Abstract This article uses ethnographic and interview methods to compare two international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) implementing public health programs in Cambodia. Both INGOs formally adopt the same policy, developing state partnership, but implement this policy very differently. One INGO successfully aligns the policy with on-the-ground practice, while the other organization is unable and unwilling to successfully cooperate with local state officials. I argue that previous research on international development organizations, policy convergence, and divergence in implementation needs to be expanded to analytically specify the process of policy alignment and misalignment. Drawing on the inhabited institutions perspective, I illustrate how global policies are made meaningful in intra- and inter-organizational interactions through a two-step process: (1) operationalization in which the broad policy is translated into specific programming and (2) implementation in which local actors do or do not align the policy with actual practice in Cambodia. This article offers a method for systematically theorizing policy alignment or misalignment with practice in international organizations.
{"title":"To Align or Misalign?: Interpreting INGO-State Partnership in Cambodia","authors":"Mary-Collier Wilks","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spac059","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spac059","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article uses ethnographic and interview methods to compare two international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) implementing public health programs in Cambodia. Both INGOs formally adopt the same policy, developing state partnership, but implement this policy very differently. One INGO successfully aligns the policy with on-the-ground practice, while the other organization is unable and unwilling to successfully cooperate with local state officials. I argue that previous research on international development organizations, policy convergence, and divergence in implementation needs to be expanded to analytically specify the process of policy alignment and misalignment. Drawing on the inhabited institutions perspective, I illustrate how global policies are made meaningful in intra- and inter-organizational interactions through a two-step process: (1) operationalization in which the broad policy is translated into specific programming and (2) implementation in which local actors do or do not align the policy with actual practice in Cambodia. This article offers a method for systematically theorizing policy alignment or misalignment with practice in international organizations.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136296490","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This interdisciplinary study applies Erving Goffman’s sociological theory of the total institution and the psychological framework of institutional betrayal to better understand how ongoing gendered and racialized power structures are maintained in Canadian policing. An intersectional analysis of 116 in-depth interviews with police officers from 31 police services and an on-line, national survey (N = 727) reveal that steep institutional requirements of assimilation and conformity, combined with various, commonly reported mechanisms of institutional betrayal effectively silenced, discredited, and/or minimized reports of sexual and gender and/or race-based workplace abuse. This led to significantly negative impacts on racialized women, men, and white women’s mental health, retention rates, and willingness to report workplace abuse. Overall, this study found the ongoing presence of systemic racism and sexism within police services across Canada, institutional knowledge of their existence, coordinated efforts to contain complaints, and ongoing resistance to meaningful change.
{"title":"“When They Hand You Your Uniform, They Forget to Say, ‘Hand Me Your Soul’”: Incidents and Impacts of Institutional Betrayal in Canadian Police Services","authors":"Lesley J Bikos","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spac062","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spac062","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This interdisciplinary study applies Erving Goffman’s sociological theory of the total institution and the psychological framework of institutional betrayal to better understand how ongoing gendered and racialized power structures are maintained in Canadian policing. An intersectional analysis of 116 in-depth interviews with police officers from 31 police services and an on-line, national survey (N = 727) reveal that steep institutional requirements of assimilation and conformity, combined with various, commonly reported mechanisms of institutional betrayal effectively silenced, discredited, and/or minimized reports of sexual and gender and/or race-based workplace abuse. This led to significantly negative impacts on racialized women, men, and white women’s mental health, retention rates, and willingness to report workplace abuse. Overall, this study found the ongoing presence of systemic racism and sexism within police services across Canada, institutional knowledge of their existence, coordinated efforts to contain complaints, and ongoing resistance to meaningful change.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"81 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136297588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The recent populist wave has raised questions about the implications of populism for democracy. Some scholars express optimism that populism may be a source of democratic revitalization, bringing about sweeping changes in accordance with the majority will. More often, populism is viewed as a threat to liberal democracy, combining calls for radical change with disdain for core democratic institutions and norms. We consider the possibility that these outcomes may not be mutually exclusive and develop a conceptual typology for understanding the consequences of populist rule. We then use cross-national panel fixed-effects models to analyze the effects of populist leadership between 1990 and 2017. We first examine whether populists have economic and social effects in line with their core aspirations. Left-wing populists are quite effective at implementing their agenda: they reduce income inequality, regulate markets, and incorporate marginalized groups. Right-wing populists are also fairly impactful: for instance, they raise tariffs, cut taxes, and restrict the rights of women and gay people. However, populists of all stripes are associated with the rapid and severe erosion of liberal democratic institutions. Populists, we conclude, often destroy democracy in the name of the people.
{"title":"Destroying Democracy for the People: The Economic, Social, and Political Consequences of Populist Rule, 1990 to 2017","authors":"W. Cole, Evan Schofer","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spac060","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spac060","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The recent populist wave has raised questions about the implications of populism for democracy. Some scholars express optimism that populism may be a source of democratic revitalization, bringing about sweeping changes in accordance with the majority will. More often, populism is viewed as a threat to liberal democracy, combining calls for radical change with disdain for core democratic institutions and norms. We consider the possibility that these outcomes may not be mutually exclusive and develop a conceptual typology for understanding the consequences of populist rule. We then use cross-national panel fixed-effects models to analyze the effects of populist leadership between 1990 and 2017. We first examine whether populists have economic and social effects in line with their core aspirations. Left-wing populists are quite effective at implementing their agenda: they reduce income inequality, regulate markets, and incorporate marginalized groups. Right-wing populists are also fairly impactful: for instance, they raise tariffs, cut taxes, and restrict the rights of women and gay people. However, populists of all stripes are associated with the rapid and severe erosion of liberal democratic institutions. Populists, we conclude, often destroy democracy in the name of the people.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45857674","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Social movements pushed to reconceptualize intimate partner violence (IPV) as a social problem deserving of intervention rather than a private family matter. However, little work has examined which interventions the public is likely to support. How and where do personal politics affect perceptions of and responses to a social problem? To address these questions, 739 participants read a victim’s narrative from a court case and indicated their concern for the victim and support for issuing a protection order, prohibiting the abuser from owning a gun, or the victim owning a gun to protect herself. Concern for the victim and support for issuing a protection order was widespread, regardless of political leaning, with minor variations driven by role-taking and attitudes towards IPV. Similarly, support for the victim receiving a protection order was high, with political ideology and political affiliation having no direct effects. While concern increased support for each intervention, it held less explanatory power for gun-related interventions. Instead, political ideology and affiliation shaped support for disarming the abuser or arming the victim. Support for these interventions seemed to filter through a political lens. Thus, one’s personal politics drive divergent intervention attitudes, even when concern for a social problem is shared.
{"title":"Polarized Support for Intimate Partner Violence Gun-Related Interventions","authors":"Anne Groggel","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spac063","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spac063","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Social movements pushed to reconceptualize intimate partner violence (IPV) as a social problem deserving of intervention rather than a private family matter. However, little work has examined which interventions the public is likely to support. How and where do personal politics affect perceptions of and responses to a social problem? To address these questions, 739 participants read a victim’s narrative from a court case and indicated their concern for the victim and support for issuing a protection order, prohibiting the abuser from owning a gun, or the victim owning a gun to protect herself. Concern for the victim and support for issuing a protection order was widespread, regardless of political leaning, with minor variations driven by role-taking and attitudes towards IPV. Similarly, support for the victim receiving a protection order was high, with political ideology and political affiliation having no direct effects. While concern increased support for each intervention, it held less explanatory power for gun-related interventions. Instead, political ideology and affiliation shaped support for disarming the abuser or arming the victim. Support for these interventions seemed to filter through a political lens. Thus, one’s personal politics drive divergent intervention attitudes, even when concern for a social problem is shared.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134969539","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Eviction filing rates have declined in many large cities in the United States. Existing scholarship on eviction, which focuses on discrete tenant-landlord relationships, has few explanations for this decline. I consider whether community organizing by nonprofit organizations shapes the social organization of communities and causes landlords to file fewer eviction filings. In cities where tenant and anti-poverty organizing has become common, community-oriented nonprofit organizations advocate for disadvantaged communities and help residents avoid poverty. Community organizing has rarely been studied as a predictor of housing security among low-income tenants, despite studies of how community organizing shapes the use of property in wealthy neighborhoods. I estimate the causal effect of community organizations on eviction filing rates between 2000 and 2016 using longitudinal data and a strategy to account for the endogeneity of nonprofits and eviction. Evidence from year-to-year models in 75 large cities spanning sixteen years estimate that an addition of ten community nonprofits in a city of 100,000 residents is associated with a ten percent reduction in eviction filing. This effect is comparable to the effect of community organizations on murder and is roughly a third of the association between eviction and concentrated disadvantage.
{"title":"The Effect of Community Organizing on Landlords’ Use of Eviction Filing: Evidence from U.S. Cities","authors":"Andrew Messamore","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spac061","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spac061","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Eviction filing rates have declined in many large cities in the United States. Existing scholarship on eviction, which focuses on discrete tenant-landlord relationships, has few explanations for this decline. I consider whether community organizing by nonprofit organizations shapes the social organization of communities and causes landlords to file fewer eviction filings. In cities where tenant and anti-poverty organizing has become common, community-oriented nonprofit organizations advocate for disadvantaged communities and help residents avoid poverty. Community organizing has rarely been studied as a predictor of housing security among low-income tenants, despite studies of how community organizing shapes the use of property in wealthy neighborhoods. I estimate the causal effect of community organizations on eviction filing rates between 2000 and 2016 using longitudinal data and a strategy to account for the endogeneity of nonprofits and eviction. Evidence from year-to-year models in 75 large cities spanning sixteen years estimate that an addition of ten community nonprofits in a city of 100,000 residents is associated with a ten percent reduction in eviction filing. This effect is comparable to the effect of community organizations on murder and is roughly a third of the association between eviction and concentrated disadvantage.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135500285","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Gina Fedock, Celina M. Doria, Marion L. D. Malcome
Incarcerated mothers experience multiple forms of harm embedded within the criminal legal system, yet relatively little attention has been paid to incarcerated mothers’ experiences of slow violence, violence whose harm occurs gradually over time, often in mundane and disregarded ways. We conducted semi-structured interviews with incarcerated mothers to explore their parenting experiences while in prison and analyzed their experiences through the frame of slow violence. The findings include salient themes of environmentally hazardous prison conditions that negatively impacted their health; broken phones that disrupted communication with and parenting of their children; and unending waitlists that jeopardized their parenting rights and delayed reunification with their children. We situate these findings within the framework of slow violence to highlight the insidious and overlooked forms of harm in the prison environment which impacted aspects of incarcerated mothers’ wellbeing. We argue that understanding incarcerated mothers’ experiences within this framework draws attention to ways that state actors, as well as common theoretical framings of incarceration dynamics, perpetuate and normalize the suffering of incarcerated mothers. By reframing the harms of incarceration as acts of slow violence, new insights are gleaned for theorizing and addressing violence against incarcerated women.
{"title":"“Scum (of the Earth)”: Incarcerated Mothers’ Experiences of Slow Violence","authors":"Gina Fedock, Celina M. Doria, Marion L. D. Malcome","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spac058","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spac058","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Incarcerated mothers experience multiple forms of harm embedded within the criminal legal system, yet relatively little attention has been paid to incarcerated mothers’ experiences of slow violence, violence whose harm occurs gradually over time, often in mundane and disregarded ways. We conducted semi-structured interviews with incarcerated mothers to explore their parenting experiences while in prison and analyzed their experiences through the frame of slow violence. The findings include salient themes of environmentally hazardous prison conditions that negatively impacted their health; broken phones that disrupted communication with and parenting of their children; and unending waitlists that jeopardized their parenting rights and delayed reunification with their children. We situate these findings within the framework of slow violence to highlight the insidious and overlooked forms of harm in the prison environment which impacted aspects of incarcerated mothers’ wellbeing. We argue that understanding incarcerated mothers’ experiences within this framework draws attention to ways that state actors, as well as common theoretical framings of incarceration dynamics, perpetuate and normalize the suffering of incarcerated mothers. By reframing the harms of incarceration as acts of slow violence, new insights are gleaned for theorizing and addressing violence against incarcerated women.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46135684","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Existing sociological literature provides conflicting theoretical accounts of disadvantaged youth’s aspirations. While structuralists and rational choice theorists contend that disadvantaged young people tend to form low aspirations in the face of limited structural opportunities, cultural sociologists maintain that disadvantaged youth construct highly aspirational imagined futures to claim their moral self-worth in the present. I argue that incorporating time frames into the study of aspirations helps resolve the tension by enabling researchers to investigate when—in what time frame—one model works better than others. I demonstrate the value of this approach using qualitative interviews with 31 eighth-grade students in China’s rural Shanxi Province, where structural constraints of socioeconomic attainment undercut cultural ideals of social mobility. In this context, findings show that respondents focused on practical constraints from their academic performance and family economic strains when projecting their short-term futures (structural/rational choice model) while they constructed future selves distinctive from rural origins in their long-term futures (cultural model). I conclude by discussing this approach’s implications for studying aspirations, expectations, and their relationships to educational and career outcomes.
{"title":"Different Time Frames, Different Futures: How Disadvantaged Youth Project Realistic and Idealistic Futures","authors":"Yingjian Liang","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spac053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spac053","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Existing sociological literature provides conflicting theoretical accounts of disadvantaged youth’s aspirations. While structuralists and rational choice theorists contend that disadvantaged young people tend to form low aspirations in the face of limited structural opportunities, cultural sociologists maintain that disadvantaged youth construct highly aspirational imagined futures to claim their moral self-worth in the present. I argue that incorporating time frames into the study of aspirations helps resolve the tension by enabling researchers to investigate when—in what time frame—one model works better than others. I demonstrate the value of this approach using qualitative interviews with 31 eighth-grade students in China’s rural Shanxi Province, where structural constraints of socioeconomic attainment undercut cultural ideals of social mobility. In this context, findings show that respondents focused on practical constraints from their academic performance and family economic strains when projecting their short-term futures (structural/rational choice model) while they constructed future selves distinctive from rural origins in their long-term futures (cultural model). I conclude by discussing this approach’s implications for studying aspirations, expectations, and their relationships to educational and career outcomes.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48780473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
An established literature demonstrates that formerly imprisoned people experience barriers to finding work. However, no research has analyzed how noncitizens experience socioeconomic reintegration following imprisonment. Additionally, while we know many immigrants find work in co-ethnic labor markets, we know little about how these networks respond to individuals with a criminal record. I analyze 321 longitudinal, semi-structured interviews collected between 2013–2016 from 121 noncitizens who were detained by U.S. immigration authorities for six months or longer and then released back into their communities on bond. Results reveal a complex set of socioeconomic reintegration experiences that are shaped by ethnic, legal, generational, and gender stratification in immigrant integration outcomes more broadly. These findings have important implications as immigration laws have become increasingly punitive and intertwined with criminal laws.
{"title":"Blurring the Borders of Reentry: Socioeconomic Reintegration among Noncitizens Following Release from Immigration Detention","authors":"Caitlin C. Patler","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spac050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spac050","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 An established literature demonstrates that formerly imprisoned people experience barriers to finding work. However, no research has analyzed how noncitizens experience socioeconomic reintegration following imprisonment. Additionally, while we know many immigrants find work in co-ethnic labor markets, we know little about how these networks respond to individuals with a criminal record. I analyze 321 longitudinal, semi-structured interviews collected between 2013–2016 from 121 noncitizens who were detained by U.S. immigration authorities for six months or longer and then released back into their communities on bond. Results reveal a complex set of socioeconomic reintegration experiences that are shaped by ethnic, legal, generational, and gender stratification in immigrant integration outcomes more broadly. These findings have important implications as immigration laws have become increasingly punitive and intertwined with criminal laws.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47615331","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Scholars posit that lower-income undergraduates experience “cultural mismatch,” which undermines their sense of belonging, promotes withdrawal from campus, and limits mobility upon graduation. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 103 undergraduates at an elite university, we examine how students’ diverse trajectories to college affect how they identify as members of the community and modulate the relationship between social class and sense of belonging. While upper-income undergraduates find commonalities between themselves and college peers and integrate into the community, lower-income students offer divergent accounts. The doubly disadvantaged—lower-income undergraduates who attended local, typically distressed public high schools—felt a heightened sense of difference, drew moral boundaries, and withdrew from campus life. Alternatively, the privileged poor—lower-income undergraduates who attended boarding, day, and preparatory high schools—adopted a cosmopolitan approach focused on continued expansion of horizons and integrated into campus. Through detailing this overlooked diversity among lower-income undergraduates, our findings expand theoretical frameworks for examining sense of belonging to include boundary work that shapes students’ agendas, thereby deepening our understanding of the reproduction of inequality in college.
{"title":"Belonging and Boundaries at an Elite University","authors":"A. Jack, Zennon Black","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spac051","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spac051","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Scholars posit that lower-income undergraduates experience “cultural mismatch,” which undermines their sense of belonging, promotes withdrawal from campus, and limits mobility upon graduation. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 103 undergraduates at an elite university, we examine how students’ diverse trajectories to college affect how they identify as members of the community and modulate the relationship between social class and sense of belonging. While upper-income undergraduates find commonalities between themselves and college peers and integrate into the community, lower-income students offer divergent accounts. The doubly disadvantaged—lower-income undergraduates who attended local, typically distressed public high schools—felt a heightened sense of difference, drew moral boundaries, and withdrew from campus life. Alternatively, the privileged poor—lower-income undergraduates who attended boarding, day, and preparatory high schools—adopted a cosmopolitan approach focused on continued expansion of horizons and integrated into campus. Through detailing this overlooked diversity among lower-income undergraduates, our findings expand theoretical frameworks for examining sense of belonging to include boundary work that shapes students’ agendas, thereby deepening our understanding of the reproduction of inequality in college.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46884201","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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