Intersectionality has transformed our understanding of how multiple axes of power mutually shape social inequalities. However, significant questions arise when applying the theory’s macro-level structural insights to identities on experiential, interactional, and situational levels. In this article, we retheorize intersectionality as a processual outcome. Drawing on in-depth interviews with skilled Chinese LGBTQ+ migrants in North America (n = 50), we detail three challenges that arise when individuals negotiate multiple identities across shifting interactions in national contexts: conflicts, disidentification, and indetermination. Each theme captures how individuals actively reconfigure identities while maintaining a continuous experience of mutual constitution. Instead of cohering into a unity, even one that is greater than the sum of its parts, our findings suggest that intersectionality is in an ongoing process of making, unmaking, and remaking.
{"title":"Retheorizing Intersectional Identities with the Study of Chinese LGBTQ+ Migrants","authors":"Tori Shucheng Yang, Amin Ghaziani","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spae034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spae034","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Intersectionality has transformed our understanding of how multiple axes of power mutually shape social inequalities. However, significant questions arise when applying the theory’s macro-level structural insights to identities on experiential, interactional, and situational levels. In this article, we retheorize intersectionality as a processual outcome. Drawing on in-depth interviews with skilled Chinese LGBTQ+ migrants in North America (n = 50), we detail three challenges that arise when individuals negotiate multiple identities across shifting interactions in national contexts: conflicts, disidentification, and indetermination. Each theme captures how individuals actively reconfigure identities while maintaining a continuous experience of mutual constitution. Instead of cohering into a unity, even one that is greater than the sum of its parts, our findings suggest that intersectionality is in an ongoing process of making, unmaking, and remaking.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141346566","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Poor urban neighborhoods throughout the Americas are marked by high rates of interpersonal violence, much of which is associated with the underground drug trade. Scholars have examined the social dynamics that produce and shape violence among neighborhood residents and the state agents who police them. But less is known about the clandestine collaborations between residents and agents of the state and how those collaborations might contribute to violence. This study draws on ethnographic fieldwork and an original legal archive to analyze the links between police collusion with drug market groups and interpersonal violence. We find that 1) police provide their collaborators with powerful weapons and ammunition; 2) state agents become involved and help escalate violent territorial disputes between underground market groups; and 3) violence erupts between state agents colluding with civilian dealers and those attempting to disrupt the drug trade. These findings shed new light on the social and organizational factors shaping patterns of violence in poor neighborhoods, illuminating the ways that state agents contribute to that violence. In doing so, the findings advance our understanding of policing, drug markets, and the role of the state in shaping the everyday lives of the urban poor.
{"title":"Collusion and Violence in Underground Drug Markets","authors":"M. E. Stitt, Katherine Sobering, Javier Auyero","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spae035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spae035","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Poor urban neighborhoods throughout the Americas are marked by high rates of interpersonal violence, much of which is associated with the underground drug trade. Scholars have examined the social dynamics that produce and shape violence among neighborhood residents and the state agents who police them. But less is known about the clandestine collaborations between residents and agents of the state and how those collaborations might contribute to violence. This study draws on ethnographic fieldwork and an original legal archive to analyze the links between police collusion with drug market groups and interpersonal violence. We find that 1) police provide their collaborators with powerful weapons and ammunition; 2) state agents become involved and help escalate violent territorial disputes between underground market groups; and 3) violence erupts between state agents colluding with civilian dealers and those attempting to disrupt the drug trade. These findings shed new light on the social and organizational factors shaping patterns of violence in poor neighborhoods, illuminating the ways that state agents contribute to that violence. In doing so, the findings advance our understanding of policing, drug markets, and the role of the state in shaping the everyday lives of the urban poor.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141344986","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the past two decades, a growing number of Mexican migrants have left the United States to return to Mexico. Few studies have focused on the (re)integration process of these return migrants, especially children and young adults. Using semi-structured interviews, my study addresses this gap by asking how young return migrants adapt in Mexico and negotiate belonging in their communities. I argue that Mexican-U.S. dual citizenship is significant in Mexico in both a legal and cultural sense and operates as a type of double-edged sword—one that, on the one hand, provides youth with opportunities for advancement, but on the other, impedes cultural belonging. Young return migrants navigate this contradiction by learning to code-switch across different life stages and thus, selectively hiding and highlighting their U.S. ties to gain belonging and better economic opportunities. This article illuminates the ways that citizenship is an acquired and learned process that significantly marks the lives of return migrants.
{"title":"Double Citizenship as a Double-Edged Sword: Young Return Migrants’ Code-Switching for Belonging in Mexico","authors":"Adriana P Ramírez","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spae025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spae025","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In the past two decades, a growing number of Mexican migrants have left the United States to return to Mexico. Few studies have focused on the (re)integration process of these return migrants, especially children and young adults. Using semi-structured interviews, my study addresses this gap by asking how young return migrants adapt in Mexico and negotiate belonging in their communities. I argue that Mexican-U.S. dual citizenship is significant in Mexico in both a legal and cultural sense and operates as a type of double-edged sword—one that, on the one hand, provides youth with opportunities for advancement, but on the other, impedes cultural belonging. Young return migrants navigate this contradiction by learning to code-switch across different life stages and thus, selectively hiding and highlighting their U.S. ties to gain belonging and better economic opportunities. This article illuminates the ways that citizenship is an acquired and learned process that significantly marks the lives of return migrants.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-06-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141377572","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The U.S. right is in the throes of a moral panic over the study of race and racism in schools. This panic developed in part through the backlash to the 1619 Project, an effort by the New York Times to reframe American history around the legacy of slavery. How was a publication with anti-racist ambitions co-opted by a movement to reject the teaching of anti-racism? I argue that a key element is cable news coverage of the 1619 Project, which over a two-year period moved from explaining structural racism through references to the Project toward characterizing the Project as a threat to schoolchildren. To parse this Fox News-led transformation, I draw on Stuart Hall’s analysis of the media’s role in fomenting a mugging moral panic, which provides a model for integrating research on meaning-making with media routines. Analyzing an original archive of 567 news segments, I conceptualize three methods of discursive articulation, namely acts that connect distinct meanings with the Project, to explain this transformation. While “reverberations” initially echoed the 1619 Project’s structural arguments, “redirections” created connections to controversies and “reductions” tied the Project to terms laden with anti-American associations.
{"title":"The 1619 Project Moral Panic: The Role of Cable News","authors":"Tyler Leeds","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spae026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spae026","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The U.S. right is in the throes of a moral panic over the study of race and racism in schools. This panic developed in part through the backlash to the 1619 Project, an effort by the New York Times to reframe American history around the legacy of slavery. How was a publication with anti-racist ambitions co-opted by a movement to reject the teaching of anti-racism? I argue that a key element is cable news coverage of the 1619 Project, which over a two-year period moved from explaining structural racism through references to the Project toward characterizing the Project as a threat to schoolchildren. To parse this Fox News-led transformation, I draw on Stuart Hall’s analysis of the media’s role in fomenting a mugging moral panic, which provides a model for integrating research on meaning-making with media routines. Analyzing an original archive of 567 news segments, I conceptualize three methods of discursive articulation, namely acts that connect distinct meanings with the Project, to explain this transformation. While “reverberations” initially echoed the 1619 Project’s structural arguments, “redirections” created connections to controversies and “reductions” tied the Project to terms laden with anti-American associations.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140974992","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Building on the theory that negative emotions lead to backlash, this study examines how men manage their feelings about progressive gender change. For decades, the United Arab Emirates has engaged in what I call state-building feminism, significantly expanding Emirati women’s employment as a means of national development and establishing a modern reputation globally, while adopting neoliberal reforms that challenge men’s legally mandated breadwinning. Through interviews with 33 Emirati men impacted by state-led gender change, I analyze how they reframe initially negative emotional reactions by following feeling rules from institutionally enforced masculinity schemas. As good providers, Emirati men must assume breadwinning responsibility, rendering shared provision emasculating; they manage that feeling through rationalization and deflection. Moreover, as modern men, Emirati men’s frustration with state-building feminism feels culturally inappropriate. This leads them to supplant frustration, through rearticulation and displacement, with unaffected pride—a gendered form of everyday nationalism that supports the UAE’s reputation-building efforts. Their emotional ambivalence, a process of emotional transformation provoked by shifting cultural expectations, provides a framework for understanding how negative emotions need not lead to backlash. These findings underscore the importance of cultural schemas and emotion management in determining how those who feel threatened by progressive social change respond.
{"title":"Masculinity Challenged: Emotional Responses to State Support for Women’s Employment in the United Arab Emirates","authors":"Lauren Clingan","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spae024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spae024","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Building on the theory that negative emotions lead to backlash, this study examines how men manage their feelings about progressive gender change. For decades, the United Arab Emirates has engaged in what I call state-building feminism, significantly expanding Emirati women’s employment as a means of national development and establishing a modern reputation globally, while adopting neoliberal reforms that challenge men’s legally mandated breadwinning. Through interviews with 33 Emirati men impacted by state-led gender change, I analyze how they reframe initially negative emotional reactions by following feeling rules from institutionally enforced masculinity schemas. As good providers, Emirati men must assume breadwinning responsibility, rendering shared provision emasculating; they manage that feeling through rationalization and deflection. Moreover, as modern men, Emirati men’s frustration with state-building feminism feels culturally inappropriate. This leads them to supplant frustration, through rearticulation and displacement, with unaffected pride—a gendered form of everyday nationalism that supports the UAE’s reputation-building efforts. Their emotional ambivalence, a process of emotional transformation provoked by shifting cultural expectations, provides a framework for understanding how negative emotions need not lead to backlash. These findings underscore the importance of cultural schemas and emotion management in determining how those who feel threatened by progressive social change respond.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141008625","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article investigates whether a core political demand of the 2020 Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests was realized: “defund the police.” Original hand-compiled data containing budget information on 264 major cities in the United States and comprehensive protest data enable us to assess the effect of protests on changes in city police budgets. We find no evidence that BLM protests led to police defunding. In cities with large Republican vote shares, protest is associated with significant increases in police budgets. We demonstrate that electoral incentives cannot explain this policy backlash. Instead, we provide tentative evidence that backlash in Republican cities might stem from policymakers’ own conservatism and entrenched right-wing influences within city politics. The analysis offers novel evidence on the consequences of the largest protest movement in U.S. history and reveals the importance of backlash in explaining policy outcomes of social movements.
{"title":"The Effect of the 2020 Black Lives Matter Protests on Police Budgets: How “Defund the Police” Sparked Political Backlash","authors":"Mathis Ebbinghaus, Nathan Bailey, Jacob Rubel","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spae004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spae004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article investigates whether a core political demand of the 2020 Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests was realized: “defund the police.” Original hand-compiled data containing budget information on 264 major cities in the United States and comprehensive protest data enable us to assess the effect of protests on changes in city police budgets. We find no evidence that BLM protests led to police defunding. In cities with large Republican vote shares, protest is associated with significant increases in police budgets. We demonstrate that electoral incentives cannot explain this policy backlash. Instead, we provide tentative evidence that backlash in Republican cities might stem from policymakers’ own conservatism and entrenched right-wing influences within city politics. The analysis offers novel evidence on the consequences of the largest protest movement in U.S. history and reveals the importance of backlash in explaining policy outcomes of social movements.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140239514","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Neighborhoods across the United States are shaped by the criminal justice system and socioeconomic inequality. This article examines whether multiple forms of criminal justice contact affect neighborhood attainment for a cohort of young adults coming of age in the era of mass incarceration. Using the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, 1997 cohort, and census data, I analyze neighborhood conditions before and after contact with the criminal justice system. Conviction is a critical experience in the life course. Having a household member incarcerated is associated with moving to a worse neighborhood only for White young adults. I contextualize these findings in the literature on the cumulative disadvantages faced by the justice-involved population and the complexities of identifying causal effects for this population. For many, incarceration represents a late stage of criminal justice contact, at which point there is no room to fall. Disentangling the web of disadvantage that follows criminal justice contact is crucial as the effects of the era of mass incarceration continue to accumulate. Locational attainment contextualized within the life course must be central to understanding how the legal system creates and reproduces disadvantage.
美国各地的邻里关系受刑事司法系统和社会经济不平等的影响。本文研究了在大规模监禁时代，多种形式的刑事司法接触是否会影响一批成年青年的邻里关系。我利用 1997 年全国青年纵向调查（National Longitudinal Survey of Youth）和人口普查数据，分析了与刑事司法系统接触前后的邻里状况。定罪是人生历程中的一段重要经历。只有白人青少年才会因为家庭成员被监禁而搬到更差的社区。我将这些发现与有关涉法人群所面临的累积性不利条件的文献结合起来，并说明了确定这一人群因果效应的复杂性。对许多人来说，监禁代表着刑事司法接触的后期阶段，在这一阶段没有任何下降的空间。随着大规模监禁时代的影响不断累积，厘清与刑事司法接触后的劣势网络至关重要。要理解法律制度是如何创造和复制不利条件的，就必须以生活过程中的地点成就为背景。
{"title":"No Room to Fall: Criminal Justice Contact and Neighborhood Disadvantage","authors":"Laura M. DeMarco","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spae012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spae012","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Neighborhoods across the United States are shaped by the criminal justice system and socioeconomic inequality. This article examines whether multiple forms of criminal justice contact affect neighborhood attainment for a cohort of young adults coming of age in the era of mass incarceration. Using the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, 1997 cohort, and census data, I analyze neighborhood conditions before and after contact with the criminal justice system. Conviction is a critical experience in the life course. Having a household member incarcerated is associated with moving to a worse neighborhood only for White young adults. I contextualize these findings in the literature on the cumulative disadvantages faced by the justice-involved population and the complexities of identifying causal effects for this population. For many, incarceration represents a late stage of criminal justice contact, at which point there is no room to fall. Disentangling the web of disadvantage that follows criminal justice contact is crucial as the effects of the era of mass incarceration continue to accumulate. Locational attainment contextualized within the life course must be central to understanding how the legal system creates and reproduces disadvantage.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140251236","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Is there a uniquely Black paranoid style of conservatism, and, if so, how is that style articulated, and what are the potential impacts on conservatism, U.S. politics, and Black people in the coming decades? Despite our theoretical understanding that Black people can support white supremacy, the literature of far-right racism assumes that all white nationalists are white, and all Black nationalists are pro-Black. To address these issues, I use qualitative content analysis of 100 YouTube videos from ten Black conservative influencers. I find there are Black conservatives who express a uniquely nationalist form of paranoid reactionaryism. This style of political rhetoric is characterized by influencers’ claims that: 1) they have experienced status loss, not as Black people, but as moral, patriotic, and Christian Americans; 2) this status loss is the result of a coordinated campaign to weaken the country, traditional values, and Chrisitan hegemony; and 3) the campaigns are carried out by ungodly and un-American people within the country and that acting against them in self-defense is a moral and patriotic necessity. These findings force us to reconsider our approach to studying racism and recognize the agency of Black people who actively promote far right and racist rhetoric.
{"title":"The New Black Right: A Paranoid Turn in Black Conservatism?","authors":"Marcus A. Brooks","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spae011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spae011","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Is there a uniquely Black paranoid style of conservatism, and, if so, how is that style articulated, and what are the potential impacts on conservatism, U.S. politics, and Black people in the coming decades? Despite our theoretical understanding that Black people can support white supremacy, the literature of far-right racism assumes that all white nationalists are white, and all Black nationalists are pro-Black. To address these issues, I use qualitative content analysis of 100 YouTube videos from ten Black conservative influencers. I find there are Black conservatives who express a uniquely nationalist form of paranoid reactionaryism. This style of political rhetoric is characterized by influencers’ claims that: 1) they have experienced status loss, not as Black people, but as moral, patriotic, and Christian Americans; 2) this status loss is the result of a coordinated campaign to weaken the country, traditional values, and Chrisitan hegemony; and 3) the campaigns are carried out by ungodly and un-American people within the country and that acting against them in self-defense is a moral and patriotic necessity. These findings force us to reconsider our approach to studying racism and recognize the agency of Black people who actively promote far right and racist rhetoric.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140266680","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Discrimination frequently appears in ambiguous rather than overt forms. How do individuals manage the challenges associated with ambiguous discrimination, such as classifying incidents of negative but ambiguous treatment? Building on studies of microaggressions and perceived discrimination, this article develops an explanation rooted in a novel theory of discrimination narratives. Discrimination narratives express collective beliefs about discrimination’s patterns and features, which enable individuals to resolve ambiguity in their personal experiences and expectations. Based on a study of perceived Islamophobia in the Canadian province of Quebec, the article describes one common discrimination narrative and uncovers how Muslim Quebecers use it to 1) classify negative but ambiguous treatment by imputing missing information; (2) direct their attention to social situations they perceive to be high-risk; and (3) adjust to anticipated patterns in discrimination. Implications for research on ambiguity, microaggressions, perceived discrimination, and narratives are discussed.
{"title":"How Discrimination Narratives Resolve Ambiguity: The Case of Islamophobia in Quebec","authors":"Jan Doering","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spae009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spae009","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Discrimination frequently appears in ambiguous rather than overt forms. How do individuals manage the challenges associated with ambiguous discrimination, such as classifying incidents of negative but ambiguous treatment? Building on studies of microaggressions and perceived discrimination, this article develops an explanation rooted in a novel theory of discrimination narratives. Discrimination narratives express collective beliefs about discrimination’s patterns and features, which enable individuals to resolve ambiguity in their personal experiences and expectations. Based on a study of perceived Islamophobia in the Canadian province of Quebec, the article describes one common discrimination narrative and uncovers how Muslim Quebecers use it to 1) classify negative but ambiguous treatment by imputing missing information; (2) direct their attention to social situations they perceive to be high-risk; and (3) adjust to anticipated patterns in discrimination. Implications for research on ambiguity, microaggressions, perceived discrimination, and narratives are discussed.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139959062","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
C. Erving, Izraelle I. McKinnon, Courtney S. Thomas Tobin, Miriam E. Van Dyke, Raphiel J. Murden, Reneé H Moore, Bianca Booker, Viola Vaccarino, Tené T Lewis
Informed by Black feminist thought and intersectionality, Superwoman Schema (SWS) is a construct that captures a collective response of Black women to racial and gender marginalization by highlighting expectations that they exude strength, suppress emotions, resist vulnerability, succeed despite limitations, and help others to their own self-neglect. Using a sample of Black women (N = 390) in early-midlife (between 30 and 46 years old; M = 37.54 years; SD = 4.29), this study integrates the intersectionality framework and the stress process model to examine the independent and interactive effects of SWS endorsement as well as socioeconomic status (SES) and financial strain on Black women’s mental health. Study results reveal that SWS dimensions “emotion suppression” and “obligation to help others” are associated with elevated depressive symptoms. In addition, net worth and financial strain, but not traditional measures of socioeconomic status such as education and income, moderate the association between SWS endorsement and depressive symptoms. Specifically, the association between SWS and depressive symptoms is strongest among Black women reporting negative net worth or high financial strain (e.g., not being able to make ends meet). Broader implications and future research directions are discussed.
{"title":"Black Women as Superwomen? The Mental Health Effects of Superwoman Schema, Socioeconomic Status, and Financial Strain","authors":"C. Erving, Izraelle I. McKinnon, Courtney S. Thomas Tobin, Miriam E. Van Dyke, Raphiel J. Murden, Reneé H Moore, Bianca Booker, Viola Vaccarino, Tené T Lewis","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spae007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spae007","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Informed by Black feminist thought and intersectionality, Superwoman Schema (SWS) is a construct that captures a collective response of Black women to racial and gender marginalization by highlighting expectations that they exude strength, suppress emotions, resist vulnerability, succeed despite limitations, and help others to their own self-neglect. Using a sample of Black women (N = 390) in early-midlife (between 30 and 46 years old; M = 37.54 years; SD = 4.29), this study integrates the intersectionality framework and the stress process model to examine the independent and interactive effects of SWS endorsement as well as socioeconomic status (SES) and financial strain on Black women’s mental health. Study results reveal that SWS dimensions “emotion suppression” and “obligation to help others” are associated with elevated depressive symptoms. In addition, net worth and financial strain, but not traditional measures of socioeconomic status such as education and income, moderate the association between SWS endorsement and depressive symptoms. Specifically, the association between SWS and depressive symptoms is strongest among Black women reporting negative net worth or high financial strain (e.g., not being able to make ends meet). Broader implications and future research directions are discussed.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139960151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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