一个好母亲是一个可以追求自己的激情和实现自己的梦想的人,她通过作为企业家的工作专注于与孩子的关系,同时掌握理想的生活态度和价值观。我们还发现,企业家精神可以成为逃避关于母性的规范假设和制定“自我计划”的工具。
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引用次数: 0
Whistleblowing as Disclosure Injustice: Testimonial and Structural Barriers to Being Heard 举报作为披露不公正:证词和结构性障碍被听到
IF 3 1区 社会学 Q2 MANAGEMENT Pub Date : 2025-05-06 DOI: 10.1111/gwao.13270
Kate Kenny, Maria Batishcheva

Are all whistleblowers able to raise disclosures effectively and safely? Or do some workers encounter unfair disadvantage because of who they are? Thus far, the concepts we use in whistleblowing scholarship fail to capture whether and how a whistleblower's gender, race, class, or ethnicity might shape their experience of disclosure. We address this discrepancy by interrogating how a specific social category, gender, intersects with whistleblowing. Our analysis yields a new conceptual framing: disclosure injustice. Disclosure injustice comprises, first, the variability in how different whistleblowers are perceived as credible and thus their testimony is taken into account (whistleblower testimony justice) and second, how structural arrangements support or otherwise people of different social categories coming forward (whistleblower structural justice). Viewing whistleblowing as a scene of potential disclosure injustice challenges extant assumptions that whistleblowing is, more-or-less, a universal experience. Contributions for research include, first, disclosure injustice offering a dual approach, testimonial and structural, that shows how whistleblowing is unevenly accessible depending on one's social category. Second, collective shields are shown to provide salience to speakers who are otherwise vulnerable to reprisal. They work precisely because they hedge against the credibility and support deficits that accompany the experience of whistleblowing. At its core, workplace whistleblowing is the act of speaking “truth to power” to challenge an oppressive status quo. Workers of all description must have equal capacity to engage.

是否所有举报人都能有效、安全地披露信息?还是有些员工因为自己的身份而遭遇不公平的劣势?到目前为止,我们在举报奖学金中使用的概念未能捕捉到举报人的性别、种族、阶级或民族是否以及如何影响他们的披露经历。我们通过询问一个特定的社会类别,性别,如何与举报交叉来解决这种差异。我们的分析产生了一个新的概念框架:披露不公。披露不公正包括:首先,不同的举报人如何被视为可信,从而他们的证词如何被考虑(举报人证词正义);其次,结构安排如何支持或以其他方式支持不同社会类别的人站出来(举报人结构正义)。将举报视为潜在的揭露不公正的场景,挑战了现有的假设,即举报或多或少是一种普遍的经历。对研究的贡献包括,首先,披露不公正提供了一种双重方法,证明和结构,这表明举报是如何根据一个人的社会类别而不平等地获得的。其次,集体盾牌被证明可以突出那些容易受到报复的演讲者。它们之所以有效,正是因为它们对冲了因举报而带来的可信度和支持赤字。职场举报的核心是“向权力说真话”,挑战压迫性的现状。所有种类的工人都必须有同等的参与能力。
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引用次数: 0
Between the Closet and (De)colonization: Exploring LGBT+ Job Satisfaction in the Chilean Context 在壁橱和(去)殖民之间:探索智利背景下的LGBT+工作满意度
IF 3 1区 社会学 Q2 MANAGEMENT Pub Date : 2025-04-23 DOI: 10.1111/gwao.13269
Fabiola Jeldes, Helena Montenegro, Javier Caceres

In a more diverse global context, companies have more lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and other (LGBT+) workers in their ranks. However, the factors influencing LGBT+ employees' job satisfaction remain unknown. Furthermore, there is little literature on why and when LGBT+ employees choose to disclose or withhold their sexual orientation and gender identity in the workplace (often referred to as “coming out” or “coming into” of the closet, respectively), influenced by the context of the (de)colonization that Chile has experienced in recent years. This study explored the main factors that determine the job satisfaction of LGBT+ employees and the dynamics they adopt to enter or come out of the closet. Data were collected and analyzed using the critical incident technique (CIT). The results showed that Herzberg's factors operate in modern, complex, and heterogeneous contexts. Both motivational and hygienic factors are involved in the job satisfaction of LGBT+ employees, and their influence depends on whether the context is (de)colonized or not. In addition, we identified a new factor for these employees, called contextual openness, which is linked to the decolonization processes that contribute to LGBT+ employees' job satisfaction.

在一个更加多元化的全球背景下,公司有更多的女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋、变性人和其他(LGBT+)员工。然而,影响LGBT+员工工作满意度的因素尚不清楚。此外,受智利近年来经历的(去)殖民化背景的影响,关于LGBT+员工为何以及何时选择在工作场所披露或隐瞒自己的性取向和性别认同(通常分别被称为“出柜”或“入柜”)的文献很少。本研究探讨了决定LGBT+员工工作满意度的主要因素,以及他们选择出柜或出柜的动力。使用关键事件技术(CIT)收集数据并进行分析。结果表明,赫茨伯格的因素在现代、复杂和异质的环境中起作用。动机因素和卫生因素都涉及到LGBT+员工的工作满意度,它们的影响取决于环境是否(去)殖民化。此外,我们为这些员工确定了一个新的因素,称为情境开放性,这与非殖民化进程有关,有助于提高LGBT+员工的工作满意度。
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引用次数: 0
Period Matters: Menstruation in South Asia. By Farah Ahamed, New Delhi: Pan Macmillan, 2022. ISBN-13: 978-9389104479; ISBN-10: 9389104475 经期问题:南亚的月经。法拉·艾哈迈德,新德里:潘·麦克米伦出版社,2022年。ISBN-13: 978 - 9389104479;ISBN-10: 9389104475
IF 3 1区 社会学 Q2 MANAGEMENT Pub Date : 2025-04-13 DOI: 10.1111/gwao.13267
Sharanya Muthupalani, Krishnashree Achuthan
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引用次数: 0
Feminist Silences in the Face of Israel's Genocide Against the Palestinian People: A Call for Decolonial Praxis Against Complicity 面对以色列对巴勒斯坦人民的种族灭绝,女权主义者保持沉默:呼吁反对共谋的非殖民化行动
IF 3.9 1区 社会学 Q2 MANAGEMENT Pub Date : 2025-03-20 DOI: 10.1111/gwao.13258
Hala Shoman, Ashjan Ajour, Sara Ababneh, Afaf Jabiri, Nicola Pratt, Jemima Repo, Maryam Aldossari

Feminist scholarship has long been committed to advancing justice, challenging systemic inequalities, amplifying the voices of women and other marginalized groups, and fostering global solidarity. However, the ongoing genocide in Palestine exposes a troubling silence within the field, revealing a deeper systemic failure to confront colonial violence (see also, Aldossari 2025; Ajour 2025; Jabiri 2025).1 This silence is not merely the absence of speech; it represents an active political stance that legitimizes oppression and undermines feminism's foundational commitments to justice. It is a form of complicity that has tangible, gendered consequences, including reproductive harm and systemic dehumanization, as we elaborate here. We argue that the silence of feminist scholarship on Palestine constitutes a profound ethical and intellectual failure, and we call for an active engagement in decolonial praxis to realign feminist work with the principles of justice, solidarity, and resistance against all forms of systemic violence.

This paper maintains that feminist silence on Palestine is not an isolated disregard but a reflection of broader ideological and institutional complicity within Western academia in general, and Western feminist scholarship in particular. Building on Spivak (1988), Jabiri (2024) argues that such silence functions as a form of settler-colonial epistemic violence—deliberately erasing Palestinian narratives, legitimizing colonial structures, and causing both symbolic and material harm. By failing to confront Israeli settler colonialism and the systemic violence inflicted upon Palestinians, Western feminism inadvertently sustains colonial oppression. This silence reinforces a “colonial common sense”—a framework that normalizes settler-colonial narratives and marginalizes Palestinian resistance within feminist discourse.

The article further explores how this feminist silence is embedded within broader institutional complicity, particularly within Western academic institutions. Universities invest in companies tied to the Israeli military and suppress pro-Palestinian activism under the guise of academic neutrality or Equality, Diversity and Inclusion (EDI) policies. These actions demonstrate that feminist silence is not merely an individual failing but part of a systemic alignment with colonial power structures. This paper calls for a reinvigorated decolonial feminist praxis that confronts these systemic failures head-on. It argues for concrete actions such as divestment from institutions supporting settler-colonialism, amplifying Palestinian voices, and resisting institutional repression. In contrast to the inaction of many feminist scholars, student movements—such as the Gaza Solidarity Encampments and the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement—offer powerful models of decolonial praxis. These movements bridge the gap between theory and

长期以来,女权主义学术一直致力于促进正义,挑战系统性不平等,放大妇女和其他边缘化群体的声音,促进全球团结。然而,巴勒斯坦正在进行的种族灭绝暴露了该领域令人不安的沉默,揭示了对抗殖民暴力的更深层次的系统性失败(另见Aldossari 2025;Ajour 2025;Jabiri 2025) 1。这种沉默不仅仅是没有言语;它代表了一种积极的政治立场,使压迫合法化,破坏了女权主义对正义的基本承诺。正如我们在这里阐述的那样,这是一种具有具体的、性别化后果的共谋形式,包括生殖伤害和系统性非人化。我们认为,女权主义学者在巴勒斯坦问题上的沉默构成了深刻的道德和智力上的失败,我们呼吁积极参与非殖民化实践,将女权主义工作与正义、团结和抵抗一切形式的系统性暴力的原则重新结合起来。本文认为,女权主义者对巴勒斯坦问题的沉默并不是孤立的漠视,而是反映了西方学术界,尤其是西方女权主义学术中更广泛的意识形态和制度上的共谋。在斯皮瓦克(1988)的基础上,贾比里(2024)认为,这种沉默的功能是定居者-殖民地认知暴力的一种形式——故意抹去巴勒斯坦人的叙述,使殖民结构合法化,并造成象征性和物质上的伤害。由于未能对抗以色列定居者的殖民主义和对巴勒斯坦人施加的系统性暴力,西方女权主义无意中维持了殖民压迫。这种沉默强化了一种“殖民常识”——一种使定居者-殖民叙事正常化的框架,并在女权主义话语中边缘化巴勒斯坦人的抵抗。这篇文章进一步探讨了女权主义者的沉默是如何嵌入到更广泛的制度共谋中,特别是在西方学术机构中。大学投资与以色列军方有关联的公司,并在学术中立或平等、多元化和包容(EDI)政策的幌子下压制亲巴勒斯坦的激进主义。这些行动表明,女权主义者的沉默不仅是个人的失败,也是与殖民权力结构系统性结盟的一部分。本文呼吁重振非殖民化的女权主义实践,直面这些系统性的失败。它主张采取具体行动,例如从支持定居者殖民主义的机构中撤除资金,扩大巴勒斯坦人的声音,并抵制机构压迫。与许多女权主义学者的不作为相反,学生运动——如加沙团结营地和抵制、撤资、制裁(BDS)运动——提供了强大的去殖民实践模式。这些运动弥合了理论与行动之间的差距,突出了团结转化为切实抵抗时的变革潜力。她们的行动主义强调了女权主义学者超越表演姿态、参与有意义的非殖民化行动的道德必要性。长期以来,女权主义学术一直致力于促进正义,挑战系统性不平等,放大妇女和其他边缘化群体的声音,促进全球团结。正如Aldossari(2024)所指出的那样,现代女权主义经常背叛其基本原则,在将巴勒斯坦人非人化的叙述中保持沉默或同谋,将他们的斗争作为附带品,或指责文化因素,同时忽视殖民化的结构性暴力。Kynsilehto(2024)认为,女权主义学术界对种族灭绝的沉默暴露了她们在非殖民化和交叉性承诺中的矛盾。Kynsilehto探讨了解决定居者殖民主义的挑战,女权主义关怀伦理的作用以及学术等级对参与此类危机的影响。她呼吁学术界积极反对种族灭绝,并重新考虑其基础,以促进有意义的团结和变革。这种背叛有切实的、物质的后果。女权运动和学者的沉默不仅消除了巴勒斯坦人在学术和公共话语中的痛苦,而且使使暴力永久化的结构合法化。巴勒斯坦妇女和男子忍受着象征性和身体上的交叉暴力。女性面临生殖伤害,例如在封锁条件下被迫在没有麻醉的情况下分娩(Boukari et al. 2024),而男性则经历了系统性的非人化,因为他们的家庭角色被抹去——鳏夫和失去家庭的父亲。男性和女性都遭受性暴力,有报道称以色列轮奸巴勒斯坦男性被拘留者(Cordall 2024)和以色列士兵绑架和强奸巴勒斯坦妇女(OHCHR 2024a, 2024b)。 这些暴行表明,殖民暴力不仅是对个人的攻击,也是对巴勒斯坦社区社会结构的攻击(Shoman 2025)。这种共谋使得性别暴力正常化,包括性暴力和“再提供”(Ross 2017)——蓄意针对生殖健康和家庭结构。就巴勒斯坦而言,以色列的种族灭绝行为超出了直接的物质破坏,深入到个人健康、身体自主和尊严等领域,影响到巴勒斯坦人生活的方方面面(Shoman 2025)。这剥夺了巴勒斯坦人生育和维持家庭和社会连续性的能力,从而对后代产生了影响(Khouri 2024;“回购2024”)。妇女不成比例地承受着这种暴力的负担,在没有麻醉的情况下进行剖腹产和手术,同时在恶劣的条件下照顾婴儿,往往无法获得清洁水或卫生设施。医疗从业者报告了前所未有的挑战,婴儿出生在几乎不可能生存的环境中。Alnaser医院五名婴儿的悲惨死亡,他们在被单独遗弃数周后饿死,例证了reprocide的悲惨现实(Goodwin et al. 2023)。女权主义学者必须质疑他们在边缘化被压迫、被殖民群体的叙事中的同谋,并重新致力于以受系统性结构性暴力影响的人的经历为中心的女权主义。解决巴勒斯坦的种族灭绝问题需要通过弥合理论与实践之间的差距来重新发挥女权主义的变革潜力。面对暴行保持沉默不是中立,而是同谋。女权运动的信誉取决于其对抗权力、挑战不公、与所有面临暴力的妇女团结一致的意愿,包括那些在加沙难以想象的条件下幸存下来的妇女。正如阿祖尔(2024年)之前所写的,“作为一个在加沙有家人的巴勒斯坦人:我不需要同情。我要团结”;真正的团结需要反对对巴勒斯坦人实施长期暴力的制度,挑战政治议程,抵制殖民主义叙事,将正义置于政治利益之上。真正的团结需要对定居者殖民主义进行批判性审查,积极抵制种族灭绝暴力,坚定不移地支持巴勒斯坦人的权利和自决。Al-Hardan强调在西方学术界对巴勒斯坦难民的研究中存在“隐藏的和不道德的材料和分析研究实践”。她认为,这项研究“只有在学术机构认可认识论的情况下才有可能进行,这些机构将被殖民和无国籍的民族视为‘他人’,作为知识的对象来消费”(Al-Hardan 2014, 69)。在许多西方女权主义研究中,巴勒斯坦都是通过“以色列-巴勒斯坦”的镜头被框定的。这种框架不仅根深蒂固,而且现在已经成为谈论、教学和写作巴勒斯坦的公认条件。这种做法反映了一种“认可的认识论”,在这种认识论中,殖民者和被殖民者被同等对待,使定居者的殖民暴力和话语得以延续。要理解女权主义者在巴勒斯坦问题上的沉默的深度——尤其是在加沙对巴勒斯坦人的持续种族灭绝的背景下——有必要研究这种沉默是如何与巴勒斯坦的框架联系在一起的,而不是挑战或抵制西方学术界的帝国主义权力结构。这种沉默在学术机构中起着认知暴力的作用。斯皮瓦克(1988)将认知暴力定义为通过知识生产对被压迫群体生活经验的扭曲或抹去。在巴勒斯坦的情况下,这种暴力是显而易见的,因为这种情况如何被框定为仅仅是“争端”或“有争议的问题”,将1948年的Nakba减少到另一个角度。这不是智力上的疏忽,因为它扭曲了历史现实,使定居者与殖民地之间的暴力正常化。通过将巴勒斯坦人的斗争呈现为一种开放的争论和与殖民者等同的东西,这种框架使巴勒斯坦人失去人性,并掩盖了定居者殖民主义的残酷现实(Jabiri 2024)。平等的立场,将殖民者和被殖民者视为平等,往往强调中立性和研究的“科学性”。这种观点忽视了知识生产造成的物质伤害,以及研究人员必须承认他们的工作可能使暴力永久化的道德责任。虽然某些形式的种族主义在英国高等院校的平等、多样
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引用次数: 0
Tokenism and the Concrete Ceiling: Navigating Racial and Gender Disparities in the Experiences of Black Female Police Officers 象征主义和具体的天花板:在黑人女警察的经历中导航种族和性别差异
IF 3.9 1区 社会学 Q2 MANAGEMENT Pub Date : 2025-03-18 DOI: 10.1111/gwao.13260
Toyin Ajibade Adisa, Gbolahan Gbadamosi, Teena Lashmore, Shampa Roy-Mukherjee

In this qualitative study, we investigate the lived experiences of 21 Black female police officers in England and Wales, with a focus on the intersectional impacts of race and gender on their professional journeys. By employing “tokenism” as a theoretical lens, we investigate the prevalence of a “concrete ceiling”—a set of explicit and implicit barriers that obstruct the career progression of Black female police officers. The participants' narratives illuminate a complex interplay of racial segregation, gender discrimination, and a patriarchal organizational culture. These factors collectively contribute to their feelings of isolation, marginalization, and limited opportunities for advancement. Our study reveals that Black female police officers often face tokenistic treatment, leading to heightened visibility, increased pressure, and a sense of being constantly under scrutiny. The findings challenge the notion of an egalitarian culture within the police organizations and highlight an urgent need for systemic change. By emphasizing the unique challenges faced by Black female police officers, this research contributes to a deeper understanding of the barriers to diversity and inclusion within the policing profession.

在这项定性研究中,我们调查了英格兰和威尔士的21名黑人女警察的生活经历,重点关注种族和性别对她们职业生涯的交叉影响。通过使用“象征主义”作为理论视角,我们调查了“混凝土天花板”的普遍性——一套阻碍黑人女警察职业发展的显性和隐性障碍。参与者的叙述阐明了种族隔离、性别歧视和父权组织文化之间复杂的相互作用。这些因素共同造成了他们的孤立感、边缘化感和晋升机会有限感。我们的研究表明,黑人女警察经常面临象征性的待遇,导致更高的知名度,更大的压力,以及不断受到审查的感觉。调查结果挑战了警察组织内部平等主义文化的概念,并强调了迫切需要进行系统性变革。通过强调黑人女警察面临的独特挑战,本研究有助于更深入地了解警察职业中多样性和包容性的障碍。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction to “Motherhood, Subjectivity, and Work” “母性、主体性与工作”导论
IF 3.9 1区 社会学 Q2 MANAGEMENT Pub Date : 2025-03-13 DOI: 10.1111/gwao.13255
Anne O'Brien, Eglė Kačkutė, Marian Crowley-Henry
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引用次数: 0
Education and the Gender Division of Labor in Japan: Trends in Paid and Unpaid Work From 1991 to 2016 日本的教育与性别分工:1991年至2016年的有偿和无偿工作趋势
IF 3.9 1区 社会学 Q2 MANAGEMENT Pub Date : 2025-03-11 DOI: 10.1111/gwao.13242
Ekaterina Hertog

This paper develops a nuanced understanding of how educational attainment is associated with time allocation trends of Japanese men and women by examining the gendered division of labor in Japan between 1991 and 2016. The analysis reveals that while university-educated men and women led a slow shift toward greater equality in housework sharing during these years, overall traditional highly gendered patterns persisted. Husbands continued to spend considerably more time on paid work and wives took care of most housework and childcare. There is no evidence for convergence in paid work or childcare for any educational group. In childcare, both men and women across educational groups increased their time investment. Even in families where wives have university education and see themselves primarily as workers, I document only limited shift away from the traditional division of labor between 1991 and 2016. I conclude that the transformation of employment practices in addition to changes in individuals' beliefs and state work–family balance policies may be necessary for a more meaningful social change.

本文通过研究日本1991年至2016年的性别劳动分工,对受教育程度与日本男性和女性的时间分配趋势之间的关系进行了细致入微的理解。分析显示,虽然受过大学教育的男性和女性在这些年中在家务分担方面缓慢地向更平等的方向转变,但总体上传统的高度性别化模式仍然存在。丈夫继续花更多的时间在有偿工作上,而妻子承担了大部分家务和照顾孩子的工作。没有证据表明任何教育群体在有偿工作或儿童保育方面存在趋同。在育儿方面,各个教育群体的男性和女性都增加了他们的时间投入。即使在妻子受过大学教育、把自己主要视为劳动者的家庭,我也记录到,从1991年到2016年,传统的劳动分工只发生了有限的变化。我的结论是,除了个人信仰和国家工作家庭平衡政策的改变之外,就业实践的转变可能是更有意义的社会变革所必需的。
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Gender Work and Organization
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