Pub Date : 2024-02-01Epub Date: 2022-02-11DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac007
Emma Bosley-Smith, Rin Reczek
Many LGBTQ adults have ongoing relationships with their parents that are ambivalent, typified by both solidarity (e.g., frequent contact, emotional or financial exchange) as well as conflict (e.g., parents' heterosexism and cissexism). Yet, why LGBTQ people remain in-rather than end-their ambivalent intergenerational ties is underexplored. We analyze qualitative in-depth interview data with 76 LGBTQ adults to answer this question. We find that LGBTQ adult children deploy narratives that privilege intergenerational solidarity over strain-what we call "solidarity rationales"- to explain why they remain in their ambivalent intergenerational ties. Four solidarity rationales were identified: 1) closeness and love, 2) parental growth, 3) the unique parent-child role, and 4) the importance of parental resources. Identifying LGBTQ adults' solidarity rationales pulls back the curtain on the compulsory social forces driving persistent intergenerational relationships. This study also advances our thinking about how socially marginalized people cope with complex social ties that include interpersonal discrimination and stigma.
{"title":"Why LGBTQ Adults Keep Ambivalent Ties with Parents: Theorizing \"Solidarity Rationales\".","authors":"Emma Bosley-Smith, Rin Reczek","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spac007","DOIUrl":"10.1093/socpro/spac007","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Many LGBTQ adults have ongoing relationships with their parents that are ambivalent, typified by both solidarity (e.g., frequent contact, emotional or financial exchange) as well as conflict (e.g., parents' heterosexism and cissexism). Yet, why LGBTQ people remain in-rather than end-their ambivalent intergenerational ties is underexplored. We analyze qualitative in-depth interview data with 76 LGBTQ adults to answer this question. We find that LGBTQ adult children deploy narratives that privilege intergenerational solidarity over strain-what we call \"solidarity rationales\"- to explain why they remain in their ambivalent intergenerational ties. Four solidarity rationales were identified: 1) closeness and love, 2) parental growth, 3) the unique parent-child role, and 4) the importance of parental resources. Identifying LGBTQ adults' solidarity rationales pulls back the curtain on the compulsory social forces driving persistent intergenerational relationships. This study also advances our thinking about how socially marginalized people cope with complex social ties that include interpersonal discrimination and stigma.</p>","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"1 1","pages":"220-236"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10881195/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"61425809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I use Asian Americans’ political participation to examine how the racialization of Asian Americans manifests in the political field, and how such processes shape Asian Americans’ racialized experiences and identity. Based on interviews with 95 Asian American political candidates and organizers in Houston, Texas, the findings show that, regardless of respondents’ motivation for participating in politics, most of them have encountered racial discrimination based on the “perpetual foreigner” racial trope in the political field and have observed how race dictates the way politics operates in the United States. The racialized experiences in politics lead to these organizers’ awareness of their Asian American racial status and their belief that political participation is a means to assert their political belonging to U.S. society and to transform their marginalized racial status. This facilitates their sense of linked fate with other individuals with Asian heritages in the United States and sustains their political activism. The findings suggest that Asian Americans are going through a process of racialized incorporation in the political field, as they are “sorted” along racial lines when becoming part of the U.S. hierarchical political system.
{"title":"Asian Americans’ Racialized Incorporation into the Political Field","authors":"Chen Liang","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad061","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad061","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 I use Asian Americans’ political participation to examine how the racialization of Asian Americans manifests in the political field, and how such processes shape Asian Americans’ racialized experiences and identity. Based on interviews with 95 Asian American political candidates and organizers in Houston, Texas, the findings show that, regardless of respondents’ motivation for participating in politics, most of them have encountered racial discrimination based on the “perpetual foreigner” racial trope in the political field and have observed how race dictates the way politics operates in the United States. The racialized experiences in politics lead to these organizers’ awareness of their Asian American racial status and their belief that political participation is a means to assert their political belonging to U.S. society and to transform their marginalized racial status. This facilitates their sense of linked fate with other individuals with Asian heritages in the United States and sustains their political activism. The findings suggest that Asian Americans are going through a process of racialized incorporation in the political field, as they are “sorted” along racial lines when becoming part of the U.S. hierarchical political system.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"43 15","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139447455","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
J. Shircliff, Brook Hutchinson, Christy Glass, Mario I. Suárez, Gabe H. Miller, G. Marquez-Velarde
Workplace discrimination contributes to economic precarity for trans individuals, and some evidence suggests that barriers to formal employment may contribute to engagement in sex work. This study examines whether particular types of workplace discrimination – including blocked access to jobs and termination due to trans status – represent a pathway into sex work for trans and nonbinary workers conditional upon social status, gender, and race. Our analysis relies on the 2015 U.S. Transgender Survey (USTS), where we stratify multiple logistic regression models for trans men, trans women, and nonbinary individuals and introduce an interaction term between workplace discrimination and race. We exploit two time horizons in the data for a lifetime analysis and a past-year analysis. We find strong support that trans women and nonbinary individuals are more likely to engage in sex work when they have experienced workplace discrimination compared to trans men. Predicted probabilities show that workplace discrimination amplifies the likelihood of sex work for most trans workers of color compared to those who are white. By contributing to the literature on “bad jobs” and anti-trans workplace bias from an intersectional approach, this study informs debates on anti-discrimination policies and practices that facilitate economic security for trans workers.
{"title":"Does Workplace Discrimination Contribute to Sex Work for Trans and Nonbinary Workers?","authors":"J. Shircliff, Brook Hutchinson, Christy Glass, Mario I. Suárez, Gabe H. Miller, G. Marquez-Velarde","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad057","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad057","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Workplace discrimination contributes to economic precarity for trans individuals, and some evidence suggests that barriers to formal employment may contribute to engagement in sex work. This study examines whether particular types of workplace discrimination – including blocked access to jobs and termination due to trans status – represent a pathway into sex work for trans and nonbinary workers conditional upon social status, gender, and race. Our analysis relies on the 2015 U.S. Transgender Survey (USTS), where we stratify multiple logistic regression models for trans men, trans women, and nonbinary individuals and introduce an interaction term between workplace discrimination and race. We exploit two time horizons in the data for a lifetime analysis and a past-year analysis. We find strong support that trans women and nonbinary individuals are more likely to engage in sex work when they have experienced workplace discrimination compared to trans men. Predicted probabilities show that workplace discrimination amplifies the likelihood of sex work for most trans workers of color compared to those who are white. By contributing to the literature on “bad jobs” and anti-trans workplace bias from an intersectional approach, this study informs debates on anti-discrimination policies and practices that facilitate economic security for trans workers.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"52 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139008235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Neighborhood digital platforms – such as Nextdoor, Citizen, Neighbors, anti-crime Facebook groups, Ring surveillance technology, and 311 see-click-fix applications – are recent entrants into urban life. Existing accounts suggest they help build intra-community relationships, but that they also amplify paranoia, racism, and carceral impulses of American homeowners. We ask: how is the new technology increasing solidarity and exclusionary impulses, and what role does it play in the changing American urban landscape? Using offline and online ethnography of one community’s year-long contestation over public space, we find that three effects of the platforms help explain the maintenance of urban order in this case. First, the platforms push residents to see disparate instances of urban disorder as a linked manifestation of organized crime. Second, the platforms help to turn fleeting and uncorroborated accounts into durable events that foster community efficacy. Third, by increasing perceptions of urban disorder and greater community efficacy, the platforms facilitate the accrual of offline material resources. We suggest that in highly contested areas of American cities – areas where wealthy residents vie with a largely Brown and Black working-class for use of space – neighborhood digital platforms help to funnel services that support property value into smaller sections of otherwise disinvested neighborhoods.
{"title":"Digital Platforms and the Maintenance of the Urban Order","authors":"Armando Lara-Millán, Melissa Guzman-Garcia","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad053","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Neighborhood digital platforms – such as Nextdoor, Citizen, Neighbors, anti-crime Facebook groups, Ring surveillance technology, and 311 see-click-fix applications – are recent entrants into urban life. Existing accounts suggest they help build intra-community relationships, but that they also amplify paranoia, racism, and carceral impulses of American homeowners. We ask: how is the new technology increasing solidarity and exclusionary impulses, and what role does it play in the changing American urban landscape? Using offline and online ethnography of one community’s year-long contestation over public space, we find that three effects of the platforms help explain the maintenance of urban order in this case. First, the platforms push residents to see disparate instances of urban disorder as a linked manifestation of organized crime. Second, the platforms help to turn fleeting and uncorroborated accounts into durable events that foster community efficacy. Third, by increasing perceptions of urban disorder and greater community efficacy, the platforms facilitate the accrual of offline material resources. We suggest that in highly contested areas of American cities – areas where wealthy residents vie with a largely Brown and Black working-class for use of space – neighborhood digital platforms help to funnel services that support property value into smaller sections of otherwise disinvested neighborhoods.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"27 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138585148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While there has been a significant increase in the availability of DNA testing to identify one’s ancestry, we know little about the implications of these services for everyday social meanings of race and ethnicity. Scholarship about ancestry testing generally focuses on the significance of DNA testing for individual consumers who lack access to genealogical history, often due to systemic racism and inequality. Drawing on an analysis of over 400 videos uploaded by people who have utilized DNA testing kits to uncover their ancestry, this article focuses on how ancestry testing is mediated in the public sphere and its implications for social understandings of race and ethnicity. We find that consumers of DNA-based ancestry testing engage in what we term “genetic racialization,” in which they emphasize the primacy of science to uncover their ancestral connections, and, by extension, biologize notions of race and ethnicity and omit histories of colonialism and conquest in the social construction of race. The vocabulary of “blood” provides a key framework from which individuals interpret their ancestry results and implicitly draw on colonial frameworks of blood quantum and purity to define what it means to belong to particular racial and ethnic groups.
虽然通过 DNA 检测来确定个人祖先的服务大幅增加，但我们对这些服务对种族和民族的日常社会意义的影响却知之甚少。有关祖先检测的学术研究通常侧重于 DNA 检测对于缺乏家谱历史的个人消费者的意义，而这往往是由于系统性的种族主义和不平等造成的。本文通过对使用 DNA 检测试剂盒揭开祖先面纱的人上传的 400 多个视频的分析，重点探讨了祖先检测在公共领域的媒介作用及其对种族和民族的社会理解的影响。我们发现，DNA 祖先测试的消费者参与了我们所说的 "基因种族化"，他们强调科学在揭示祖先联系方面的首要地位，并进而将种族和民族的概念生物化，在种族的社会建构中忽略了殖民主义和征服的历史。血缘 "这一词汇提供了一个关键框架，个人可据此解释其祖先的结果，并隐含地借鉴殖民时期的血量和纯度框架来定义属于特定种族和民族群体的含义。
{"title":"Genetic Racialization: Ancestry Tests and the Reification of Race","authors":"Amina Zarrugh, Luis A. Romero","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad056","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad056","url":null,"abstract":"While there has been a significant increase in the availability of DNA testing to identify one’s ancestry, we know little about the implications of these services for everyday social meanings of race and ethnicity. Scholarship about ancestry testing generally focuses on the significance of DNA testing for individual consumers who lack access to genealogical history, often due to systemic racism and inequality. Drawing on an analysis of over 400 videos uploaded by people who have utilized DNA testing kits to uncover their ancestry, this article focuses on how ancestry testing is mediated in the public sphere and its implications for social understandings of race and ethnicity. We find that consumers of DNA-based ancestry testing engage in what we term “genetic racialization,” in which they emphasize the primacy of science to uncover their ancestral connections, and, by extension, biologize notions of race and ethnicity and omit histories of colonialism and conquest in the social construction of race. The vocabulary of “blood” provides a key framework from which individuals interpret their ancestry results and implicitly draw on colonial frameworks of blood quantum and purity to define what it means to belong to particular racial and ethnic groups.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139220999","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Law enforcement’s increased presence in U.S. public schools has significantly affected Black students’ access to opportunities and their overall safety. Limited attention has been paid to the broader context in which school policing operates, extending beyond school buildings and embedded in larger neighborhood dynamics. We develop a theory of “spatial enclosures” to describe how policing manifests across schools, neighborhoods, and school police departments, shaping Black students’ everyday experiences. Drawing on a dataset of 120 interviews with Black high school students in a large urban school district, we find that Black students fear their education being stolen by police officers’ control over their time, school routines, and opportunities to learn. This shared concern is influenced by race and location, affecting how Black students interact with the police and develop strategies to navigate such encounters. Many Black students actively engage in social justice networks to protect their education. Prolonged involvement in these networks equips Black students with culturally sustaining knowledge and strategies to navigate the harms posed by spatial enclosures. These findings have important implications for understanding how school policing not only affects physical spaces but also profoundly influences students’ perceptions and experiences of time and their equal access to educational opportunities.
{"title":"Navigating Spatial Enclosures: Race, Place, and School Policing","authors":"Terry Allen, Kimberly Gomez","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad055","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad055","url":null,"abstract":"Law enforcement’s increased presence in U.S. public schools has significantly affected Black students’ access to opportunities and their overall safety. Limited attention has been paid to the broader context in which school policing operates, extending beyond school buildings and embedded in larger neighborhood dynamics. We develop a theory of “spatial enclosures” to describe how policing manifests across schools, neighborhoods, and school police departments, shaping Black students’ everyday experiences. Drawing on a dataset of 120 interviews with Black high school students in a large urban school district, we find that Black students fear their education being stolen by police officers’ control over their time, school routines, and opportunities to learn. This shared concern is influenced by race and location, affecting how Black students interact with the police and develop strategies to navigate such encounters. Many Black students actively engage in social justice networks to protect their education. Prolonged involvement in these networks equips Black students with culturally sustaining knowledge and strategies to navigate the harms posed by spatial enclosures. These findings have important implications for understanding how school policing not only affects physical spaces but also profoundly influences students’ perceptions and experiences of time and their equal access to educational opportunities.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"122 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139232327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Recent scholarship has advanced a concept of racism operating through omission. Omission captures both inaction and action, highlighting how systems of oppression rely on inertia in addition to discriminatory action to perpetuate inequality. Yet little is known about how laypersons understand the role of omission in propagating racism in the United States. Building on this premise, we employ a mixed-methods approach to document and test folk theories of the racism of omission. We interview diverse individuals (N=40) about their appraisals of racism; we use these findings to design a vignette study which we fielded to a national sample (N=1,174). Interview data reveal that some Americans do understand omission to be a form of racism, highlighting (1) bystander inaction, (2) silencing of experiences of racism, (3) overfocus on White issues, and (4) disparities in positions of power as instances where inaction, exclusion, or inertia constitute a form of racism. Data show that Americans are most likely to consider overfocus and silencing as forms of omission-based racism, and that racism appraisals depend on the victim’s race. We find that political ideology, gender, income, race, and education shape appraisals of racism as omission. These findings have implications for measures of perceived racism and discrimination.
{"title":"Inaction, Silence, Focus, and Power: Identifying and Assessing Folk Theories of the Racism of Omission","authors":"Evangeline Warren, Lauren Valentino","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad054","url":null,"abstract":"Recent scholarship has advanced a concept of racism operating through omission. Omission captures both inaction and action, highlighting how systems of oppression rely on inertia in addition to discriminatory action to perpetuate inequality. Yet little is known about how laypersons understand the role of omission in propagating racism in the United States. Building on this premise, we employ a mixed-methods approach to document and test folk theories of the racism of omission. We interview diverse individuals (N=40) about their appraisals of racism; we use these findings to design a vignette study which we fielded to a national sample (N=1,174). Interview data reveal that some Americans do understand omission to be a form of racism, highlighting (1) bystander inaction, (2) silencing of experiences of racism, (3) overfocus on White issues, and (4) disparities in positions of power as instances where inaction, exclusion, or inertia constitute a form of racism. Data show that Americans are most likely to consider overfocus and silencing as forms of omission-based racism, and that racism appraisals depend on the victim’s race. We find that political ideology, gender, income, race, and education shape appraisals of racism as omission. These findings have implications for measures of perceived racism and discrimination.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"231 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-11-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139240112","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Chicago Police Department’s community policing program partners with several LGBTQ service providers in and around Chicago’s white middle class “gayborhood.” These organizations make strange bedfellows for law enforcement, given that many of their clients are queer and trans people of color (QTPOC) and, indeed, targets of policing and gentrification projects. This study draws on eighteen months of ethnography and in-depth interviews to examine motivations and consequences of these inter-agency unions. The study finds that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are incorporated into racialized policing strategies through mechanisms ranging from contractual agreement to implicit expectation. While NGOs resist directly criminalizing their QTPOC clients, some discourage them from lingering around service centers, effectively making them invisible in the white gayborhood. Findings demonstrate that in a post-welfare police state, sexual health governance is racially and economically circumscribed, as well as mediated, by institutional intimacies between governmental and non-governmental agencies. I argue that LGBTQ service provision is situated within a multilevel monitoring system, a structure I term “serv/eillance.” Providing services to LGBTQ+POC becomes conditioned on state surveillance, while receiving services is conditioned on being surveilled, by police or by proxy.
{"title":"Serv/eillance: Cops, Queers, and Clinics in Segregated Chicago","authors":"Lydia Dana","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad052","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad052","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Chicago Police Department’s community policing program partners with several LGBTQ service providers in and around Chicago’s white middle class “gayborhood.” These organizations make strange bedfellows for law enforcement, given that many of their clients are queer and trans people of color (QTPOC) and, indeed, targets of policing and gentrification projects. This study draws on eighteen months of ethnography and in-depth interviews to examine motivations and consequences of these inter-agency unions. The study finds that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are incorporated into racialized policing strategies through mechanisms ranging from contractual agreement to implicit expectation. While NGOs resist directly criminalizing their QTPOC clients, some discourage them from lingering around service centers, effectively making them invisible in the white gayborhood. Findings demonstrate that in a post-welfare police state, sexual health governance is racially and economically circumscribed, as well as mediated, by institutional intimacies between governmental and non-governmental agencies. I argue that LGBTQ service provision is situated within a multilevel monitoring system, a structure I term “serv/eillance.” Providing services to LGBTQ+POC becomes conditioned on state surveillance, while receiving services is conditioned on being surveilled, by police or by proxy.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":" 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135291667","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Existing research often views attitudes toward the U.S. criminal legal system as reflections of punitive sentiment, overlooking racial differences in how people respond to questions related to crime and punishment. Using over four decades of nationally representative survey data from the General Social Survey, we employ latent class analysis to examine racial variation in attitudes about the U.S. criminal legal system across time. We find that among White Americans, support for increased spending to combat crime corresponds with support for harsher courts and the death penalty. In contrast, many Black Americans support increased spending on crime but oppose harsher courts and the death penalty, indicating simultaneous concern about crime and a more punitive criminal legal system. Although aggregate trends in punitiveness change similarly across race and time, we show that while preferences for punitive policies remain high among White Americans, the proportion of Black Americans who are simultaneously concerned about crime and a punitive criminal legal system rose from 14 percent in 1994 to 56 percent in 2018. These results highlight the salience of race in shaping how people evaluate the criminal legal system and draw attention to racial polarization in views on punishment and justice.
{"title":"Racial Polarization in Attitudes towards the Criminal Legal System","authors":"Karen Hanhee Lee, Carmen Gutierrez, Becky Pettit","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad051","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad051","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Existing research often views attitudes toward the U.S. criminal legal system as reflections of punitive sentiment, overlooking racial differences in how people respond to questions related to crime and punishment. Using over four decades of nationally representative survey data from the General Social Survey, we employ latent class analysis to examine racial variation in attitudes about the U.S. criminal legal system across time. We find that among White Americans, support for increased spending to combat crime corresponds with support for harsher courts and the death penalty. In contrast, many Black Americans support increased spending on crime but oppose harsher courts and the death penalty, indicating simultaneous concern about crime and a more punitive criminal legal system. Although aggregate trends in punitiveness change similarly across race and time, we show that while preferences for punitive policies remain high among White Americans, the proportion of Black Americans who are simultaneously concerned about crime and a punitive criminal legal system rose from 14 percent in 1994 to 56 percent in 2018. These results highlight the salience of race in shaping how people evaluate the criminal legal system and draw attention to racial polarization in views on punishment and justice.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"29 9","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135874887","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper explores the intersection of two major trends in the United States over the last forty years: a substantial investment in local law enforcement and the diversification of suburbia. While previous research on police spending has focused almost exclusively on large central cities, this study broadens this perspective to assess how these dynamics play out in outer-ring suburbs. I construct a unique panel dataset of over 200 California municipalities and find that the drivers of police spending vary across the metropolis in significant ways. Fixed-effects models that control for unobserved heterogeneity across place suggest that suburbs with growing shares of renters spend more on police. Elaborating on the concept of renter threat, I show how increases in renter households are associated with increases in police expenditures across a range of model specifications in suburbia. I point to suburban homeowner concerns about crime and property values as well as the history of racial exclusion in suburbia that is often couched in economic terms as potential explanations for these findings. Results point to the enduring role of police as a contemporary mechanism of both social control and inequality in California suburbs.
{"title":"Policing the California Outercity: Drivers of Police Spending in a Changing Metropolis","authors":"Ángel Mendiola Ross","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad050","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper explores the intersection of two major trends in the United States over the last forty years: a substantial investment in local law enforcement and the diversification of suburbia. While previous research on police spending has focused almost exclusively on large central cities, this study broadens this perspective to assess how these dynamics play out in outer-ring suburbs. I construct a unique panel dataset of over 200 California municipalities and find that the drivers of police spending vary across the metropolis in significant ways. Fixed-effects models that control for unobserved heterogeneity across place suggest that suburbs with growing shares of renters spend more on police. Elaborating on the concept of renter threat, I show how increases in renter households are associated with increases in police expenditures across a range of model specifications in suburbia. I point to suburban homeowner concerns about crime and property values as well as the history of racial exclusion in suburbia that is often couched in economic terms as potential explanations for these findings. Results point to the enduring role of police as a contemporary mechanism of both social control and inequality in California suburbs.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"277 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135728786","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：
京公网安备 11010802042870号