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"The Squeaky Wheel Gets the Grease": Rental Assistance Applicants' Quests for a Rationed and Scarce Resource. "吱吱作响的轮子得到润滑油":租金援助申请者对定量配给的稀缺资源的追求》(Rental Assistance Applicants' Quests for a Rationed and Scarce Resource.
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-01 Epub Date: 2021-08-17 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spab035
Danya E Keene, Alana Rosenberg, Penelope Schlesinger, Shannon Whittaker, Linda Niccolai, Kim M Blankenship

In 2016, only one in five eligible U.S. households received rental assistance and waiting lists averaged two years nationally. The gap between available rental assistance and need requires systems to allocate this scarce resource. The way potential rental assistance recipients experience and navigate these systems is likely to shape who ultimately receives assistance. We draw on repeated qualitative interviews (N=238) with low-income New Haven residents (N=54) to examine how participants understand and navigate rental assistance applications and waiting lists. Participants encountered multiple challenges in their search for rental assistance. They described an opaque and complex application and waiting process requiring significant knowledge to navigate. They also described considerable labor associated with monitoring waiting lists, a challenge made more difficult for some by their lack of a stable address. Additionally, participants described significant labor and knowledge required to strategically navigate prioritization systems that often required them to advocate for their deservingness of scarce housing resources. Our findings suggest that the allocation of rental assistance through complex processes that depend on applicant knowledge, labor, and advocacy may create barriers to housing, particularly for more vulnerable and marginalized housing seekers.

2016 年,只有五分之一符合条件的美国家庭获得了租房援助,全国平均等待时间为两年。可用租房援助与需求之间的差距需要系统来分配这一稀缺资源。潜在的租房补助领取者体验和驾驭这些系统的方式很可能会影响最终获得补助的人。我们通过对纽黑文低收入居民(54 人)的反复定性访谈(238 人),研究了参与者如何理解和驾驭租金援助申请和等待名单。参与者在寻找租房援助时遇到了多重挑战。他们描述了一个不透明且复杂的申请和等待过程,需要大量的知识才能驾驭。他们还描述了与监督等候名单相关的大量工作,由于缺乏稳定的地址,一些人面临的挑战变得更加困难。此外,参加者还描述了在战略上驾驭优先次序系统所需的大量人力和知识,这些系统往往要求他们为自己应得的稀缺住房资源进行宣传。我们的研究结果表明,通过复杂的程序分配租房补助取决于申请人的知识、劳动和宣传,这可能会给住房造成障碍,尤其是对更弱势和边缘化的住房寻求者而言。
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引用次数: 12
Mothers' Parenting in an Era of Proactive Policing. 积极警察时代的母亲养育
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-01 Epub Date: 2021-08-25 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spab039
Kristin Turney

A family systems perspective suggests the repercussions of adolescent police contact likely extend beyond the adolescent to proliferate to the broader family unit, but little research investigates these relationships. I used data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study, a longitudinal survey of children who became adolescents during an era of proactive policing, to examine the relationship between adolescent police contact and four aspects of family life: mothers' parenting stress, mothers' monitoring, mothers' discipline, and the mother-adolescent relationship. Adolescent police contact, especially invasive police contact, is associated with increased parenting stress, increased discipline, and decreased engagement, net of adolescent and family characteristics that increase the risk of police contact. There is also suggestive evidence that adolescent police contact is more consequential for family life when mothers themselves experienced recent police contact. These findings suggest the repercussions of police contact extend beyond the individual and proliferate to restructure family relationships.

从家庭系统的角度来看,青少年与警察接触的影响可能会超出青少年,扩散到更广泛的家庭单元,但很少有研究调查这些关系。我使用了脆弱家庭和儿童福利研究的数据,这是一项针对在积极警务时代成为青少年的儿童的纵向调查,研究了青少年与警察的接触与家庭生活的四个方面之间的关系:母亲的育儿压力、母亲的监督、母亲的纪律和母亲与青少年的关系。青少年与警察的接触,特别是侵入性的警察接触,与父母压力增加、纪律加强和参与度降低有关,青少年和家庭特征增加了与警察接触的风险。还有证据表明,当母亲自己最近也经历过警察的接触时,青少年与警察的接触对家庭生活的影响更大。这些发现表明,警察接触的影响超出了个人,并扩散到重组家庭关系。
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引用次数: 0
To Align or Misalign?: Interpreting INGO-State Partnership in Cambodia 对齐还是不对齐?:解读柬埔寨ingo -国家伙伴关系
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-23 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac059
Mary-Collier Wilks
Abstract This article uses ethnographic and interview methods to compare two international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) implementing public health programs in Cambodia. Both INGOs formally adopt the same policy, developing state partnership, but implement this policy very differently. One INGO successfully aligns the policy with on-the-ground practice, while the other organization is unable and unwilling to successfully cooperate with local state officials. I argue that previous research on international development organizations, policy convergence, and divergence in implementation needs to be expanded to analytically specify the process of policy alignment and misalignment. Drawing on the inhabited institutions perspective, I illustrate how global policies are made meaningful in intra- and inter-organizational interactions through a two-step process: (1) operationalization in which the broad policy is translated into specific programming and (2) implementation in which local actors do or do not align the policy with actual practice in Cambodia. This article offers a method for systematically theorizing policy alignment or misalignment with practice in international organizations.
摘要:本文采用人种学和访谈的方法,比较两个国际非政府组织(ingo)在柬埔寨实施公共卫生项目。这两个国际非政府组织在形式上采取了同样的政策,即发展国家伙伴关系,但在执行这一政策时却截然不同。一个非政府组织成功地将政策与实地实践结合起来,而另一个组织无法也不愿意与当地政府官员成功合作。我认为,以前对国际发展组织、政策趋同和执行分歧的研究需要扩大,以分析地具体说明政策一致和不一致的过程。根据居住机构的观点,我通过两个步骤的过程说明了全球政策如何在组织内部和组织间的互动中变得有意义:(1)将广泛的政策转化为具体的规划的操作化;(2)将当地行为者是否将政策与柬埔寨的实际做法保持一致的实施。本文提供了一种系统地理论化国际组织中政策与实践一致或不一致的方法。
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引用次数: 0
Destroying Democracy for the People: The Economic, Social, and Political Consequences of Populist Rule, 1990 to 2017 为人民摧毁民主:民粹主义统治的经济、社会和政治后果,1990年至2017年
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-23 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac060
W. Cole, Evan Schofer
The recent populist wave has raised questions about the implications of populism for democracy. Some scholars express optimism that populism may be a source of democratic revitalization, bringing about sweeping changes in accordance with the majority will. More often, populism is viewed as a threat to liberal democracy, combining calls for radical change with disdain for core democratic institutions and norms. We consider the possibility that these outcomes may not be mutually exclusive and develop a conceptual typology for understanding the consequences of populist rule. We then use cross-national panel fixed-effects models to analyze the effects of populist leadership between 1990 and 2017. We first examine whether populists have economic and social effects in line with their core aspirations. Left-wing populists are quite effective at implementing their agenda: they reduce income inequality, regulate markets, and incorporate marginalized groups. Right-wing populists are also fairly impactful: for instance, they raise tariffs, cut taxes, and restrict the rights of women and gay people. However, populists of all stripes are associated with the rapid and severe erosion of liberal democratic institutions. Populists, we conclude, often destroy democracy in the name of the people.
最近的民粹主义浪潮引发了人们对民粹主义对民主影响的质疑。一些学者乐观地认为,民粹主义可能是民主振兴的源泉,根据大多数人的意愿带来全面的变革。更常见的情况是,民粹主义被视为对自由民主的威胁,将激进变革的呼声与对核心民主制度和规范的蔑视结合在一起。我们考虑到这些结果可能不是相互排斥的,并发展了一种概念类型来理解民粹主义统治的后果。然后,我们使用跨国家小组固定效应模型来分析1990年至2017年间民粹主义领导的影响。我们首先考察民粹主义者的经济和社会影响是否符合他们的核心愿望。左翼民粹主义者非常有效地执行了他们的议程:他们减少了收入不平等,规范了市场,并将边缘化群体纳入其中。右翼民粹主义者也相当有影响力:例如,他们提高关税,减税,限制妇女和同性恋者的权利。然而,形形色色的民粹主义者都与自由民主制度的迅速而严重的侵蚀联系在一起。我们得出结论,民粹主义者经常以人民的名义破坏民主。
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引用次数: 3
“When They Hand You Your Uniform, They Forget to Say, ‘Hand Me Your Soul’”: Incidents and Impacts of Institutional Betrayal in Canadian Police Services “当他们把你的制服递给你时,他们忘了说,‘把你的灵魂交给我’”:加拿大警察部门机构背叛的事件和影响
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-23 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac062
Lesley J Bikos
Abstract This interdisciplinary study applies Erving Goffman’s sociological theory of the total institution and the psychological framework of institutional betrayal to better understand how ongoing gendered and racialized power structures are maintained in Canadian policing. An intersectional analysis of 116 in-depth interviews with police officers from 31 police services and an on-line, national survey (N = 727) reveal that steep institutional requirements of assimilation and conformity, combined with various, commonly reported mechanisms of institutional betrayal effectively silenced, discredited, and/or minimized reports of sexual and gender and/or race-based workplace abuse. This led to significantly negative impacts on racialized women, men, and white women’s mental health, retention rates, and willingness to report workplace abuse. Overall, this study found the ongoing presence of systemic racism and sexism within police services across Canada, institutional knowledge of their existence, coordinated efforts to contain complaints, and ongoing resistance to meaningful change.
摘要:本跨学科研究运用欧文·戈夫曼的总体制度社会学理论和制度背叛的心理框架来更好地理解加拿大警务中持续的性别化和种族化权力结构是如何维持的。对来自31个警察部门的116名警官的深度访谈和一项在线全国调查(N = 727)进行的交叉分析显示,同化和顺从的严格制度要求,加上各种常见的制度背叛机制,有效地压制、抹黑和/或最小化了基于性、性别和/或种族的工作场所虐待报告。这对种族化的女性、男性和白人女性的心理健康、留任率和举报工作场所虐待的意愿产生了显著的负面影响。总体而言,本研究发现,加拿大各地的警察部门存在系统性种族主义和性别歧视,对其存在的制度性认识,遏制投诉的协调努力,以及对有意义变革的持续抵制。
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引用次数: 1
Polarized Support for Intimate Partner Violence Gun-Related Interventions 对亲密伴侣暴力与枪支相关干预的两极分化支持
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-06 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac063
Anne Groggel
Abstract Social movements pushed to reconceptualize intimate partner violence (IPV) as a social problem deserving of intervention rather than a private family matter. However, little work has examined which interventions the public is likely to support. How and where do personal politics affect perceptions of and responses to a social problem? To address these questions, 739 participants read a victim’s narrative from a court case and indicated their concern for the victim and support for issuing a protection order, prohibiting the abuser from owning a gun, or the victim owning a gun to protect herself. Concern for the victim and support for issuing a protection order was widespread, regardless of political leaning, with minor variations driven by role-taking and attitudes towards IPV. Similarly, support for the victim receiving a protection order was high, with political ideology and political affiliation having no direct effects. While concern increased support for each intervention, it held less explanatory power for gun-related interventions. Instead, political ideology and affiliation shaped support for disarming the abuser or arming the victim. Support for these interventions seemed to filter through a political lens. Thus, one’s personal politics drive divergent intervention attitudes, even when concern for a social problem is shared.
社会运动推动将亲密伴侣暴力(IPV)重新定义为一个值得干预的社会问题,而不是私人家庭问题。然而,很少有研究调查公众可能支持哪些干预措施。个人政治如何以及在哪里影响对社会问题的看法和反应?为了回答这些问题,739名参与者从法庭案件中阅读了受害者的叙述,并表示他们对受害者的关注和支持发布保护令,禁止施虐者拥有枪支,或受害者拥有枪支以保护自己。无论政治倾向如何,对受害者的关注和对发布保护令的支持都是普遍的,由于角色扮演和对IPV的态度而产生了微小的变化。同样,对受害者获得保护令的支持也很高,政治意识形态和政治派别没有直接影响。虽然关注增加了对每种干预措施的支持,但它对与枪支有关的干预措施的解释力较弱。相反,政治意识形态和从属关系塑造了对解除施暴者武装或武装受害者的支持。对这些干预措施的支持似乎是通过政治镜头过滤出来的。因此,一个人的个人政治倾向会导致不同的干预态度,即使是对社会问题的关注是共同的。
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引用次数: 1
The Effect of Community Organizing on Landlords’ Use of Eviction Filing: Evidence from U.S. Cities 社区组织对房东使用驱逐申请的影响:来自美国城市的证据
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-04 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac061
Andrew Messamore
Abstract Eviction filing rates have declined in many large cities in the United States. Existing scholarship on eviction, which focuses on discrete tenant-landlord relationships, has few explanations for this decline. I consider whether community organizing by nonprofit organizations shapes the social organization of communities and causes landlords to file fewer eviction filings. In cities where tenant and anti-poverty organizing has become common, community-oriented nonprofit organizations advocate for disadvantaged communities and help residents avoid poverty. Community organizing has rarely been studied as a predictor of housing security among low-income tenants, despite studies of how community organizing shapes the use of property in wealthy neighborhoods. I estimate the causal effect of community organizations on eviction filing rates between 2000 and 2016 using longitudinal data and a strategy to account for the endogeneity of nonprofits and eviction. Evidence from year-to-year models in 75 large cities spanning sixteen years estimate that an addition of ten community nonprofits in a city of 100,000 residents is associated with a ten percent reduction in eviction filing. This effect is comparable to the effect of community organizations on murder and is roughly a third of the association between eviction and concentrated disadvantage.
美国许多大城市的驱逐申请率已经下降。现有关于驱逐的学术研究主要集中在离散的租客-房东关系上,对这种下降几乎没有解释。我考虑非营利组织的社区组织是否塑造了社区的社会组织,并导致房东提交更少的驱逐申请。在租户和反贫困组织已经变得普遍的城市,以社区为导向的非营利组织倡导弱势社区,帮助居民避免贫困。尽管有研究表明社区组织如何影响富裕社区的财产使用,但很少有人将社区组织作为低收入租户住房安全的预测指标进行研究。我使用纵向数据和一种策略来解释非营利组织和驱逐的内生性,估计了2000年至2016年间社区组织对驱逐申请率的因果影响。从历时16年的75个大城市的逐年模型中得出的证据估计,在一个拥有10万居民的城市中,每增加10个社区非营利组织,驱逐申请就会减少10%。这种影响与社区组织对谋杀的影响相当,大约是驱逐和集中劣势之间联系的三分之一。
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引用次数: 0
“Scum (of the Earth)”: Incarcerated Mothers’ Experiences of Slow Violence “人渣(地球)”:被监禁母亲的缓慢暴力经历
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac058
Gina Fedock, Celina M. Doria, Marion L. D. Malcome
Incarcerated mothers experience multiple forms of harm embedded within the criminal legal system, yet relatively little attention has been paid to incarcerated mothers’ experiences of slow violence, violence whose harm occurs gradually over time, often in mundane and disregarded ways. We conducted semi-structured interviews with incarcerated mothers to explore their parenting experiences while in prison and analyzed their experiences through the frame of slow violence. The findings include salient themes of environmentally hazardous prison conditions that negatively impacted their health; broken phones that disrupted communication with and parenting of their children; and unending waitlists that jeopardized their parenting rights and delayed reunification with their children. We situate these findings within the framework of slow violence to highlight the insidious and overlooked forms of harm in the prison environment which impacted aspects of incarcerated mothers’ wellbeing. We argue that understanding incarcerated mothers’ experiences within this framework draws attention to ways that state actors, as well as common theoretical framings of incarceration dynamics, perpetuate and normalize the suffering of incarcerated mothers. By reframing the harms of incarceration as acts of slow violence, new insights are gleaned for theorizing and addressing violence against incarcerated women.
被监禁的母亲经历了刑事法律体系中的多种形式的伤害,但相对较少关注被监禁母亲的缓慢暴力经历,这种暴力的伤害随着时间的推移而逐渐发生,通常以平凡和被忽视的方式发生。我们对被监禁的母亲进行了半结构化采访,探讨她们在狱中的育儿经历,并通过缓慢暴力的框架分析她们的经历。调查结果包括对他们的健康产生负面影响的环境危险的监狱条件等突出主题;手机坏了,干扰了与孩子的沟通和养育孩子;以及无休止的等待名单,这损害了他们的育儿权利,并推迟了与子女团聚。我们将这些发现置于缓慢暴力的框架内,以强调监狱环境中影响被监禁母亲健康的潜在和被忽视的伤害形式。我们认为,在这个框架内理解被监禁母亲的经历,会引起人们对国家行为者以及监禁动态的共同理论框架的关注,使被监禁母亲遭受的痛苦永久化并正常化。通过将监禁的危害重新定义为缓慢的暴力行为,为理论化和解决针对被监禁妇女的暴力行为收集了新的见解。
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引用次数: 0
Different Time Frames, Different Futures: How Disadvantaged Youth Project Realistic and Idealistic Futures 不同的时间框架,不同的未来:弱势青年如何规划现实与理想的未来
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-22 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac053
Yingjian Liang
Existing sociological literature provides conflicting theoretical accounts of disadvantaged youth’s aspirations. While structuralists and rational choice theorists contend that disadvantaged young people tend to form low aspirations in the face of limited structural opportunities, cultural sociologists maintain that disadvantaged youth construct highly aspirational imagined futures to claim their moral self-worth in the present. I argue that incorporating time frames into the study of aspirations helps resolve the tension by enabling researchers to investigate when—in what time frame—one model works better than others. I demonstrate the value of this approach using qualitative interviews with 31 eighth-grade students in China’s rural Shanxi Province, where structural constraints of socioeconomic attainment undercut cultural ideals of social mobility. In this context, findings show that respondents focused on practical constraints from their academic performance and family economic strains when projecting their short-term futures (structural/rational choice model) while they constructed future selves distinctive from rural origins in their long-term futures (cultural model). I conclude by discussing this approach’s implications for studying aspirations, expectations, and their relationships to educational and career outcomes.
现有的社会学文献对弱势青年的愿望提供了相互矛盾的理论解释。虽然结构主义者和理性选择理论家认为,面对有限的结构性机会,弱势青年往往会形成低抱负,但文化社会学家认为,弱势青年构建了高度抱负的想象未来,以主张他们在当下的道德自我价值。我认为,将时间框架纳入对抱负的研究有助于解决这种紧张关系,因为它使研究人员能够调查在什么时候——在什么时间框架内——一个模型比其他模型更有效。我通过对中国山西省农村31名八年级学生的定性访谈证明了这种方法的价值,在那里,社会经济成就的结构性约束削弱了社会流动的文化理想。在此背景下,研究结果表明,受访者在预测其短期未来(结构/理性选择模型)时,关注来自学业成绩和家庭经济压力的实际约束,而在长期未来(文化模型)中,他们构建了与农村出身不同的未来自我。最后,我讨论了这种方法对研究抱负、期望及其与教育和职业成果的关系的影响。
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引用次数: 1
Disrupting Monolithic Thinking about Black Women and Their Mental Health: Does Stress Exposure Explain Intersectional Ethnic, Nativity, and Socioeconomic Differences? 打破关于黑人妇女及其心理健康的单一思维:压力暴露是否可以解释种族、出生地和社会经济差异?
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-01 Epub Date: 2021-07-16 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spab022
Christy L Erving, Monisola Vaughan Smith

Guided by the intersectionality framework and social stress theory, this study provides a sociological analysis of Black women's psychological health. Using data from the National Survey of American Life (N=2972), we first examine U.S. Black women's psychological health through the intersections of their ethnicity, nativity, and socioeconomic status. Next, we assess the extent to which stress exposure (e.g., discrimination, financial strain, and negative interactions with family members) explains any discovered status differences in psychological health among Black women. Results reveal that foreign-born Afro-Caribbean women living in the United States experience a mental health advantage vis-á-vis their U.S.-born African American female counterparts. In addition, college-educated African American women experience fewer depressive symptoms but similar rates of lifetime PTSD relative to African American women without a college education. Last, though stress exposure was associated with poor mental health, it did not explain status differences in mental health. Overall, this study reveals that Black women, despite shared gendered and racialized oppression, are not a monolithic group, varying along other dimensions of stratification. The results suggest that other stress exposures and psychological resources should be explored in future work examining status differences in mental health among Black women.

本研究以交叉性框架和社会压力理论为指导,对黑人妇女的心理健康进行社会学分析。利用美国生活全国调查(N=2972)的数据,我们首先通过种族、出生地和社会经济地位的交叉点来研究美国黑人妇女的心理健康。接下来,我们评估压力暴露(例如,歧视、经济压力和与家庭成员的负面互动)在多大程度上解释了黑人妇女心理健康中任何已发现的地位差异。结果显示,与美国出生的非裔美国女性相比,生活在美国的外国出生的非裔加勒比女性在心理健康方面具有-à-vis优势。此外,受过大学教育的非裔美国女性经历的抑郁症状较少,但与没有受过大学教育的非裔美国女性相比,终生PTSD的发病率相似。最后,尽管压力暴露与心理健康状况不佳有关,但它并不能解释心理健康状况的地位差异。总的来说,这项研究表明,尽管黑人妇女在性别和种族方面受到共同的压迫,但她们并不是一个单一的群体,而是随着分层的其他维度而变化的。结果表明,在未来研究黑人妇女心理健康状况差异的工作中,应探索其他压力暴露和心理资源。
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引用次数: 0
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Social Problems
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