Journal of Criminal Justice最新文献

Purpose

Despite the acknowledged value of social support during reentry from prison, studies on the subject seldom use network-level instruments to provide more holistic policy solutions. This paper adopts a network approach that specifically defines social support as the resources exchanged through social ties. This definition expands the ways individuals can vary in the nature and scope of their social support.

Method

With a sample of 85 incarcerated men preparing for reentry, this study explored the key ways individuals can vary in their social support. Specifically, this study adopted a reentry specific name generator embedded in a semi-structured interview, wherein participants could delineate between different types of support. These interviews took place within prison and were administered with the software Network Canvas.

Results

Participants had a particularly challenging time anticipating transportation support upon release, especially when compared to other types of resources (e.g., having someone to vent to). The size and structure of their overall networks also varied considerably, with some anticipating all resources being provided by one person, whereas some could anticipate a variety of resources from a number of different people. Individual scores on resource diversity, counted as the number of unique resources in a network, varied considerable as well, and was not found to be a function of network size alone.

Conclusions

Existing measures of social support miss key areas of network-level variation in the nature and structure of social support. Adopting a network or resource-based approach could provide practitioners with the tools to effectively “take stock” of the resource network of those preparing to return home and more effectively funnel resources into those gaps.

Purpose

The study examines the associations between child maltreatment, including witnessing interparental violence and violence in the family of origin, and the timing of physical or sexual intimate partner violence (i.e., IPV) among married women in the Global South.

Methods

Data are drawn from Demographic and Health Surveys conducted in 46 nations. We consider if the experience of child maltreatment is associated with IPV that occurs before marriage among IPV victims (n = 66,693) and then among all married women (n = 255,607). Next, we estimate a multi-level survival analysis to ascertain the effect of child maltreatment on the time until the first incident of IPV in relation to when the woman married.

Results

Child maltreatment was not significantly associated with IPV occurring before marriage in the victim-only sample. Child maltreatment was associated with IPV before marriage among the full sample and a quicker time until the first incident (Witnessing interparental violence: Hazard Ratio = 2.01, p < 0.001; Experiencing violence: Hazard Ratio = 1.62, p < 0.001).

Conclusions

Early life experiences of maltreatment speed up the time until that consequential first incident of IPV occurs. Findings provide direction on early targeted intervention for high-risk women who experience child maltreatment.

Utilizing Donald Black's theory of law, the present study hypothesizes that police recovery of stolen property is affected by the relative social status of the victim/offender (victim and offender). It employs binary logistic regression on 1,607,823 incidents taken from the 2016 National Incident Based Reporting System (NIBRS) to assess whether race/ethnicity of the victim(s)/offender(s) influence this outcome while controlling for victim, jurisdiction, and incident characteristics. Analyses of victim race suggested that Black, Asian, and Native American victims were all less likely to have their property recovered than White ones. When both victims and offenders were considered, incidents involving Asian victims/offenders (victims and offenders are Asian) or Black victims/offenders (victims and offenders are Black) were especially unlikely to end in property recovery. Meanwhile, incidents where the offender(s) was a different race/ethnicity than the victim(s) were generally more likely to result in property recovery than when victim(s)/offenders were the same group. Consequently, this study supports certain predictions regarding police responsiveness and stratification from Black's theory of law. Yet while some racial/ethnic groups appear disadvantaged, whether someone is victimized by a non-community member may also be relevant.

Devastating incidents in which children have accessed their parents' unsecured guns and used them to kill themselves or others have occurred with alarming frequency across the United States. Although strong evidence exists that safe-storage laws decrease firearm-related child deaths and suicides, the United States does not regulate gun storage at the federal level, and few states have gun storage laws. In this context, the current study examines public support for safe-storage laws, and the association of such support with racial and political attitudes. Using survey-experimental data from a population-matched national sample recruited by YouGov (n = 1018), we find widespread support among the American public for safe-storage legislation, both globally and in the specific case of criminalizing parents' unsafe gun storage. Public support for holding parents accountable is highest when young children obtain especially deadly guns (AR-15) and shoot others. Our findings further reveal that public attitudes toward safe-storage laws are racialized and politicized. White nationalists report lower support for safe-storage laws, and this association is mediated by right-wing political views.

Purpose

To use zero-inflated regression models to examine the differences in prevalence and frequency of adolescent substance use. This addresses several limitations of prior research that uses dichotomous measures of substance use and does not estimate separate models depending on type of substance.

Methods

This study used data from the Arizona Youth Survey and included a variety of independent variables derived from criminological theory and several types of substances.

Results

Many of the independent variables were associated with substance use when logistic regression was used. Variables derived from social learning theory and the opportunity perspective had among the largest effect sizes. When zero-inflated models were used, findings were more nuanced, suggesting that there are differences in prevalence and frequency of use. These explanations were more consistent for models examining alcohol, tobacco, and marijuana, suggesting that social learning, social bonds, and opportunity may not explain street drug use and prescription drug misuse.

Conclusions

While the findings suggest that peer-based prevention and intervention programs should be used, differences between prevalence and frequency should be addressed. Additionally, while these programs may work for alcohol, tobacco, and marijuana, they may not be beneficial for less commonly used substances.

Purpose

Incarceration is linked to mental illness (MI), but limited evidence exists on the impact of the timing, duration, and frequency of incarceration on the mental health of males and females.

Methods

Data were drawn from a cohort of 83,049 people registered as born in Queensland in 1983/84 and followed to age 29–31 years. Cox regression analyses were conducted to predict the risk of MI diagnosis post-incarceration (youth detention or adult prison).

Results

There were 2010 individuals with a record of imprisonment/detention, of which 46.4% also had MI. Incarcerated males had a longer median time to first MI diagnosis post-custody than incarcerated females (4.6 vs 3.0 years). Incarcerated males who were Indigenous, first offended at an early age, were incarcerated more than once, and had a history of violent offences had an increased likelihood of first MI diagnosis post-custody. However, for females, incarceration-related variables were not predictive of first MI diagnosis post-custody. This might be due to the small number of incarcerated females, with a high proportion of them receiving MI diagnoses prior to prison/detention (65.3%).

Conclusions

This study expands existing evidence by providing comprehensive and detailed insight into the association between incarceration and MI for males and females.

Purpose: In the 2016–17 school year a Florida county integrated and formalized their school resource officer (SRO) program while simultaneously expanding SRO presence into the elementary schools. This study examines whether these changes influenced the number of school-based arrests.

Methods: Descriptive statistics explored demographic and offense characteristics of school arrests of juveniles in the county. Interrupted time series analysis was used to examine arrest trends over a six-year period and explore whether formalization and expansion of the county's SRO program immediately impacted student arrests.

Results: Results showed that contrary to the proffered hypothesis, the number of school arrests decreased by 5% post-intervention. Interrupted time series analysis indicated that the new SRO program did not have a statistically significant impact on total number of student arrests, but disaggregating the data revealed a significant increase to felony arrests and arrests completed by certain law enforcement agencies.

Conclusions: Findings suggest that expanding SRO presence into elementary schools does not automatically result in an increase in student arrests. However, the reorganization and formalization of SRO programming attempted in the county did not appear to universally prevent the criminalization of student behaviors.

There is an emerging body of research examining the impact of adult-use recreational cannabis legalization on racial disparities in arrests, yet this is among the first studies to examine changes to the jail population composition. We use a quasi-experimental design, including difference-in-differences (DiD) analysis and matching via the synthetic control method (SCM) to examine the impact of recreational cannabis legalization on Black–White disparity in jail populations in Colorado and Washington State. Our findings reveal that Black–White disparity has overall declined in both legalized and criminalized states. We observe more of a reduction in Black–White disparity in legalized states; however, the results are not substantially or statistically significantly different (DiD results: Estimate = −0.052, SE = 0.320, p = 0.872; SCM results being consistent with the DiD results). This research provides important insight into continued racialized social control even when laws become liberalized. Further, the findings of this study have important policy implications, as voters and legislative bodies should seek policies more purposefully designed to reduce racial disparity in the jail population if this is their goal.

Purpose

The current study was designed to evaluate the effects of time spent in pretrial detention on the number of days from release until experiencing an arrest for a new offense and a new violent offense.

Methods

Using a sample of 31,598 individuals from three counties in the United States, the evaluation estimated the effects of spending 2–3 days, 3–7 days, and >7 days in pretrial detention – compared to admitted to jail and released on the same or next day (0 to 1 day– on the number of days from release until a new criminal arrest and new violent criminal arrest. The primary models were replicated using inverse probability weighting and propensity score matching.

Results

The results of the study suggest that spending 2–3 days, 3–7 days, and >7 days in pretrial detention was associated with an increased probability of a new criminal arrest and new violent criminal arrest earlier when compared to spending 0 to 1 day in pretrial detention.

Conclusions

This research is consistent with the prior literature, suggesting that spending more time in pretrial detention might be criminogenic and contribute to an increased rate of churn through the criminal legal system.

Purpose

This study examines the role of national identification in public cooperation with the police in Ghana. The first objective is to examine the antecedents of national identification and police legitimacy in Ghana, and the second objective is to examine the association between national identification and public cooperation in Ghana.

Methods

Using data from an online survey of university students (N = 482), the current study employs structural equation modeling (SEM) to examine the antecedents of national identification and police legitimacy, and the association between national identification and public cooperation. Bootstrapped standard errors with bias-corrected confidence intervals is used examine the mediating effects of national identification and police legitimacy.

Results

The SEM indicates that participants who viewed the police as effective and distributively just were willing to cooperate with the police. Police procedural justice was the sole predictor of police legitimacy. Contrary to theoretical expectations regarding the status- and value-signaling function of procedural justice, participants felt valued and worthy as members of Ghanaian society when the police were effective at fighting crime and fair in allocating outcomes.

Conclusion

This study demonstrates that perceived group identification plays a role in public cooperation with police in Ghana.