Social Problems最新文献

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Belonging and Boundaries at an Elite University 精英大学的归属感和界限

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Social Problems

Pub Date : 2022-09-10 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac051

A. Jack, Zennon Black

Scholars posit that lower-income undergraduates experience “cultural mismatch,” which undermines their sense of belonging, promotes withdrawal from campus, and limits mobility upon graduation. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 103 undergraduates at an elite university, we examine how students’ diverse trajectories to college affect how they identify as members of the community and modulate the relationship between social class and sense of belonging. While upper-income undergraduates find commonalities between themselves and college peers and integrate into the community, lower-income students offer divergent accounts. The doubly disadvantaged—lower-income undergraduates who attended local, typically distressed public high schools—felt a heightened sense of difference, drew moral boundaries, and withdrew from campus life. Alternatively, the privileged poor—lower-income undergraduates who attended boarding, day, and preparatory high schools—adopted a cosmopolitan approach focused on continued expansion of horizons and integrated into campus. Through detailing this overlooked diversity among lower-income undergraduates, our findings expand theoretical frameworks for examining sense of belonging to include boundary work that shapes students’ agendas, thereby deepening our understanding of the reproduction of inequality in college.

学者们认为，低收入本科生会经历“文化不匹配”，这会破坏他们的归属感，促使他们退出校园，并限制毕业后的流动性。通过对一所精英大学103名本科生的深入采访，我们研究了学生上大学的不同轨迹如何影响他们作为社区成员的认同，以及如何调节社会阶层和归属感之间的关系。虽然高收入本科生发现自己与大学同龄人之间的共性并融入社区，但低收入学生提供的账户则不同。双重弱势群体——就读于当地公立高中的低收入本科生——感到差异感增强，划定了道德界限，并退出了校园生活。或者，有特权的穷人——就读于寄宿、走读和预备高中的低收入本科生——采取了一种国际化的方法，专注于继续拓展视野，融入校园。通过详细描述低收入本科生中被忽视的多样性，我们的研究结果扩展了研究归属感的理论框架，包括塑造学生议程的边界工作，从而加深了我们对大学中不平等现象再现的理解。

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引用次数: 3

Blurring the Borders of Reentry: Socioeconomic Reintegration among Noncitizens Following Release from Immigration Detention 模糊重返社会的边界：移民拘留释放后非公民的社会经济重返社会

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Social Problems

Pub Date : 2022-09-10 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac050

Caitlin C. Patler

An established literature demonstrates that formerly imprisoned people experience barriers to finding work. However, no research has analyzed how noncitizens experience socioeconomic reintegration following imprisonment. Additionally, while we know many immigrants find work in co-ethnic labor markets, we know little about how these networks respond to individuals with a criminal record. I analyze 321 longitudinal, semi-structured interviews collected between 2013–2016 from 121 noncitizens who were detained by U.S. immigration authorities for six months or longer and then released back into their communities on bond. Results reveal a complex set of socioeconomic reintegration experiences that are shaped by ethnic, legal, generational, and gender stratification in immigrant integration outcomes more broadly. These findings have important implications as immigration laws have become increasingly punitive and intertwined with criminal laws.

一篇已有的文献表明，以前被监禁的人在找工作时会遇到障碍。然而，没有研究分析非公民在入狱后如何重新融入社会经济生活。此外，虽然我们知道许多移民在同种族的劳动力市场找到了工作，但我们对这些网络如何应对有犯罪记录的个人知之甚少。我分析了2013年至2016年间从121名非公民中收集的321次纵向半结构化访谈，这些非公民被美国移民当局拘留了六个月或更长时间，然后被保释回自己的社区。结果显示，在更广泛的移民融合结果中，种族、法律、代际和性别分层形成了一系列复杂的社会经济融合经历。随着移民法变得越来越惩罚性，并与刑法交织在一起，这些发现具有重要意义。

引用次数: 0

The 2021 SSSP Presidential Address: Revolutionary Sociology—Truth, Healing, Reparations, and Restructuring 2021年SSSP总统演讲：革命社会学——真相、治愈、补偿和重组

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Social Problems

Pub Date : 2022-08-30 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac047

Corey Dolgon

引用次数: 0

Long after “People before Highways”: Social Movements and Expert Activism in Greater Boston, 1960–2016 早在“人先于公路”之后:1960-2016年大波士顿地区的社会运动和专家行动主义

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Social Problems

Pub Date : 2022-08-24 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac048

A. Porcelli, S. Frickel, Aaron Niznik

The study investigates the way local social movements respond to structural transformations in city politics. Drawing from archival research, published scholarship, and 51 in-depth interviews, we characterize the mobilization of experts into social movements in Greater Boston since the 1960s as a long-term shift from “protecting places” to “providing services.” Consonant with a shift from centralized to decentralized municipal government, we show how an initially unified resistance to urban renewal morphed into two diverging and opposing movements. One focused on housing affordability and relied on market-driven tactics; the other sought to enhance the “production of nature” through grassroots community organizing. These findings support two contributions to the scholarship on expert activism by showing that: (1) social movement organizations (SMOs) respond to structural shifts epistemologically, as well as organizationally; and (2) expert activism can alter the conditions and context of knowledge production in neighborhoods and the movements that rise in their defense.

该研究调查了当地社会运动对城市政治结构转变的反应方式。从档案研究、已发表的学术研究和51次深度访谈中，我们将20世纪60年代以来大波士顿地区动员专家参与社会运动的特点描述为从“保护场所”到“提供服务”的长期转变。随着城市政府从集中式到分散式的转变，我们展示了最初统一的对城市更新的抵制如何演变成两个分歧和对立的运动。一种侧重于住房负担能力，依靠市场驱动的策略;另一种是通过基层社区组织加强“自然生产”。这些发现通过表明:(1)社会运动组织(SMOs)在认识论上和组织上对结构转变作出反应，支持了对专家行动主义学术的两个贡献;(2)专家行动主义可以改变社区知识生产的条件和背景，以及为保护他们而兴起的运动。

引用次数: 1

A Matter of Time: The Life Course Implications of Deferred Action for Undocumented Latin American Immigrants in the United States 时间问题：美国无证拉丁美洲移民暂缓行动的人生历程意义

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Social Problems

Pub Date : 2022-08-24 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac049

Angela S. García, D. Diaz-Strong, Yunuen Rodriguez Rodriguez

Scholars have long demonstrated that the state monopolizes time and imposes waiting, with disproportional impacts for marginalized groups relative to other political subjects. Extending this literature with a life course framework, we analyze how receipt of legal relief in different periods of life shapes the impacts of policy provisions. We draw on the case of undocumented Latin American immigrants targeted by executive immigration actions (DACA and DAPA), designed to extend temporary access to employment, protection from deportation, and the ability to exit and legally re-enter the United States. Through a comparative analysis of interviews (N = 82) across three age cohorts—coming of age, young adult, and middle age—we find the impact of these state-extended benefits differentially concentrates in the domains of schooling, employment, and family. The paper contributes an analysis of state power through a life course framework, deepening understanding of undocumented immigrants’ experiences of state-controlled time, waiting, and “illegality.”

学者们长期以来一直证明，国家垄断时间并强加等待，相对于其他政治主体，对边缘化群体的影响不成比例。通过生命历程框架扩展这篇文献，我们分析了在不同生命时期获得法律救济如何影响政策规定的影响。我们借鉴了行政移民行动（DACA和DAPA）针对的无证拉丁美洲移民的案例，该行动旨在扩大临时就业机会、免受驱逐的保护，以及出境和合法重新进入美国的能力。通过访谈的比较分析（N = 82）在成年、青年和中年三个年龄组中，我们发现这些国家延长福利的影响不同地集中在教育、就业和家庭领域。本文通过生命历程框架对国家权力进行了分析，加深了对无证移民在国家控制的时间、等待和“非法”方面的经历的理解

引用次数: 1

Politics at the Gun Counter: Examining Partisanship and Masculinity among Conservative Gun Sellers during the 2020 Gun Purchasing Surge 枪支柜台上的政治:在2020年枪支购买激增期间审视保守派枪支销售商的党派关系和男子气概

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Social Problems

Pub Date : 2022-08-17 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac046

Minyoung An, J. Carlson

How does gender shape how conservatives “do partisanship”? This paper draws on interviews with a group of conservative Americans—gun sellers—during a year of record gun sales amid a global pandemic, civil unrest, and democratic instability. In 2020, gun sellers navigated an increasingly diverse clientele, including what they understood as an increase in liberal, progressive, and leftist gun buyers. This unique influx bucked decades-long trends of partisan sorting in America and compelled gun sellers to “do partisanship” as they fielded the new gun buyers in their stores. Integrating the literatures on the gender gap in partisanship with scholarship on hegemonic masculinity, this paper examines how gun sellers mobilized masculinity as a means of expressing and engaging in partisanship. Our analysis details how interviewees (1) embrace a brand of hegemonic masculinity that champions self-preservation and preparedness, (2) define themselves against liberal politics and policies they deem emasculating, and (3) draw partisan boundaries around gun ownership that reinforce conservatives as responsible gun owners while denigrating liberals as emotional, impressionable, and incompetent. We argue that partisanship can be understood as a gendered practice that provides insight into how conservatives make political meaning in their everyday lives.

性别如何影响保守派“党派之争”?本文取材于对一群保守的美国枪支销售者的采访。这一年，在全球流行病、内乱和民主不稳定的情况下，枪支销量创下了纪录。2020年，枪支销售商面对的客户越来越多样化，包括他们所理解的自由派、进步派和左派枪支买家的增加。这种独特的涌入打破了美国长达数十年的党派分类趋势，迫使枪支销售商在他们的商店里迎接新的枪支购买者时“做党派”。本文结合有关党派关系性别差异的文献与霸权男性气质的学术研究，探讨了枪支销售者如何动员男性气质作为表达和参与党派关系的手段。我们的分析详细说明了受访者是如何(1)接受一种倡导自我保护和准备的霸权男子气概，(2)将自己定义为反对他们认为阉割的自由主义政治和政策，以及(3)围绕枪支所有权划定党派界限，强化保守派作为负责任的枪支所有者，同时诋毁自由派为情绪化、易受影响和无能。我们认为，党派之争可以被理解为一种性别实践，它提供了对保守派如何在日常生活中实现政治意义的洞察。

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引用次数: 1

The Journalistic Field in the Platform Economy: The New York Times and the Inverted Pyramid 平台经济下的新闻领域:《纽约时报》与倒金字塔

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Social Problems

Pub Date : 2022-08-10 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac045

Tyler Leeds

Bourdieu’s field theory has become a key heuristic for studying the impact of the market on American journalism, but this approach has not been employed to analyze the consequences of a technology-driven decline in advertising revenue. To understand this change and update the commercial critique of journalism, I extend the emerging Bourdieusian historical research program to chart transformations in the market’s heteronomous effects on journalism. To do so, I highlight how the New York Times was exceptionally positioned to manage heteronomy as it emanated through the technology, political, and financial fields. This analysis throws the crisis of the wider field into relief, a field I characterize as an “inverted pyramid” to reflect how the Times’ success deepened hierarchy, while also giving it the freedom to reinvent orthodoxy in a wide space of possibility atop the field.

布迪厄的场理论已经成为研究市场对美国新闻业影响的关键启发式方法，但这种方法尚未被用于分析技术驱动的广告收入下降的后果。为了理解这种变化并更新对新闻业的商业批评，我扩展了新兴的布尔迪厄历史研究计划，以图表显示市场对新闻业的他律影响的转变。为此，我将重点介绍《纽约时报》是如何在管理技术、政治和金融领域的“他律”方面处于特殊地位的。这种分析使更广泛领域的危机得以缓解，我将这个领域描述为“倒金字塔”，以反映《纽约时报》的成功如何加深了等级制度，同时也给了它在这个领域的广阔可能性空间中重塑正统的自由。

引用次数: 1

The Boys in Blue Are Watching You: The Shifting Metropolitan Landscape and Big Data Police Surveillance in the United States 蓝衣男孩在看着你：美国大都市景观的变化与大数据警察监控

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Social Problems

Pub Date : 2022-08-05 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac044

Scott W. Duxbury, N. Andrabi

Despite decades of crime decline, police surveillance has continued to expand through a range of tactics oriented towards policing social disadvantage. Yet, despite attention to the linkages between residential inequality and policing, few studies have accounted for two intertwined structural developments since the turn of the 21st century: (1) the shift away from spatially concentrated patterns of racial segregation within urban centers towards sprawling patterns of economic segregation and (2) the turn from reactive policing towards proactive surveillance. Using the case of big data policing, we create a new measure of big data surveillance in metropolitan areas to examine how changes in segregation have affected the expansion of proactive police surveillance. In contrast to theoretical accounts emphasizing the role of police surveillance in governing economic inequality and perpetuating racial segregation, we do not find evidence that racial segregation or income inequality increase big data surveillance. Instead, much of the recent rise in big data policing is explained by increases in sprawling patterns of income segregation. These results provide new insight into the linkages between policing and residential inequality and reveal how changes in metropolitan segregation influence criminal justice surveillance in the era of big data.

尽管犯罪率几十年来一直在下降，但警方通过一系列旨在维持社会劣势的策略，继续扩大监控范围。然而，尽管人们注意到居住不平等与治安之间的联系，自21世纪之交以来，很少有研究解释两个相互交织的结构发展：（1）从城市中心的空间集中的种族隔离模式向分散的经济隔离模式转变；（2）从被动警务向主动监控转变。以大数据警务为例，我们在大都市地区创建了一种新的大数据监控措施，以研究种族隔离的变化如何影响主动警察监控的扩展。与强调警察监控在治理经济不平等和使种族隔离永久化方面的作用的理论观点相反，我们没有发现证据表明种族隔离或收入不平等会增加大数据监控。相反，最近大数据监管的兴起很大程度上是由于收入隔离模式的扩大。这些结果为警务与居住不平等之间的联系提供了新的见解，并揭示了大数据时代大都市隔离的变化如何影响刑事司法监督。

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引用次数: 0

The Contradictions of Liminal Legality: Economic Attainment and Civic Engagement of Central American Immigrants on Temporary Protected Status. 极限合法性的矛盾:临时受保护中美洲移民的经济成就与公民参与。

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Social Problems

Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spaa052

Cecilia Menjívar, Victor Agadjanian, Byeongdon Oh

This study examines how Temporary Protected Status (TPS) may shape immigrants' integration trajectories. Building on core themes identified in the immigrant incorporation scholarship, it investigates whether associations of educational attainment with labor market outcomes and with civic participation, which are well established in the general population, hold for immigrants who live in the "liminal legality" of TPS. Conducted in 2016 in five U.S. metropolitan areas, the study is based on a unique survey of Salvadoran and Honduran TPS holders, the majority of immigrants on this status. The analyses find that TPS holders with higher levels of educational attainment do not derive commensurate significant occupational or earnings premiums from their education. In contrast, the analysis of the relationship between educational attainment and civic engagement detects a positive association: more educated TPS holders are more likely to be members of community organizations and to participate in voluntary community service, compared to their less educated counterparts. These findings illustrate the contradictions inherent to TPS as it may hinder certain aspects of immigrant integration but not others. This examination contributes to our understanding of the implications of immigrants' legal statuses and of immigration law and policy for key aspects of immigrant integration trajectories.

本研究探讨了临时保护身份(TPS)如何影响移民的融合轨迹。在移民公司奖学金确定的核心主题的基础上，它调查了教育程度与劳动力市场结果和公民参与之间的联系，这在一般人群中已经建立起来，是否适用于生活在TPS“有限合法性”中的移民。该研究于2016年在美国五个大都市地区进行，基于对萨尔瓦多和洪都拉斯TPS持有者的独特调查，他们是这一身份的大多数移民。分析发现，受教育程度较高的TPS持有人并没有从他们的教育中获得相应的显著的职业或收入溢价。相比之下，对受教育程度和公民参与之间关系的分析发现了一种积极的联系:与受教育程度较低的人相比，受教育程度较高的TPS持有人更有可能成为社区组织的成员，并参与志愿社区服务。这些发现说明了TPS固有的矛盾，因为它可能阻碍移民融合的某些方面，而不是其他方面。这项研究有助于我们理解移民的法律地位以及移民法律和政策对移民融合轨迹的关键方面的影响。

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引用次数: 13

Proliferation of Punishment: The Centrality of Legal Fines and Fees in the Landscape of Contemporary Penology. 惩罚的扩散：法律罚款和收费在当代刑罚学中的中心地位》。

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Social Problems

Pub Date : 2022-08-01 Epub Date: 2021-01-12 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spaa077

Ilya Slavinski, Becky Pettit

Decades of significant crime declines and recent reductions in the number of people confined in prisons and jails in the United States have been accompanied by the emergence of new, and the resurgence of old, forms of punishment. One of these resurgent forms is the assessment of fines, fees, and costs to those who encounter the criminal legal system. Legal financial obligations (LFOs) have become widespread across the United States and are levied for offenses from alleged traffic violations in some states to felony convictions in others. Their emergence has been heralded by some as a less punitive alternative to spending time in prison or jail but recognized by others as uniquely consequential for people without the means to pay. Drawing on data from 254 counties in Texas, this article explores the emergence and enforcement of LFOs in Texas, where LFOs play a particularly prominent role in sanctions for alleged misdemeanor offenses and serve as an important source of revenue. Enforcement of LFOs varies geographically and is related to conservative politics and racial threat. We argue that LFOs are a defining feature of a contemporary punishment regime where racial injustice is fueled by economic inequality.

数十年来，美国的犯罪率大幅下降，被关押在监狱和看守所中的人数近期也有所减少，与此同时，新的惩罚形式和旧的惩罚形式又死灰复燃。其中一种死灰复燃的形式就是对那些触犯刑事法律制度的人处以罚金、费用和成本。法律经济义务（LFOs）已在全美普及，从一些州的交通违规指控到另一些州的重罪定罪，都会被征收法律经济义务。它们的出现被一些人认为是一种比在监狱或牢房中服刑惩罚更轻的替代方式，但也被另一些人认为对没有支付能力的人具有独特的后果。本文利用得克萨斯州254个县的数据，探讨了LFOs在得克萨斯州的出现和执行情况，LFOs在得克萨斯州对被指控的轻罪的制裁中发挥着特别突出的作用，也是重要的收入来源。LFO 的执行因地域而异，并与保守政治和种族威胁有关。我们认为，在经济不平等助长种族不公正的当代惩罚制度中，LFO 是一个决定性的特征。

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引用次数: 0

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