How individuals incarcerated in the Global South engage with the official rehabilitative model remains largely under-documented. Through analysis of the narratives of men and women living in a large, medium-security correctional complex in Gauteng, South Africa, I argue that the grandiloquent official discourse of rehabilitation constitutes an important resource for those incarcerated. Highlighting the importance of local context in debates about carceral rehabilitation, I demonstrate that not only prisoners’ personal circumstances, but also the wider socio-economic context of enduring colonial legacies of structural inequalities shape their interactions with the penal regime. By foregrounding what those subjected to penal power make of their incarceration, I argue that the official rehabilitative discourse helps many to make sense of their predicament, actualise their lives, and sustain hope. I highlight how individual narrative strategies are channeled by and mapped on the official discourse of rehabilitation, free will, and personal responsibility, attesting to the success of the disciplinary project of the post-apartheid prison. I demonstrate how prisoners incorporate engagement with the rehabilitative model into a moral order of carceral cohabitation. I suggest that narrative work in the prison constitutes a nexus of individual needs and private aspirations and structural regimes of inequality, poverty, deprivation, and neglect.
{"title":"Narratives of Rehabilitation in a South African Prison","authors":"Anton Symkovych","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad040","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 How individuals incarcerated in the Global South engage with the official rehabilitative model remains largely under-documented. Through analysis of the narratives of men and women living in a large, medium-security correctional complex in Gauteng, South Africa, I argue that the grandiloquent official discourse of rehabilitation constitutes an important resource for those incarcerated. Highlighting the importance of local context in debates about carceral rehabilitation, I demonstrate that not only prisoners’ personal circumstances, but also the wider socio-economic context of enduring colonial legacies of structural inequalities shape their interactions with the penal regime. By foregrounding what those subjected to penal power make of their incarceration, I argue that the official rehabilitative discourse helps many to make sense of their predicament, actualise their lives, and sustain hope. I highlight how individual narrative strategies are channeled by and mapped on the official discourse of rehabilitation, free will, and personal responsibility, attesting to the success of the disciplinary project of the post-apartheid prison. I demonstrate how prisoners incorporate engagement with the rehabilitative model into a moral order of carceral cohabitation. I suggest that narrative work in the prison constitutes a nexus of individual needs and private aspirations and structural regimes of inequality, poverty, deprivation, and neglect.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44157956","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Studies investigating college views largely neglect the Black advantaged and specifically the role of parents in the college search process. Drawing on interviews with upper, upper-middle-, and middle-class parents, this paper investigates how Black advantaged parents view their children’s college options. In an anti-black and credentialed society, parents contend with the consequences of where their children enroll in college and the names their degrees bear. Black advantaged parents’ views of their children’s college options reflect a set of dilemmas relative to college choices. As college graduates, parents recognize that degrees from HBCUs are weighed down by racial stigma and institutional anti-blackness. Fears about anti-black perceptions of HBCUs fuel parental concerns about racial discrimination post-graduation. Yet, parents also recognize that as students on historically white campuses their children are at risk of experiences with anti-black racism while enrolled in college. This article describes the challenge of antiblackness as multi-dimensional, impacting parents’ attention both to their children’s experiences as graduates and as students. This paper offers implications for black parenting, decision-making, and higher education.
{"title":"College Choices, Choice Dilemmas: Black Advantaged Parents’ Views of Their Children’s College Options","authors":"Deborwah Faulk","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad038","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Studies investigating college views largely neglect the Black advantaged and specifically the role of parents in the college search process. Drawing on interviews with upper, upper-middle-, and middle-class parents, this paper investigates how Black advantaged parents view their children’s college options. In an anti-black and credentialed society, parents contend with the consequences of where their children enroll in college and the names their degrees bear. Black advantaged parents’ views of their children’s college options reflect a set of dilemmas relative to college choices. As college graduates, parents recognize that degrees from HBCUs are weighed down by racial stigma and institutional anti-blackness. Fears about anti-black perceptions of HBCUs fuel parental concerns about racial discrimination post-graduation. Yet, parents also recognize that as students on historically white campuses their children are at risk of experiences with anti-black racism while enrolled in college. This article describes the challenge of antiblackness as multi-dimensional, impacting parents’ attention both to their children’s experiences as graduates and as students. This paper offers implications for black parenting, decision-making, and higher education.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42831817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Correction to: Too “Full of Gender” How Activists Conceptualize the Promises and Pitfalls of Gender-Neutral Identity Documents","authors":"","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad039","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135930540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Sociology brings cultural and performative explanations to studies of populism and democracy. My research contributes to this trend by introducing feminist ethnomethodology into studying authoritarian populism and explaining its interactional mechanisms. I find that authoritarian populism unfolds as intensified boundary work in everyday life. Based on 96 in-depth interviews and ten months of urban bus ethnography in Istanbul, Turkey, I explain how this intense boundary work produces social discomfort in daily life through orienting toward, assessing in terms of, and enforcing conformity against a normative and binary populist mentality. Revealing this process explicates why civilian disciplinary actions intensify along with formal state repression. Regime loyalists and ethnic majorities experience and manage social discomfort more leniently than regime opponents and marginalized communities who are also dealing with the fear of state and civilian threats. There are three ways of negotiating social discomfort. Distancing from previously taken-for-granted interactions is widespread; marginalized communities censor the presentation of self, and regime loyalists display symbols of power reflecting the “native and national” mentality. The findings of this article suggest that social discomfort is a common denominator for prolonged authoritarian populism(s).
{"title":"Authoritarian Populism and Social Discomfort in Everyday Life","authors":"Basak Gemici","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad036","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad036","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Sociology brings cultural and performative explanations to studies of populism and democracy. My research contributes to this trend by introducing feminist ethnomethodology into studying authoritarian populism and explaining its interactional mechanisms. I find that authoritarian populism unfolds as intensified boundary work in everyday life. Based on 96 in-depth interviews and ten months of urban bus ethnography in Istanbul, Turkey, I explain how this intense boundary work produces social discomfort in daily life through orienting toward, assessing in terms of, and enforcing conformity against a normative and binary populist mentality. Revealing this process explicates why civilian disciplinary actions intensify along with formal state repression. Regime loyalists and ethnic majorities experience and manage social discomfort more leniently than regime opponents and marginalized communities who are also dealing with the fear of state and civilian threats. There are three ways of negotiating social discomfort. Distancing from previously taken-for-granted interactions is widespread; marginalized communities censor the presentation of self, and regime loyalists display symbols of power reflecting the “native and national” mentality. The findings of this article suggest that social discomfort is a common denominator for prolonged authoritarian populism(s).","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135753949","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Wealth, a significant dimension of inequality that captures both financial security and social position, shapes patterns of family formation. This study evaluates the role of wealth in the transition to motherhood. We argue that wealth is particularly relevant to when women become mothers, and whether their first birth is desired or undesired. Leveraging longitudinal panel data from the NLSY79 (n=2,382), we find that net worth is linked with a higher risk of a desired first birth and lower risk of an undesired first birth in the subsequent year. These countervailing effects are obscured when desired and undesired births are combined. Our study adds another important dimension to existing research by highlighting the distinct effects of both assets and debts, components of net worth that are typically obscured in aggregate measures. This analysis reveals that having financial assets, such as a savings account, are associated with a lower risk of undesired first birth in the next year, while unsecured consumer debts, such as credit cards, are associated with a lower risk of desired first births in the subsequent year. Our findings have important implications for social stratification in family formation given rising wealth inequality among families with children.
{"title":"Wealth and the Transition to Motherhood","authors":"Jessica Houston Su, Fenaba R. Addo","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad037","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Wealth, a significant dimension of inequality that captures both financial security and social position, shapes patterns of family formation. This study evaluates the role of wealth in the transition to motherhood. We argue that wealth is particularly relevant to when women become mothers, and whether their first birth is desired or undesired. Leveraging longitudinal panel data from the NLSY79 (n=2,382), we find that net worth is linked with a higher risk of a desired first birth and lower risk of an undesired first birth in the subsequent year. These countervailing effects are obscured when desired and undesired births are combined. Our study adds another important dimension to existing research by highlighting the distinct effects of both assets and debts, components of net worth that are typically obscured in aggregate measures. This analysis reveals that having financial assets, such as a savings account, are associated with a lower risk of undesired first birth in the next year, while unsecured consumer debts, such as credit cards, are associated with a lower risk of desired first births in the subsequent year. Our findings have important implications for social stratification in family formation given rising wealth inequality among families with children.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42041163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines perspectives and practices related to social triage and the exclusion of criminalized and marginalized individuals in community services such as shelters, mental health, substance use, and court supports. Based on two years of fieldwork and interviews with 105 practitioners, I analyze narratives and practices related to working with people described as having (or being) complex, high-needs, or high-risk. I show that individual factors, such as risk, need, or responsivity, are but one type of factor considered when practitioners make decisions about triage or service eligibility. Building from theory about the governance of “risk” and “risky people,” I examine how organizational and systemic factors shape individualized understandings of and responses to risk. I argue that given current practices in under-resourced community supports, triage and resulting exclusions exacerbate social problems and contribute to punitive exclusions, especially for those who seek services, supports, or housing but have records of sexual offense, fire setting, drug use, violence, self-harm or so-called non-compliance. Examining these dynamics bolsters claims that we should shift the responsibilizing gaze upwards to pressure institutional and state bodies who could transform the landscape for practitioners and their clients.
{"title":"Social Triage and Exclusions in Community Services for the Criminalized","authors":"Marianne Quirouette","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad035","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article examines perspectives and practices related to social triage and the exclusion of criminalized and marginalized individuals in community services such as shelters, mental health, substance use, and court supports. Based on two years of fieldwork and interviews with 105 practitioners, I analyze narratives and practices related to working with people described as having (or being) complex, high-needs, or high-risk. I show that individual factors, such as risk, need, or responsivity, are but one type of factor considered when practitioners make decisions about triage or service eligibility. Building from theory about the governance of “risk” and “risky people,” I examine how organizational and systemic factors shape individualized understandings of and responses to risk. I argue that given current practices in under-resourced community supports, triage and resulting exclusions exacerbate social problems and contribute to punitive exclusions, especially for those who seek services, supports, or housing but have records of sexual offense, fire setting, drug use, violence, self-harm or so-called non-compliance. Examining these dynamics bolsters claims that we should shift the responsibilizing gaze upwards to pressure institutional and state bodies who could transform the landscape for practitioners and their clients.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44159987","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
To make a nation on stolen land using enslaved labor, the early American state relied on gun and immigration policy to create a well-armed white settler population. This legacy continues to animate modern conservativism, which is staked on supporting gun-friendly and anti-immigrant policies. Despite this history and ongoing political reality, however, the sociology of migration has largely ignored the relationship between firearms and immigration politics. To explore this relationship, the current study draws on 20 months of ethnographic data from the U.S.-Mexico border. I show how contemporary American gun culture bolsters anti-immigrant organizations through two mechanisms. First, gun shows and shooting ranges are important sites of recruitment among anti-immigrant groups. Second, the thrill of handling firearms mitigates the monotony of everyday anti-immigrant activism, while also easing the disenchantment that participants may otherwise feel about the effectiveness of their actions in bringing about long-term change. The article concludes by urging scholars of American politics to be mindful of the legacies of settler-colonialism and to take seriously the reinforcing effects of guns on nativist politics.
{"title":"Armed Citizens on the Border: How Guns Fuel Anti-Immigration Politics in America","authors":"E. F. Elcioglu","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad034","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 To make a nation on stolen land using enslaved labor, the early American state relied on gun and immigration policy to create a well-armed white settler population. This legacy continues to animate modern conservativism, which is staked on supporting gun-friendly and anti-immigrant policies. Despite this history and ongoing political reality, however, the sociology of migration has largely ignored the relationship between firearms and immigration politics. To explore this relationship, the current study draws on 20 months of ethnographic data from the U.S.-Mexico border. I show how contemporary American gun culture bolsters anti-immigrant organizations through two mechanisms. First, gun shows and shooting ranges are important sites of recruitment among anti-immigrant groups. Second, the thrill of handling firearms mitigates the monotony of everyday anti-immigrant activism, while also easing the disenchantment that participants may otherwise feel about the effectiveness of their actions in bringing about long-term change. The article concludes by urging scholars of American politics to be mindful of the legacies of settler-colonialism and to take seriously the reinforcing effects of guns on nativist politics.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41630267","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Using the conceptual tools of anti-Blackness and the Black habitus to analyze the interviews of 38 Black youth who lived and grew up in Baltimore City, this study contends that the negative associations placed on Black youth continue to dehumanize them and prevent them from the full embodiment of student status. This article explores Blackness and its relationship with the privileges and immunities of student status within America’s collective consciousness. Through the voices of Black youth, this article provides evidence that Black students in Baltimore have not been fully granted the immunity of student status. Instead, Black youth participants describe harm in their schools and neighborhoods, as well as a tenuous relationship between Blackness and “studentness.”
{"title":"“I was called everything but a student”: Blackness and the Social Death of Student Status","authors":"Richard Lofton","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad033","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Using the conceptual tools of anti-Blackness and the Black habitus to analyze the interviews of 38 Black youth who lived and grew up in Baltimore City, this study contends that the negative associations placed on Black youth continue to dehumanize them and prevent them from the full embodiment of student status. This article explores Blackness and its relationship with the privileges and immunities of student status within America’s collective consciousness. Through the voices of Black youth, this article provides evidence that Black students in Baltimore have not been fully granted the immunity of student status. Instead, Black youth participants describe harm in their schools and neighborhoods, as well as a tenuous relationship between Blackness and “studentness.”","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49120584","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
What is the relationship of recreational associations to the political engagement of their members? We answer this question using multilevel data on 25 community choirs and the 1,032 members within them. Using structural equation modelling, we model the relationships between recreational association structures and member political participation through member experiences along with countervailing selection effects. We find that selection dynamics are the primary driver of the relationship between recreational associations and member political activity. We also find some evidence that associations foster new political activity in members through an interpretive mechanism—but not through developmental mechanisms. Recreational associations with more-participatory structures and broader organizational identities lead some members to interpret their recreational activity as publicly-oriented. Adopting publicly-oriented interpretations is related to certain kinds of new political activity. The results suggest that, overall, recreational associations are having little impact on political participation; when they do, they do so not by teaching participants how to do civic work but by altering how members think about civic life.
{"title":"Can You Sing Your Way to Good Citizenship?: Recreational Association Structures and Member Political Participation","authors":"Matthew Baggetta, Ricardo A. Bello‐Gomez","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad027","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 What is the relationship of recreational associations to the political engagement of their members? We answer this question using multilevel data on 25 community choirs and the 1,032 members within them. Using structural equation modelling, we model the relationships between recreational association structures and member political participation through member experiences along with countervailing selection effects. We find that selection dynamics are the primary driver of the relationship between recreational associations and member political activity. We also find some evidence that associations foster new political activity in members through an interpretive mechanism—but not through developmental mechanisms. Recreational associations with more-participatory structures and broader organizational identities lead some members to interpret their recreational activity as publicly-oriented. Adopting publicly-oriented interpretations is related to certain kinds of new political activity. The results suggest that, overall, recreational associations are having little impact on political participation; when they do, they do so not by teaching participants how to do civic work but by altering how members think about civic life.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48010267","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Evidence of racial disparity in punishment has been pervasive in the U.S. criminal justice system. Furthermore, a growing body of literature suggests that racial and ethnic disparities in criminal punishment, typically motivated by group threat perspectives, vary in relation to social and contextual conditions of court jurisdictions. One important factor relevant to minority threat and intergroup contact is segregation, yet research on social contexts and criminal sentencing has largely ignored this feature of local social structure. However, segregation might condition the effects of minority population size on dominant group threat responses in social control. Focusing on Hispanic-White segregation, we assess competing hypotheses regarding segregation’s role in conditioning Hispanic-White punishment disadvantage. Pennsylvania, which has recently undergone significant population change related to these processes, presents a unique and valuable context for study. Analyses of statewide sentencing data from 2013–2017 along with Census and American Community Survey data, reveal that Hispanic-White residential segregation seems to foster greater Hispanic punishment disadvantage. Moreover, segregation specifies the association between local Hispanic population size and Hispanic-White incarceration disparity. In counties with both greater than average Hispanic population share and greater segregation, Hispanic defendants faced even greater incarceration disparities.
{"title":"Segregation and Group Threat: Specifying Hispanic-White Punishment Disparity","authors":"Jordan Zvonkovich, Jeffery T. Ulmer","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad032","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Evidence of racial disparity in punishment has been pervasive in the U.S. criminal justice system. Furthermore, a growing body of literature suggests that racial and ethnic disparities in criminal punishment, typically motivated by group threat perspectives, vary in relation to social and contextual conditions of court jurisdictions. One important factor relevant to minority threat and intergroup contact is segregation, yet research on social contexts and criminal sentencing has largely ignored this feature of local social structure. However, segregation might condition the effects of minority population size on dominant group threat responses in social control. Focusing on Hispanic-White segregation, we assess competing hypotheses regarding segregation’s role in conditioning Hispanic-White punishment disadvantage. Pennsylvania, which has recently undergone significant population change related to these processes, presents a unique and valuable context for study. Analyses of statewide sentencing data from 2013–2017 along with Census and American Community Survey data, reveal that Hispanic-White residential segregation seems to foster greater Hispanic punishment disadvantage. Moreover, segregation specifies the association between local Hispanic population size and Hispanic-White incarceration disparity. In counties with both greater than average Hispanic population share and greater segregation, Hispanic defendants faced even greater incarceration disparities.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44384408","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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