Law enforcement’s increased presence in U.S. public schools has significantly affected Black students’ access to opportunities and their overall safety. Limited attention has been paid to the broader context in which school policing operates, extending beyond school buildings and embedded in larger neighborhood dynamics. We develop a theory of “spatial enclosures” to describe how policing manifests across schools, neighborhoods, and school police departments, shaping Black students’ everyday experiences. Drawing on a dataset of 120 interviews with Black high school students in a large urban school district, we find that Black students fear their education being stolen by police officers’ control over their time, school routines, and opportunities to learn. This shared concern is influenced by race and location, affecting how Black students interact with the police and develop strategies to navigate such encounters. Many Black students actively engage in social justice networks to protect their education. Prolonged involvement in these networks equips Black students with culturally sustaining knowledge and strategies to navigate the harms posed by spatial enclosures. These findings have important implications for understanding how school policing not only affects physical spaces but also profoundly influences students’ perceptions and experiences of time and their equal access to educational opportunities.
{"title":"Navigating Spatial Enclosures: Race, Place, and School Policing","authors":"Terry Allen, Kimberly Gomez","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad055","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad055","url":null,"abstract":"Law enforcement’s increased presence in U.S. public schools has significantly affected Black students’ access to opportunities and their overall safety. Limited attention has been paid to the broader context in which school policing operates, extending beyond school buildings and embedded in larger neighborhood dynamics. We develop a theory of “spatial enclosures” to describe how policing manifests across schools, neighborhoods, and school police departments, shaping Black students’ everyday experiences. Drawing on a dataset of 120 interviews with Black high school students in a large urban school district, we find that Black students fear their education being stolen by police officers’ control over their time, school routines, and opportunities to learn. This shared concern is influenced by race and location, affecting how Black students interact with the police and develop strategies to navigate such encounters. Many Black students actively engage in social justice networks to protect their education. Prolonged involvement in these networks equips Black students with culturally sustaining knowledge and strategies to navigate the harms posed by spatial enclosures. These findings have important implications for understanding how school policing not only affects physical spaces but also profoundly influences students’ perceptions and experiences of time and their equal access to educational opportunities.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"122 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139232327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Recent scholarship has advanced a concept of racism operating through omission. Omission captures both inaction and action, highlighting how systems of oppression rely on inertia in addition to discriminatory action to perpetuate inequality. Yet little is known about how laypersons understand the role of omission in propagating racism in the United States. Building on this premise, we employ a mixed-methods approach to document and test folk theories of the racism of omission. We interview diverse individuals (N=40) about their appraisals of racism; we use these findings to design a vignette study which we fielded to a national sample (N=1,174). Interview data reveal that some Americans do understand omission to be a form of racism, highlighting (1) bystander inaction, (2) silencing of experiences of racism, (3) overfocus on White issues, and (4) disparities in positions of power as instances where inaction, exclusion, or inertia constitute a form of racism. Data show that Americans are most likely to consider overfocus and silencing as forms of omission-based racism, and that racism appraisals depend on the victim’s race. We find that political ideology, gender, income, race, and education shape appraisals of racism as omission. These findings have implications for measures of perceived racism and discrimination.
{"title":"Inaction, Silence, Focus, and Power: Identifying and Assessing Folk Theories of the Racism of Omission","authors":"Evangeline Warren, Lauren Valentino","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad054","url":null,"abstract":"Recent scholarship has advanced a concept of racism operating through omission. Omission captures both inaction and action, highlighting how systems of oppression rely on inertia in addition to discriminatory action to perpetuate inequality. Yet little is known about how laypersons understand the role of omission in propagating racism in the United States. Building on this premise, we employ a mixed-methods approach to document and test folk theories of the racism of omission. We interview diverse individuals (N=40) about their appraisals of racism; we use these findings to design a vignette study which we fielded to a national sample (N=1,174). Interview data reveal that some Americans do understand omission to be a form of racism, highlighting (1) bystander inaction, (2) silencing of experiences of racism, (3) overfocus on White issues, and (4) disparities in positions of power as instances where inaction, exclusion, or inertia constitute a form of racism. Data show that Americans are most likely to consider overfocus and silencing as forms of omission-based racism, and that racism appraisals depend on the victim’s race. We find that political ideology, gender, income, race, and education shape appraisals of racism as omission. These findings have implications for measures of perceived racism and discrimination.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"231 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-11-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139240112","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Chicago Police Department’s community policing program partners with several LGBTQ service providers in and around Chicago’s white middle class “gayborhood.” These organizations make strange bedfellows for law enforcement, given that many of their clients are queer and trans people of color (QTPOC) and, indeed, targets of policing and gentrification projects. This study draws on eighteen months of ethnography and in-depth interviews to examine motivations and consequences of these inter-agency unions. The study finds that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are incorporated into racialized policing strategies through mechanisms ranging from contractual agreement to implicit expectation. While NGOs resist directly criminalizing their QTPOC clients, some discourage them from lingering around service centers, effectively making them invisible in the white gayborhood. Findings demonstrate that in a post-welfare police state, sexual health governance is racially and economically circumscribed, as well as mediated, by institutional intimacies between governmental and non-governmental agencies. I argue that LGBTQ service provision is situated within a multilevel monitoring system, a structure I term “serv/eillance.” Providing services to LGBTQ+POC becomes conditioned on state surveillance, while receiving services is conditioned on being surveilled, by police or by proxy.
{"title":"Serv/eillance: Cops, Queers, and Clinics in Segregated Chicago","authors":"Lydia Dana","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad052","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad052","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Chicago Police Department’s community policing program partners with several LGBTQ service providers in and around Chicago’s white middle class “gayborhood.” These organizations make strange bedfellows for law enforcement, given that many of their clients are queer and trans people of color (QTPOC) and, indeed, targets of policing and gentrification projects. This study draws on eighteen months of ethnography and in-depth interviews to examine motivations and consequences of these inter-agency unions. The study finds that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are incorporated into racialized policing strategies through mechanisms ranging from contractual agreement to implicit expectation. While NGOs resist directly criminalizing their QTPOC clients, some discourage them from lingering around service centers, effectively making them invisible in the white gayborhood. Findings demonstrate that in a post-welfare police state, sexual health governance is racially and economically circumscribed, as well as mediated, by institutional intimacies between governmental and non-governmental agencies. I argue that LGBTQ service provision is situated within a multilevel monitoring system, a structure I term “serv/eillance.” Providing services to LGBTQ+POC becomes conditioned on state surveillance, while receiving services is conditioned on being surveilled, by police or by proxy.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":" 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135291667","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Existing research often views attitudes toward the U.S. criminal legal system as reflections of punitive sentiment, overlooking racial differences in how people respond to questions related to crime and punishment. Using over four decades of nationally representative survey data from the General Social Survey, we employ latent class analysis to examine racial variation in attitudes about the U.S. criminal legal system across time. We find that among White Americans, support for increased spending to combat crime corresponds with support for harsher courts and the death penalty. In contrast, many Black Americans support increased spending on crime but oppose harsher courts and the death penalty, indicating simultaneous concern about crime and a more punitive criminal legal system. Although aggregate trends in punitiveness change similarly across race and time, we show that while preferences for punitive policies remain high among White Americans, the proportion of Black Americans who are simultaneously concerned about crime and a punitive criminal legal system rose from 14 percent in 1994 to 56 percent in 2018. These results highlight the salience of race in shaping how people evaluate the criminal legal system and draw attention to racial polarization in views on punishment and justice.
{"title":"Racial Polarization in Attitudes towards the Criminal Legal System","authors":"Karen Hanhee Lee, Carmen Gutierrez, Becky Pettit","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad051","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad051","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Existing research often views attitudes toward the U.S. criminal legal system as reflections of punitive sentiment, overlooking racial differences in how people respond to questions related to crime and punishment. Using over four decades of nationally representative survey data from the General Social Survey, we employ latent class analysis to examine racial variation in attitudes about the U.S. criminal legal system across time. We find that among White Americans, support for increased spending to combat crime corresponds with support for harsher courts and the death penalty. In contrast, many Black Americans support increased spending on crime but oppose harsher courts and the death penalty, indicating simultaneous concern about crime and a more punitive criminal legal system. Although aggregate trends in punitiveness change similarly across race and time, we show that while preferences for punitive policies remain high among White Americans, the proportion of Black Americans who are simultaneously concerned about crime and a punitive criminal legal system rose from 14 percent in 1994 to 56 percent in 2018. These results highlight the salience of race in shaping how people evaluate the criminal legal system and draw attention to racial polarization in views on punishment and justice.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"29 9","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135874887","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper explores the intersection of two major trends in the United States over the last forty years: a substantial investment in local law enforcement and the diversification of suburbia. While previous research on police spending has focused almost exclusively on large central cities, this study broadens this perspective to assess how these dynamics play out in outer-ring suburbs. I construct a unique panel dataset of over 200 California municipalities and find that the drivers of police spending vary across the metropolis in significant ways. Fixed-effects models that control for unobserved heterogeneity across place suggest that suburbs with growing shares of renters spend more on police. Elaborating on the concept of renter threat, I show how increases in renter households are associated with increases in police expenditures across a range of model specifications in suburbia. I point to suburban homeowner concerns about crime and property values as well as the history of racial exclusion in suburbia that is often couched in economic terms as potential explanations for these findings. Results point to the enduring role of police as a contemporary mechanism of both social control and inequality in California suburbs.
{"title":"Policing the California Outercity: Drivers of Police Spending in a Changing Metropolis","authors":"Ángel Mendiola Ross","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad050","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper explores the intersection of two major trends in the United States over the last forty years: a substantial investment in local law enforcement and the diversification of suburbia. While previous research on police spending has focused almost exclusively on large central cities, this study broadens this perspective to assess how these dynamics play out in outer-ring suburbs. I construct a unique panel dataset of over 200 California municipalities and find that the drivers of police spending vary across the metropolis in significant ways. Fixed-effects models that control for unobserved heterogeneity across place suggest that suburbs with growing shares of renters spend more on police. Elaborating on the concept of renter threat, I show how increases in renter households are associated with increases in police expenditures across a range of model specifications in suburbia. I point to suburban homeowner concerns about crime and property values as well as the history of racial exclusion in suburbia that is often couched in economic terms as potential explanations for these findings. Results point to the enduring role of police as a contemporary mechanism of both social control and inequality in California suburbs.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"277 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135728786","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Where one lives and works is increasingly important in shaping economic opportunities. Yet, women, particularly partnered women, are less likely than men to relocate for a job, potentially serving as a key force in the production of gender labor market stratification. We examine why women’s geographic job mobility is lower than men’s, building on theoretical insights about the structural features of the labor market as well as how households make decisions. Our contribution arises from examining job applications rather than completed job moves. This enables us to examine the behavior of job seekers independent of employers’ hiring decision-making that may shape the findings in scholarship that focuses on completed job moves. We draw on an original dataset that captures detailed, prospective information on the job applications submitted by a national, probability-based sample of job seekers. Our findings indicate that even at the application stage, partnered women – but not women who have never been married – are less likely than comparable men to apply for a job requiring a move. This pattern holds even after accounting for structural features of the labor market. Theories of gendered household dynamics appear to better explain our findings for partnered individuals than theories of household economic maximization.
{"title":"Gender Differences in the Geographic Breadth of Job Search: Examining Job Applications","authors":"Katariina Mueller-Gastell, David S Pedulla","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad048","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Where one lives and works is increasingly important in shaping economic opportunities. Yet, women, particularly partnered women, are less likely than men to relocate for a job, potentially serving as a key force in the production of gender labor market stratification. We examine why women’s geographic job mobility is lower than men’s, building on theoretical insights about the structural features of the labor market as well as how households make decisions. Our contribution arises from examining job applications rather than completed job moves. This enables us to examine the behavior of job seekers independent of employers’ hiring decision-making that may shape the findings in scholarship that focuses on completed job moves. We draw on an original dataset that captures detailed, prospective information on the job applications submitted by a national, probability-based sample of job seekers. Our findings indicate that even at the application stage, partnered women – but not women who have never been married – are less likely than comparable men to apply for a job requiring a move. This pattern holds even after accounting for structural features of the labor market. Theories of gendered household dynamics appear to better explain our findings for partnered individuals than theories of household economic maximization.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"75 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134973688","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Organizations are increasingly engaging in concerted efforts to mitigate bias in processes such as performance evaluations. However, little research examines what makes bias easier for organizations to address through formal initiatives and what makes bias more resistant to such change. When organizations shed light on the biases embedded in a particular organizational process, where are interventions successful, and where do they fall short? Using a longitudinal sample of performance evaluations from an elite professional services firm, we find that managers have an easier time reducing gender differences in the way they view employees’ behaviors, as compared to the way managers value those behaviors. Managers successfully decreased gendered descriptions of personality and communication style. However, when we examine the relationship between language patterns and rating, we find that the same behaviors correspond with a different payoff for women and men. Our findings add to the literature on organizational change by identifying the successes and challenges of bias mitigation efforts aimed at training managers, and we contribute to research on status and stereotypes by identifying new pathways through which cultural ideas about gender impact the evaluation of employees.
{"title":"High-Hanging Fruit: How Gender Bias Remains Entrenched in Performance Evaluations","authors":"Alison T Wynn, Emily K Carian","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad044","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad044","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Organizations are increasingly engaging in concerted efforts to mitigate bias in processes such as performance evaluations. However, little research examines what makes bias easier for organizations to address through formal initiatives and what makes bias more resistant to such change. When organizations shed light on the biases embedded in a particular organizational process, where are interventions successful, and where do they fall short? Using a longitudinal sample of performance evaluations from an elite professional services firm, we find that managers have an easier time reducing gender differences in the way they view employees’ behaviors, as compared to the way managers value those behaviors. Managers successfully decreased gendered descriptions of personality and communication style. However, when we examine the relationship between language patterns and rating, we find that the same behaviors correspond with a different payoff for women and men. Our findings add to the literature on organizational change by identifying the successes and challenges of bias mitigation efforts aimed at training managers, and we contribute to research on status and stereotypes by identifying new pathways through which cultural ideas about gender impact the evaluation of employees.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"144 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134948337","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This study examined the gender gap, gendered opportunity, and the contextual influence of gender inequality and women’s absolute status with respect to online stalking victimization and online image-based victimization (IBV) among youths in 31 countries. Descriptive analysis allowed for comparison of prevalence of online stalking and IBV across gender. We estimated sex-specific hierarchical logistic regression models that examined the relationships between indicators of risky lifestyle, social attachments, physical/social vulnerability and online stalking victimization and IBV. We estimated multilevel models that focused on the linear and curvilinear effects of country-level gender inequality and women’s absolute status (WAS) on the average country-level odds of online stalking victimization and IBV. There were both cross-gender similarities and differences regarding the individual-level correlates of both types of adolescent cybervictimization examined. Countries that had relatively greater gender inequality tended to exhibit a higher prevalence of boys’ and girls’ victimization. Findings suggest that student-level programs should address risk, vulnerability, and protective factors across the three student life domains of risky lifestyle, social attachments, and physical and social vulnerability. Addressing risky lifestyle seems particularly important for reducing girls’ victimization. Moreover, reducing gender inequality or increasing women’s absolute status can play a role in reducing youth online victimization generally.
{"title":"Adolescent Cybervictimization in 31 Countries: The Gender Gap, Gendered Opportunity, and the Contextual Influence of Gender Stratification","authors":"Rustu Deryol, Rachel L McNealey, Pamela Wilcox","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad049","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study examined the gender gap, gendered opportunity, and the contextual influence of gender inequality and women’s absolute status with respect to online stalking victimization and online image-based victimization (IBV) among youths in 31 countries. Descriptive analysis allowed for comparison of prevalence of online stalking and IBV across gender. We estimated sex-specific hierarchical logistic regression models that examined the relationships between indicators of risky lifestyle, social attachments, physical/social vulnerability and online stalking victimization and IBV. We estimated multilevel models that focused on the linear and curvilinear effects of country-level gender inequality and women’s absolute status (WAS) on the average country-level odds of online stalking victimization and IBV. There were both cross-gender similarities and differences regarding the individual-level correlates of both types of adolescent cybervictimization examined. Countries that had relatively greater gender inequality tended to exhibit a higher prevalence of boys’ and girls’ victimization. Findings suggest that student-level programs should address risk, vulnerability, and protective factors across the three student life domains of risky lifestyle, social attachments, and physical and social vulnerability. Addressing risky lifestyle seems particularly important for reducing girls’ victimization. Moreover, reducing gender inequality or increasing women’s absolute status can play a role in reducing youth online victimization generally.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"110 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135695450","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Race and racism play an integral role in shaping mothering practices. Specifically, motherwork examines how Black mothers use strategies and practices to shield children from, as well as help them navigate through, experiences of racism. The necessity of these mothering practices may be fundamental in how motherhood is experienced for Black women. This study used qualitative in-depth semi-structured interviews with 35 predominantly middle-class Black mothers of children in adolescence and young/emerging adulthood. A grounded theoretical and Black feminist approach was taken to analyze data. Black mothers take on numerous laborious and exhaustive strategies to shield their children from racism through what I theorize as the concept of intensive motherwork. I define intensive motherwork as the exhaustive efforts and effects of Black mothers protecting and empowering their children and themselves in the face of anti-Black racism. Intensive motherwork can be seen in three broad themes: (1) protective mothering, (2) resistance mothering, and (3) encumbered mothering. This work expands current discourse on Black families by highlighting the overlap between the intensive nature of Black women’s mothering, the laborious practices that are deployed, and the role of race and racism on Black women’s mothering experience.
{"title":"Can’t Just Send Our Children Out: Intensive Motherwork and Experiences of Black Motherhood","authors":"Mia Brantley","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad047","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad047","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Race and racism play an integral role in shaping mothering practices. Specifically, motherwork examines how Black mothers use strategies and practices to shield children from, as well as help them navigate through, experiences of racism. The necessity of these mothering practices may be fundamental in how motherhood is experienced for Black women. This study used qualitative in-depth semi-structured interviews with 35 predominantly middle-class Black mothers of children in adolescence and young/emerging adulthood. A grounded theoretical and Black feminist approach was taken to analyze data. Black mothers take on numerous laborious and exhaustive strategies to shield their children from racism through what I theorize as the concept of intensive motherwork. I define intensive motherwork as the exhaustive efforts and effects of Black mothers protecting and empowering their children and themselves in the face of anti-Black racism. Intensive motherwork can be seen in three broad themes: (1) protective mothering, (2) resistance mothering, and (3) encumbered mothering. This work expands current discourse on Black families by highlighting the overlap between the intensive nature of Black women’s mothering, the laborious practices that are deployed, and the role of race and racism on Black women’s mothering experience.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136376035","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract A limited number of studies have examined how Black children, particularly daughters, perceive Black men who provide care—financial, material, or emotional support—to children who are not their biological or legal children (these men are here conceptualized as “otherfathers”). Using accounts from in-depth interviews with twenty-six young Black women from two-parent and single-mother households, this study explores how daughters identify and assign meaning to otherfathers. Findings reveal a heterogeneous category with no single definition or set of criteria; rather, the young women enact a process of parental ascription to determine who “counts” as an otherfather. Otherfathers’ contributions are understood in relation to biological fathers’ involvement but not always in expected ways. The study challenges assumptions about how daughters think about otherfathers and reveals the importance of examining the perspectives of Black girl youth and young women.
{"title":"Young Black Women’s Perceptions of Otherfather Involvement","authors":"Maria S Johnson","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spad046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spad046","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract A limited number of studies have examined how Black children, particularly daughters, perceive Black men who provide care—financial, material, or emotional support—to children who are not their biological or legal children (these men are here conceptualized as “otherfathers”). Using accounts from in-depth interviews with twenty-six young Black women from two-parent and single-mother households, this study explores how daughters identify and assign meaning to otherfathers. Findings reveal a heterogeneous category with no single definition or set of criteria; rather, the young women enact a process of parental ascription to determine who “counts” as an otherfather. Otherfathers’ contributions are understood in relation to biological fathers’ involvement but not always in expected ways. The study challenges assumptions about how daughters think about otherfathers and reveals the importance of examining the perspectives of Black girl youth and young women.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136375725","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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