Robert Gallagher, Katherine A Beardall, Sarah Diefendorf, Seth Abrutyn, Anna S Mueller
Though lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ+) youth face increased risk for mental health problems, research suggests that protective state-level legislation and school-level supports can reduce this risk. However, the effectiveness of state laws and school policies may depend on how they are enacted in schools, and particularly whether they are contested by local communities. To examine this idea, we compare ethnographic and interview data from 2019-2023 from two Colorado public school districts in different community contexts. We find that despite shared state laws, these districts construct LGBTQ+ inclusivity differently and that this difference is shaped, in part, by community politics. In the more liberal Ensley Public Schools, protective state laws are integrated into district policy and practices, and school staff are intentional and consistent about creating inclusivity for LGBTQ+ students. In the more conservative Field Public Schools, we find similar district policies, but staff are more constrained in cultivating LGBTQ+ inclusion due to community attitudes that contest support for LGBTQ+ students. We leverage these findings to consider how external community contexts shape the experience of state laws and associated policies for LGBTQ+ youth in schools, with implications for sociological theory and policy.
{"title":"Constructing Inclusivity: How State Laws and Local Community Contexts Shape LGBTQ+ Student Inclusion and Belonging in Schools.","authors":"Robert Gallagher, Katherine A Beardall, Sarah Diefendorf, Seth Abrutyn, Anna S Mueller","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spaf071","DOIUrl":"10.1093/socpro/spaf071","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Though lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ+) youth face increased risk for mental health problems, research suggests that protective state-level legislation and school-level supports can reduce this risk. However, the effectiveness of state laws and school policies may depend on how they are enacted in schools, and particularly whether they are contested by local communities. To examine this idea, we compare ethnographic and interview data from 2019-2023 from two Colorado public school districts in different community contexts. We find that despite shared state laws, these districts construct LGBTQ+ inclusivity differently and that this difference is shaped, in part, by community politics. In the more liberal Ensley Public Schools, protective state laws are integrated into district policy and practices, and school staff are intentional and consistent about creating inclusivity for LGBTQ+ students. In the more conservative Field Public Schools, we find similar district policies, but staff are more constrained in cultivating LGBTQ+ inclusion due to community attitudes that contest support for LGBTQ+ students. We leverage these findings to consider how external community contexts shape the experience of state laws and associated policies for LGBTQ+ youth in schools, with implications for sociological theory and policy.</p>","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2025-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC12700643/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145758077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The dignity of workers has long been a central concern of social scientists, with existing research documenting the variety of job conditions that threaten worker dignity. However, the literature on dignity at work has important limitations, including an overwhelming focus on older models of work (e.g., manufacturing), to the exclusion of the job conditions that are pervasive in the contemporary low-wage labor market, such as unstable and unpredictable schedules. Drawing on individual-level survey data on 17,791 service sector workers from the Shift Project, I test the association between schedule instability and perceived worker dignity, which I operationalize as perceived respect and recognition from supervisors, as well as how this varies by gender. Overall, I find that workers' schedule instability is significantly and negatively associated with perceived worker dignity. This holds for five just-in-time scheduling practices and for a schedule instability index that captures the cumulative effect of exposure to unstable scheduling. I also document gender differences in the association between schedule instability and perceived worker dignity. Specifically, I show that the consequences of schedule instability for perceptions of supervisor respect are more negative for women than men, which is, in part, driven by work-family conflict.
{"title":"Temporal Autonomy: Schedule Instability as a Threat to Perceived Dignity in the U.S. Service Sector.","authors":"Tyler Woods","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spaf022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spaf022","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>The dignity of workers has long been a central concern of social scientists, with existing research documenting the variety of job conditions that threaten worker dignity. However, the literature on dignity at work has important limitations, including an overwhelming focus on older models of work (e.g., manufacturing), to the exclusion of the job conditions that are pervasive in the contemporary low-wage labor market, such as unstable and unpredictable schedules. Drawing on individual-level survey data on 17,791 service sector workers from the Shift Project, I test the association between schedule instability and perceived worker dignity, which I operationalize as perceived respect and recognition from supervisors, as well as how this varies by gender. Overall, I find that workers' schedule instability is significantly and negatively associated with perceived worker dignity. This holds for five just-in-time scheduling practices and for a schedule instability index that captures the cumulative effect of exposure to unstable scheduling. I also document gender differences in the association between schedule instability and perceived worker dignity. Specifically, I show that the consequences of schedule instability for perceptions of supervisor respect are more negative for women than men, which is, in part, driven by work-family conflict.</p>","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2025-05-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC12369648/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144974614","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-02-01Epub Date: 2023-06-21DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spad031
Sandra L Barnes
Studies about young Black members of the LGBTQIA population tend to focus on health disparities related to HIV/AIDS among Black Men Who Have Sex with Men (BMSM). Although important, this emphasis often ignores diverse sexual identities as well as the late adolescent experience, including sentiments about their lives and futures as they navigate dynamics associated with race, sexuality, gender, and age. This mixed-methodological study considers the experiences of 123 late adolescent Black members of the LGBTQIA population 18-22 years old. Informed by emerging adulthood theory, survey and in-depth interview data are examined using content and multivariate analyses. Qualitative themes document the plans, problems, and processes individuals associate with future aspirations and expectations. Quantitative findings show the importance of age and sexual identity, as well as racial and spiritual wellbeing in explaining healthy sexual decision-making known to affect their lives and futures. The importance of multi-faceted developmental strategies, people, practices, and programs to help individuals who embrace varied sexual identities remain adaptive and resilient is discussed.
{"title":"The Lives and Futures of Late Adolescent Black Members of the LGBTQIA Population.","authors":"Sandra L Barnes","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad031","DOIUrl":"10.1093/socpro/spad031","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Studies about young Black members of the LGBTQIA population tend to focus on health disparities related to HIV/AIDS among Black Men Who Have Sex with Men (BMSM). Although important, this emphasis often ignores diverse sexual identities as well as the late adolescent experience, including sentiments about their lives and futures as they navigate dynamics associated with race, sexuality, gender, <i>and</i> age. This mixed-methodological study considers the experiences of 123 late adolescent Black members of the LGBTQIA population 18-22 years old. Informed by emerging adulthood theory, survey and in-depth interview data are examined using content and multivariate analyses. Qualitative themes document the plans, problems, and processes individuals associate with future aspirations and expectations. Quantitative findings show the importance of age and sexual identity, as well as racial and spiritual wellbeing in explaining healthy sexual decision-making known to affect their lives and futures. The importance of multi-faceted developmental strategies, people, practices, and programs to help individuals who embrace varied sexual identities remain adaptive and resilient is discussed.</p>","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"72 1","pages":"56-73"},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2025-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC12380391/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144974645","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Recent surveys reveal declines in the U.S. public's confidence in different institutions. Although some studies link these declines to religious factors, few disaggregate these patterns across racial and ethnic groups. Here, we focus on Latinos-a growing segment of the U.S. population and an increasingly religiously diverse part of the electorate. Using original, nationally representative survey data (N=4,321), we compare Latino evangelicals and Catholics to their white counterparts in their confidence in five institutions (religious organizations, higher education, the scientific community, Congress, and the press). We find that Latino and white Catholics consistently show high levels of confidence across institutions relative to white evangelicals. Our findings suggest that there may be more similarities in institutional confidence among those of different racial and ethnic groups who share a similar religious tradition than those who are of the same race or ethnicity but share different religious traditions. Patterns observed highlight the importance of examining institutional confidence through an intersectional lens that considers religious diversity within and across racial and ethnic groups.
{"title":"Comparing Confidence in Institutions Among Latino and White Catholics and Evangelicals: Exploring Religious Differences.","authors":"Esmeralda Sánchez Salazar, Esther Chan, Sharan Kaur Mehta","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spae066","DOIUrl":"10.1093/socpro/spae066","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Recent surveys reveal declines in the U.S. public's confidence in different institutions. Although some studies link these declines to religious factors, few disaggregate these patterns across racial and ethnic groups. Here, we focus on Latinos-a growing segment of the U.S. population and an increasingly religiously diverse part of the electorate. Using original, nationally representative survey data (N=4,321), we compare Latino evangelicals and Catholics to their white counterparts in their confidence in five institutions (religious organizations, higher education, the scientific community, Congress, and the press). We find that Latino and white Catholics consistently show high levels of confidence across institutions relative to white evangelicals. Our findings suggest that there may be more similarities in institutional confidence among those of different racial and ethnic groups who share a similar religious tradition than those who are of the same race or ethnicity but share different religious traditions. Patterns observed highlight the importance of examining institutional confidence through an intersectional lens that considers religious diversity <i>within</i> and <i>across</i> racial and ethnic groups.</p>","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2024-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC12338122/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144838281","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Real house prices in the United States have risen by 55 percent over the last four decades, driving substantial wealth benefits to homeowners. However, research has not explored how this rise in house prices has affected White-Black wealth gaps, or the mechanisms that may underlie this relationship. Using geocoded longitudinal household-level wealth data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics and tract-level house price index data, I estimate that housing market appreciation between 1984 and 2021 explains 70 percent of the increase in the median White-Black wealth gap over this period. I find that most of this effect is due to White-Black gaps in homeownership, with White-Black gaps in house values playing a smaller role. In contrast to recent findings about racialized housing markets, I do not find that gaps in neighborhood house price appreciation between White and Black homeowners contributed to White-Black wealth gaps in the 2000s and 2010s. These results highlight the importance of cumulative advantage processes in driving wealth inequalities and demonstrate how the legacies of institutional racism contribute to contemporary racial wealth gaps.
美国的实际房价在过去40年里上涨了55%,为房主带来了可观的财富收益。然而,研究并没有探讨房价的上涨是如何影响白人和黑人的贫富差距的,或者这种关系背后的机制。利用收入动态面板研究(Panel Study of Income Dynamics)的地理编码纵向家庭财富数据和地区房价指数数据,我估计,1984年至2021年之间的住房市场升值解释了这一时期白人和黑人贫富差距中位数增长的70%。我发现这种影响主要是由于房屋所有权的黑白差距,房屋价值的黑白差距发挥了较小的作用。与最近关于种族化住房市场的研究结果相反,我没有发现白人和黑人房主之间的社区房价升值差距导致了2000年代和2010年代的白人和黑人财富差距。这些结果突出了累积优势过程在推动财富不平等方面的重要性,并展示了制度性种族主义的遗产如何导致当代种族贫富差距。
{"title":"Housing Market Appreciation and the White-Black Wealth Gap.","authors":"Joe LaBriola","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spae030","DOIUrl":"10.1093/socpro/spae030","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Real house prices in the United States have risen by 55 percent over the last four decades, driving substantial wealth benefits to homeowners. However, research has not explored how this rise in house prices has affected White-Black wealth gaps, or the mechanisms that may underlie this relationship. Using geocoded longitudinal household-level wealth data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics and tract-level house price index data, I estimate that housing market appreciation between 1984 and 2021 explains 70 percent of the increase in the median White-Black wealth gap over this period. I find that most of this effect is due to White-Black gaps in homeownership, with White-Black gaps in house values playing a smaller role. In contrast to recent findings about racialized housing markets, I do not find that gaps in neighborhood house price appreciation between White and Black homeowners contributed to White-Black wealth gaps in the 2000s and 2010s. These results highlight the importance of cumulative advantage processes in driving wealth inequalities and demonstrate how the legacies of institutional racism contribute to contemporary racial wealth gaps.</p>","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2024-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC12392981/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144974616","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-01Epub Date: 2022-02-11DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac007
Emma Bosley-Smith, Rin Reczek
Many LGBTQ adults have ongoing relationships with their parents that are ambivalent, typified by both solidarity (e.g., frequent contact, emotional or financial exchange) as well as conflict (e.g., parents' heterosexism and cissexism). Yet, why LGBTQ people remain in-rather than end-their ambivalent intergenerational ties is underexplored. We analyze qualitative in-depth interview data with 76 LGBTQ adults to answer this question. We find that LGBTQ adult children deploy narratives that privilege intergenerational solidarity over strain-what we call "solidarity rationales"- to explain why they remain in their ambivalent intergenerational ties. Four solidarity rationales were identified: 1) closeness and love, 2) parental growth, 3) the unique parent-child role, and 4) the importance of parental resources. Identifying LGBTQ adults' solidarity rationales pulls back the curtain on the compulsory social forces driving persistent intergenerational relationships. This study also advances our thinking about how socially marginalized people cope with complex social ties that include interpersonal discrimination and stigma.
{"title":"Why LGBTQ Adults Keep Ambivalent Ties with Parents: Theorizing \"Solidarity Rationales\".","authors":"Emma Bosley-Smith, Rin Reczek","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spac007","DOIUrl":"10.1093/socpro/spac007","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Many LGBTQ adults have ongoing relationships with their parents that are ambivalent, typified by both solidarity (e.g., frequent contact, emotional or financial exchange) as well as conflict (e.g., parents' heterosexism and cissexism). Yet, why LGBTQ people remain in-rather than end-their ambivalent intergenerational ties is underexplored. We analyze qualitative in-depth interview data with 76 LGBTQ adults to answer this question. We find that LGBTQ adult children deploy narratives that privilege intergenerational solidarity over strain-what we call \"solidarity rationales\"- to explain why they remain in their ambivalent intergenerational ties. Four solidarity rationales were identified: 1) closeness and love, 2) parental growth, 3) the unique parent-child role, and 4) the importance of parental resources. Identifying LGBTQ adults' solidarity rationales pulls back the curtain on the compulsory social forces driving persistent intergenerational relationships. This study also advances our thinking about how socially marginalized people cope with complex social ties that include interpersonal discrimination and stigma.</p>","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"1 1","pages":"220-236"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10881195/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"61425809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I use Asian Americans’ political participation to examine how the racialization of Asian Americans manifests in the political field, and how such processes shape Asian Americans’ racialized experiences and identity. Based on interviews with 95 Asian American political candidates and organizers in Houston, Texas, the findings show that, regardless of respondents’ motivation for participating in politics, most of them have encountered racial discrimination based on the “perpetual foreigner” racial trope in the political field and have observed how race dictates the way politics operates in the United States. The racialized experiences in politics lead to these organizers’ awareness of their Asian American racial status and their belief that political participation is a means to assert their political belonging to U.S. society and to transform their marginalized racial status. This facilitates their sense of linked fate with other individuals with Asian heritages in the United States and sustains their political activism. The findings suggest that Asian Americans are going through a process of racialized incorporation in the political field, as they are “sorted” along racial lines when becoming part of the U.S. hierarchical political system.
{"title":"Asian Americans’ Racialized Incorporation into the Political Field","authors":"Chen Liang","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad061","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad061","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 I use Asian Americans’ political participation to examine how the racialization of Asian Americans manifests in the political field, and how such processes shape Asian Americans’ racialized experiences and identity. Based on interviews with 95 Asian American political candidates and organizers in Houston, Texas, the findings show that, regardless of respondents’ motivation for participating in politics, most of them have encountered racial discrimination based on the “perpetual foreigner” racial trope in the political field and have observed how race dictates the way politics operates in the United States. The racialized experiences in politics lead to these organizers’ awareness of their Asian American racial status and their belief that political participation is a means to assert their political belonging to U.S. society and to transform their marginalized racial status. This facilitates their sense of linked fate with other individuals with Asian heritages in the United States and sustains their political activism. The findings suggest that Asian Americans are going through a process of racialized incorporation in the political field, as they are “sorted” along racial lines when becoming part of the U.S. hierarchical political system.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"43 15","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139447455","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
J. Shircliff, Brook Hutchinson, Christy Glass, Mario I. Suárez, Gabe H. Miller, G. Marquez-Velarde
Workplace discrimination contributes to economic precarity for trans individuals, and some evidence suggests that barriers to formal employment may contribute to engagement in sex work. This study examines whether particular types of workplace discrimination – including blocked access to jobs and termination due to trans status – represent a pathway into sex work for trans and nonbinary workers conditional upon social status, gender, and race. Our analysis relies on the 2015 U.S. Transgender Survey (USTS), where we stratify multiple logistic regression models for trans men, trans women, and nonbinary individuals and introduce an interaction term between workplace discrimination and race. We exploit two time horizons in the data for a lifetime analysis and a past-year analysis. We find strong support that trans women and nonbinary individuals are more likely to engage in sex work when they have experienced workplace discrimination compared to trans men. Predicted probabilities show that workplace discrimination amplifies the likelihood of sex work for most trans workers of color compared to those who are white. By contributing to the literature on “bad jobs” and anti-trans workplace bias from an intersectional approach, this study informs debates on anti-discrimination policies and practices that facilitate economic security for trans workers.
{"title":"Does Workplace Discrimination Contribute to Sex Work for Trans and Nonbinary Workers?","authors":"J. Shircliff, Brook Hutchinson, Christy Glass, Mario I. Suárez, Gabe H. Miller, G. Marquez-Velarde","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad057","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad057","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Workplace discrimination contributes to economic precarity for trans individuals, and some evidence suggests that barriers to formal employment may contribute to engagement in sex work. This study examines whether particular types of workplace discrimination – including blocked access to jobs and termination due to trans status – represent a pathway into sex work for trans and nonbinary workers conditional upon social status, gender, and race. Our analysis relies on the 2015 U.S. Transgender Survey (USTS), where we stratify multiple logistic regression models for trans men, trans women, and nonbinary individuals and introduce an interaction term between workplace discrimination and race. We exploit two time horizons in the data for a lifetime analysis and a past-year analysis. We find strong support that trans women and nonbinary individuals are more likely to engage in sex work when they have experienced workplace discrimination compared to trans men. Predicted probabilities show that workplace discrimination amplifies the likelihood of sex work for most trans workers of color compared to those who are white. By contributing to the literature on “bad jobs” and anti-trans workplace bias from an intersectional approach, this study informs debates on anti-discrimination policies and practices that facilitate economic security for trans workers.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"52 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139008235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Neighborhood digital platforms – such as Nextdoor, Citizen, Neighbors, anti-crime Facebook groups, Ring surveillance technology, and 311 see-click-fix applications – are recent entrants into urban life. Existing accounts suggest they help build intra-community relationships, but that they also amplify paranoia, racism, and carceral impulses of American homeowners. We ask: how is the new technology increasing solidarity and exclusionary impulses, and what role does it play in the changing American urban landscape? Using offline and online ethnography of one community’s year-long contestation over public space, we find that three effects of the platforms help explain the maintenance of urban order in this case. First, the platforms push residents to see disparate instances of urban disorder as a linked manifestation of organized crime. Second, the platforms help to turn fleeting and uncorroborated accounts into durable events that foster community efficacy. Third, by increasing perceptions of urban disorder and greater community efficacy, the platforms facilitate the accrual of offline material resources. We suggest that in highly contested areas of American cities – areas where wealthy residents vie with a largely Brown and Black working-class for use of space – neighborhood digital platforms help to funnel services that support property value into smaller sections of otherwise disinvested neighborhoods.
{"title":"Digital Platforms and the Maintenance of the Urban Order","authors":"Armando Lara-Millán, Melissa Guzman-Garcia","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad053","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Neighborhood digital platforms – such as Nextdoor, Citizen, Neighbors, anti-crime Facebook groups, Ring surveillance technology, and 311 see-click-fix applications – are recent entrants into urban life. Existing accounts suggest they help build intra-community relationships, but that they also amplify paranoia, racism, and carceral impulses of American homeowners. We ask: how is the new technology increasing solidarity and exclusionary impulses, and what role does it play in the changing American urban landscape? Using offline and online ethnography of one community’s year-long contestation over public space, we find that three effects of the platforms help explain the maintenance of urban order in this case. First, the platforms push residents to see disparate instances of urban disorder as a linked manifestation of organized crime. Second, the platforms help to turn fleeting and uncorroborated accounts into durable events that foster community efficacy. Third, by increasing perceptions of urban disorder and greater community efficacy, the platforms facilitate the accrual of offline material resources. We suggest that in highly contested areas of American cities – areas where wealthy residents vie with a largely Brown and Black working-class for use of space – neighborhood digital platforms help to funnel services that support property value into smaller sections of otherwise disinvested neighborhoods.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"27 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138585148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While there has been a significant increase in the availability of DNA testing to identify one’s ancestry, we know little about the implications of these services for everyday social meanings of race and ethnicity. Scholarship about ancestry testing generally focuses on the significance of DNA testing for individual consumers who lack access to genealogical history, often due to systemic racism and inequality. Drawing on an analysis of over 400 videos uploaded by people who have utilized DNA testing kits to uncover their ancestry, this article focuses on how ancestry testing is mediated in the public sphere and its implications for social understandings of race and ethnicity. We find that consumers of DNA-based ancestry testing engage in what we term “genetic racialization,” in which they emphasize the primacy of science to uncover their ancestral connections, and, by extension, biologize notions of race and ethnicity and omit histories of colonialism and conquest in the social construction of race. The vocabulary of “blood” provides a key framework from which individuals interpret their ancestry results and implicitly draw on colonial frameworks of blood quantum and purity to define what it means to belong to particular racial and ethnic groups.
虽然通过 DNA 检测来确定个人祖先的服务大幅增加,但我们对这些服务对种族和民族的日常社会意义的影响却知之甚少。有关祖先检测的学术研究通常侧重于 DNA 检测对于缺乏家谱历史的个人消费者的意义,而这往往是由于系统性的种族主义和不平等造成的。本文通过对使用 DNA 检测试剂盒揭开祖先面纱的人上传的 400 多个视频的分析,重点探讨了祖先检测在公共领域的媒介作用及其对种族和民族的社会理解的影响。我们发现,DNA 祖先测试的消费者参与了我们所说的 "基因种族化",他们强调科学在揭示祖先联系方面的首要地位,并进而将种族和民族的概念生物化,在种族的社会建构中忽略了殖民主义和征服的历史。血缘 "这一词汇提供了一个关键框架,个人可据此解释其祖先的结果,并隐含地借鉴殖民时期的血量和纯度框架来定义属于特定种族和民族群体的含义。
{"title":"Genetic Racialization: Ancestry Tests and the Reification of Race","authors":"Amina Zarrugh, Luis A. Romero","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad056","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad056","url":null,"abstract":"While there has been a significant increase in the availability of DNA testing to identify one’s ancestry, we know little about the implications of these services for everyday social meanings of race and ethnicity. Scholarship about ancestry testing generally focuses on the significance of DNA testing for individual consumers who lack access to genealogical history, often due to systemic racism and inequality. Drawing on an analysis of over 400 videos uploaded by people who have utilized DNA testing kits to uncover their ancestry, this article focuses on how ancestry testing is mediated in the public sphere and its implications for social understandings of race and ethnicity. We find that consumers of DNA-based ancestry testing engage in what we term “genetic racialization,” in which they emphasize the primacy of science to uncover their ancestral connections, and, by extension, biologize notions of race and ethnicity and omit histories of colonialism and conquest in the social construction of race. The vocabulary of “blood” provides a key framework from which individuals interpret their ancestry results and implicitly draw on colonial frameworks of blood quantum and purity to define what it means to belong to particular racial and ethnic groups.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139220999","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}