Gina Fedock, Celina M. Doria, Marion L. D. Malcome
Incarcerated mothers experience multiple forms of harm embedded within the criminal legal system, yet relatively little attention has been paid to incarcerated mothers’ experiences of slow violence, violence whose harm occurs gradually over time, often in mundane and disregarded ways. We conducted semi-structured interviews with incarcerated mothers to explore their parenting experiences while in prison and analyzed their experiences through the frame of slow violence. The findings include salient themes of environmentally hazardous prison conditions that negatively impacted their health; broken phones that disrupted communication with and parenting of their children; and unending waitlists that jeopardized their parenting rights and delayed reunification with their children. We situate these findings within the framework of slow violence to highlight the insidious and overlooked forms of harm in the prison environment which impacted aspects of incarcerated mothers’ wellbeing. We argue that understanding incarcerated mothers’ experiences within this framework draws attention to ways that state actors, as well as common theoretical framings of incarceration dynamics, perpetuate and normalize the suffering of incarcerated mothers. By reframing the harms of incarceration as acts of slow violence, new insights are gleaned for theorizing and addressing violence against incarcerated women.
{"title":"“Scum (of the Earth)”: Incarcerated Mothers’ Experiences of Slow Violence","authors":"Gina Fedock, Celina M. Doria, Marion L. D. Malcome","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spac058","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spac058","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Incarcerated mothers experience multiple forms of harm embedded within the criminal legal system, yet relatively little attention has been paid to incarcerated mothers’ experiences of slow violence, violence whose harm occurs gradually over time, often in mundane and disregarded ways. We conducted semi-structured interviews with incarcerated mothers to explore their parenting experiences while in prison and analyzed their experiences through the frame of slow violence. The findings include salient themes of environmentally hazardous prison conditions that negatively impacted their health; broken phones that disrupted communication with and parenting of their children; and unending waitlists that jeopardized their parenting rights and delayed reunification with their children. We situate these findings within the framework of slow violence to highlight the insidious and overlooked forms of harm in the prison environment which impacted aspects of incarcerated mothers’ wellbeing. We argue that understanding incarcerated mothers’ experiences within this framework draws attention to ways that state actors, as well as common theoretical framings of incarceration dynamics, perpetuate and normalize the suffering of incarcerated mothers. By reframing the harms of incarceration as acts of slow violence, new insights are gleaned for theorizing and addressing violence against incarcerated women.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46135684","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Existing sociological literature provides conflicting theoretical accounts of disadvantaged youth’s aspirations. While structuralists and rational choice theorists contend that disadvantaged young people tend to form low aspirations in the face of limited structural opportunities, cultural sociologists maintain that disadvantaged youth construct highly aspirational imagined futures to claim their moral self-worth in the present. I argue that incorporating time frames into the study of aspirations helps resolve the tension by enabling researchers to investigate when—in what time frame—one model works better than others. I demonstrate the value of this approach using qualitative interviews with 31 eighth-grade students in China’s rural Shanxi Province, where structural constraints of socioeconomic attainment undercut cultural ideals of social mobility. In this context, findings show that respondents focused on practical constraints from their academic performance and family economic strains when projecting their short-term futures (structural/rational choice model) while they constructed future selves distinctive from rural origins in their long-term futures (cultural model). I conclude by discussing this approach’s implications for studying aspirations, expectations, and their relationships to educational and career outcomes.
{"title":"Different Time Frames, Different Futures: How Disadvantaged Youth Project Realistic and Idealistic Futures","authors":"Yingjian Liang","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spac053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spac053","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Existing sociological literature provides conflicting theoretical accounts of disadvantaged youth’s aspirations. While structuralists and rational choice theorists contend that disadvantaged young people tend to form low aspirations in the face of limited structural opportunities, cultural sociologists maintain that disadvantaged youth construct highly aspirational imagined futures to claim their moral self-worth in the present. I argue that incorporating time frames into the study of aspirations helps resolve the tension by enabling researchers to investigate when—in what time frame—one model works better than others. I demonstrate the value of this approach using qualitative interviews with 31 eighth-grade students in China’s rural Shanxi Province, where structural constraints of socioeconomic attainment undercut cultural ideals of social mobility. In this context, findings show that respondents focused on practical constraints from their academic performance and family economic strains when projecting their short-term futures (structural/rational choice model) while they constructed future selves distinctive from rural origins in their long-term futures (cultural model). I conclude by discussing this approach’s implications for studying aspirations, expectations, and their relationships to educational and career outcomes.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48780473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
An established literature demonstrates that formerly imprisoned people experience barriers to finding work. However, no research has analyzed how noncitizens experience socioeconomic reintegration following imprisonment. Additionally, while we know many immigrants find work in co-ethnic labor markets, we know little about how these networks respond to individuals with a criminal record. I analyze 321 longitudinal, semi-structured interviews collected between 2013–2016 from 121 noncitizens who were detained by U.S. immigration authorities for six months or longer and then released back into their communities on bond. Results reveal a complex set of socioeconomic reintegration experiences that are shaped by ethnic, legal, generational, and gender stratification in immigrant integration outcomes more broadly. These findings have important implications as immigration laws have become increasingly punitive and intertwined with criminal laws.
{"title":"Blurring the Borders of Reentry: Socioeconomic Reintegration among Noncitizens Following Release from Immigration Detention","authors":"Caitlin C. Patler","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spac050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spac050","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 An established literature demonstrates that formerly imprisoned people experience barriers to finding work. However, no research has analyzed how noncitizens experience socioeconomic reintegration following imprisonment. Additionally, while we know many immigrants find work in co-ethnic labor markets, we know little about how these networks respond to individuals with a criminal record. I analyze 321 longitudinal, semi-structured interviews collected between 2013–2016 from 121 noncitizens who were detained by U.S. immigration authorities for six months or longer and then released back into their communities on bond. Results reveal a complex set of socioeconomic reintegration experiences that are shaped by ethnic, legal, generational, and gender stratification in immigrant integration outcomes more broadly. These findings have important implications as immigration laws have become increasingly punitive and intertwined with criminal laws.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47615331","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Scholars posit that lower-income undergraduates experience “cultural mismatch,” which undermines their sense of belonging, promotes withdrawal from campus, and limits mobility upon graduation. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 103 undergraduates at an elite university, we examine how students’ diverse trajectories to college affect how they identify as members of the community and modulate the relationship between social class and sense of belonging. While upper-income undergraduates find commonalities between themselves and college peers and integrate into the community, lower-income students offer divergent accounts. The doubly disadvantaged—lower-income undergraduates who attended local, typically distressed public high schools—felt a heightened sense of difference, drew moral boundaries, and withdrew from campus life. Alternatively, the privileged poor—lower-income undergraduates who attended boarding, day, and preparatory high schools—adopted a cosmopolitan approach focused on continued expansion of horizons and integrated into campus. Through detailing this overlooked diversity among lower-income undergraduates, our findings expand theoretical frameworks for examining sense of belonging to include boundary work that shapes students’ agendas, thereby deepening our understanding of the reproduction of inequality in college.
{"title":"Belonging and Boundaries at an Elite University","authors":"A. Jack, Zennon Black","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spac051","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spac051","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Scholars posit that lower-income undergraduates experience “cultural mismatch,” which undermines their sense of belonging, promotes withdrawal from campus, and limits mobility upon graduation. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 103 undergraduates at an elite university, we examine how students’ diverse trajectories to college affect how they identify as members of the community and modulate the relationship between social class and sense of belonging. While upper-income undergraduates find commonalities between themselves and college peers and integrate into the community, lower-income students offer divergent accounts. The doubly disadvantaged—lower-income undergraduates who attended local, typically distressed public high schools—felt a heightened sense of difference, drew moral boundaries, and withdrew from campus life. Alternatively, the privileged poor—lower-income undergraduates who attended boarding, day, and preparatory high schools—adopted a cosmopolitan approach focused on continued expansion of horizons and integrated into campus. Through detailing this overlooked diversity among lower-income undergraduates, our findings expand theoretical frameworks for examining sense of belonging to include boundary work that shapes students’ agendas, thereby deepening our understanding of the reproduction of inequality in college.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46884201","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The study investigates the way local social movements respond to structural transformations in city politics. Drawing from archival research, published scholarship, and 51 in-depth interviews, we characterize the mobilization of experts into social movements in Greater Boston since the 1960s as a long-term shift from “protecting places” to “providing services.” Consonant with a shift from centralized to decentralized municipal government, we show how an initially unified resistance to urban renewal morphed into two diverging and opposing movements. One focused on housing affordability and relied on market-driven tactics; the other sought to enhance the “production of nature” through grassroots community organizing. These findings support two contributions to the scholarship on expert activism by showing that: (1) social movement organizations (SMOs) respond to structural shifts epistemologically, as well as organizationally; and (2) expert activism can alter the conditions and context of knowledge production in neighborhoods and the movements that rise in their defense.
{"title":"Long after “People before Highways”: Social Movements and Expert Activism in Greater Boston, 1960–2016","authors":"A. Porcelli, S. Frickel, Aaron Niznik","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spac048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spac048","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The study investigates the way local social movements respond to structural transformations in city politics. Drawing from archival research, published scholarship, and 51 in-depth interviews, we characterize the mobilization of experts into social movements in Greater Boston since the 1960s as a long-term shift from “protecting places” to “providing services.” Consonant with a shift from centralized to decentralized municipal government, we show how an initially unified resistance to urban renewal morphed into two diverging and opposing movements. One focused on housing affordability and relied on market-driven tactics; the other sought to enhance the “production of nature” through grassroots community organizing. These findings support two contributions to the scholarship on expert activism by showing that: (1) social movement organizations (SMOs) respond to structural shifts epistemologically, as well as organizationally; and (2) expert activism can alter the conditions and context of knowledge production in neighborhoods and the movements that rise in their defense.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47439063","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Angela S. García, D. Diaz-Strong, Yunuen Rodriguez Rodriguez
Scholars have long demonstrated that the state monopolizes time and imposes waiting, with disproportional impacts for marginalized groups relative to other political subjects. Extending this literature with a life course framework, we analyze how receipt of legal relief in different periods of life shapes the impacts of policy provisions. We draw on the case of undocumented Latin American immigrants targeted by executive immigration actions (DACA and DAPA), designed to extend temporary access to employment, protection from deportation, and the ability to exit and legally re-enter the United States. Through a comparative analysis of interviews (N = 82) across three age cohorts—coming of age, young adult, and middle age—we find the impact of these state-extended benefits differentially concentrates in the domains of schooling, employment, and family. The paper contributes an analysis of state power through a life course framework, deepening understanding of undocumented immigrants’ experiences of state-controlled time, waiting, and “illegality.”
{"title":"A Matter of Time: The Life Course Implications of Deferred Action for Undocumented Latin American Immigrants in the United States","authors":"Angela S. García, D. Diaz-Strong, Yunuen Rodriguez Rodriguez","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spac049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spac049","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Scholars have long demonstrated that the state monopolizes time and imposes waiting, with disproportional impacts for marginalized groups relative to other political subjects. Extending this literature with a life course framework, we analyze how receipt of legal relief in different periods of life shapes the impacts of policy provisions. We draw on the case of undocumented Latin American immigrants targeted by executive immigration actions (DACA and DAPA), designed to extend temporary access to employment, protection from deportation, and the ability to exit and legally re-enter the United States. Through a comparative analysis of interviews (N = 82) across three age cohorts—coming of age, young adult, and middle age—we find the impact of these state-extended benefits differentially concentrates in the domains of schooling, employment, and family. The paper contributes an analysis of state power through a life course framework, deepening understanding of undocumented immigrants’ experiences of state-controlled time, waiting, and “illegality.”","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47805968","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How does gender shape how conservatives “do partisanship”? This paper draws on interviews with a group of conservative Americans—gun sellers—during a year of record gun sales amid a global pandemic, civil unrest, and democratic instability. In 2020, gun sellers navigated an increasingly diverse clientele, including what they understood as an increase in liberal, progressive, and leftist gun buyers. This unique influx bucked decades-long trends of partisan sorting in America and compelled gun sellers to “do partisanship” as they fielded the new gun buyers in their stores. Integrating the literatures on the gender gap in partisanship with scholarship on hegemonic masculinity, this paper examines how gun sellers mobilized masculinity as a means of expressing and engaging in partisanship. Our analysis details how interviewees (1) embrace a brand of hegemonic masculinity that champions self-preservation and preparedness, (2) define themselves against liberal politics and policies they deem emasculating, and (3) draw partisan boundaries around gun ownership that reinforce conservatives as responsible gun owners while denigrating liberals as emotional, impressionable, and incompetent. We argue that partisanship can be understood as a gendered practice that provides insight into how conservatives make political meaning in their everyday lives.
{"title":"Politics at the Gun Counter: Examining Partisanship and Masculinity among Conservative Gun Sellers during the 2020 Gun Purchasing Surge","authors":"Minyoung An, J. Carlson","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spac046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spac046","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 How does gender shape how conservatives “do partisanship”? This paper draws on interviews with a group of conservative Americans—gun sellers—during a year of record gun sales amid a global pandemic, civil unrest, and democratic instability. In 2020, gun sellers navigated an increasingly diverse clientele, including what they understood as an increase in liberal, progressive, and leftist gun buyers. This unique influx bucked decades-long trends of partisan sorting in America and compelled gun sellers to “do partisanship” as they fielded the new gun buyers in their stores. Integrating the literatures on the gender gap in partisanship with scholarship on hegemonic masculinity, this paper examines how gun sellers mobilized masculinity as a means of expressing and engaging in partisanship. Our analysis details how interviewees (1) embrace a brand of hegemonic masculinity that champions self-preservation and preparedness, (2) define themselves against liberal politics and policies they deem emasculating, and (3) draw partisan boundaries around gun ownership that reinforce conservatives as responsible gun owners while denigrating liberals as emotional, impressionable, and incompetent. We argue that partisanship can be understood as a gendered practice that provides insight into how conservatives make political meaning in their everyday lives.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"61426817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Bourdieu’s field theory has become a key heuristic for studying the impact of the market on American journalism, but this approach has not been employed to analyze the consequences of a technology-driven decline in advertising revenue. To understand this change and update the commercial critique of journalism, I extend the emerging Bourdieusian historical research program to chart transformations in the market’s heteronomous effects on journalism. To do so, I highlight how the New York Times was exceptionally positioned to manage heteronomy as it emanated through the technology, political, and financial fields. This analysis throws the crisis of the wider field into relief, a field I characterize as an “inverted pyramid” to reflect how the Times’ success deepened hierarchy, while also giving it the freedom to reinvent orthodoxy in a wide space of possibility atop the field.
{"title":"The Journalistic Field in the Platform Economy: The New York Times and the Inverted Pyramid","authors":"Tyler Leeds","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spac045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spac045","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Bourdieu’s field theory has become a key heuristic for studying the impact of the market on American journalism, but this approach has not been employed to analyze the consequences of a technology-driven decline in advertising revenue. To understand this change and update the commercial critique of journalism, I extend the emerging Bourdieusian historical research program to chart transformations in the market’s heteronomous effects on journalism. To do so, I highlight how the New York Times was exceptionally positioned to manage heteronomy as it emanated through the technology, political, and financial fields. This analysis throws the crisis of the wider field into relief, a field I characterize as an “inverted pyramid” to reflect how the Times’ success deepened hierarchy, while also giving it the freedom to reinvent orthodoxy in a wide space of possibility atop the field.","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-08-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48043896","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study examines how Temporary Protected Status (TPS) may shape immigrants' integration trajectories. Building on core themes identified in the immigrant incorporation scholarship, it investigates whether associations of educational attainment with labor market outcomes and with civic participation, which are well established in the general population, hold for immigrants who live in the "liminal legality" of TPS. Conducted in 2016 in five U.S. metropolitan areas, the study is based on a unique survey of Salvadoran and Honduran TPS holders, the majority of immigrants on this status. The analyses find that TPS holders with higher levels of educational attainment do not derive commensurate significant occupational or earnings premiums from their education. In contrast, the analysis of the relationship between educational attainment and civic engagement detects a positive association: more educated TPS holders are more likely to be members of community organizations and to participate in voluntary community service, compared to their less educated counterparts. These findings illustrate the contradictions inherent to TPS as it may hinder certain aspects of immigrant integration but not others. This examination contributes to our understanding of the implications of immigrants' legal statuses and of immigration law and policy for key aspects of immigrant integration trajectories.
{"title":"The Contradictions of Liminal Legality: Economic Attainment and Civic Engagement of Central American Immigrants on Temporary Protected Status.","authors":"Cecilia Menjívar, Victor Agadjanian, Byeongdon Oh","doi":"10.1093/socpro/spaa052","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spaa052","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>This study examines how Temporary Protected Status (TPS) may shape immigrants' integration trajectories. Building on core themes identified in the immigrant incorporation scholarship, it investigates whether associations of educational attainment with labor market outcomes and with civic participation, which are well established in the general population, hold for immigrants who live in the \"liminal legality\" of TPS. Conducted in 2016 in five U.S. metropolitan areas, the study is based on a unique survey of Salvadoran and Honduran TPS holders, the majority of immigrants on this status. The analyses find that TPS holders with higher levels of educational attainment do not derive commensurate significant occupational or earnings premiums from their education. In contrast, the analysis of the relationship between educational attainment and civic engagement detects a positive association: more educated TPS holders are more likely to be members of community organizations and to participate in voluntary community service, compared to their less educated counterparts. These findings illustrate the contradictions inherent to TPS as it may hinder certain aspects of immigrant integration but not others. This examination contributes to our understanding of the implications of immigrants' legal statuses and of immigration law and policy for key aspects of immigrant integration trajectories.</p>","PeriodicalId":48307,"journal":{"name":"Social Problems","volume":"69 3","pages":"678-698"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1093/socpro/spaa052","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"10482805","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：