Social Problems最新文献

英文中文

Long after “People before Highways”: Social Movements and Expert Activism in Greater Boston, 1960–2016 早在“人先于公路”之后:1960-2016年大波士顿地区的社会运动和专家行动主义

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Problems

Pub Date : 2022-08-24 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac048

A. Porcelli, S. Frickel, Aaron Niznik

The study investigates the way local social movements respond to structural transformations in city politics. Drawing from archival research, published scholarship, and 51 in-depth interviews, we characterize the mobilization of experts into social movements in Greater Boston since the 1960s as a long-term shift from “protecting places” to “providing services.” Consonant with a shift from centralized to decentralized municipal government, we show how an initially unified resistance to urban renewal morphed into two diverging and opposing movements. One focused on housing affordability and relied on market-driven tactics; the other sought to enhance the “production of nature” through grassroots community organizing. These findings support two contributions to the scholarship on expert activism by showing that: (1) social movement organizations (SMOs) respond to structural shifts epistemologically, as well as organizationally; and (2) expert activism can alter the conditions and context of knowledge production in neighborhoods and the movements that rise in their defense.

该研究调查了当地社会运动对城市政治结构转变的反应方式。从档案研究、已发表的学术研究和51次深度访谈中，我们将20世纪60年代以来大波士顿地区动员专家参与社会运动的特点描述为从“保护场所”到“提供服务”的长期转变。随着城市政府从集中式到分散式的转变，我们展示了最初统一的对城市更新的抵制如何演变成两个分歧和对立的运动。一种侧重于住房负担能力，依靠市场驱动的策略;另一种是通过基层社区组织加强“自然生产”。这些发现通过表明:(1)社会运动组织(SMOs)在认识论上和组织上对结构转变作出反应，支持了对专家行动主义学术的两个贡献;(2)专家行动主义可以改变社区知识生产的条件和背景，以及为保护他们而兴起的运动。

引用次数: 1

A Matter of Time: The Life Course Implications of Deferred Action for Undocumented Latin American Immigrants in the United States 时间问题：美国无证拉丁美洲移民暂缓行动的人生历程意义

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Problems

Pub Date : 2022-08-24 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac049

Angela S. García, D. Diaz-Strong, Yunuen Rodriguez Rodriguez

Scholars have long demonstrated that the state monopolizes time and imposes waiting, with disproportional impacts for marginalized groups relative to other political subjects. Extending this literature with a life course framework, we analyze how receipt of legal relief in different periods of life shapes the impacts of policy provisions. We draw on the case of undocumented Latin American immigrants targeted by executive immigration actions (DACA and DAPA), designed to extend temporary access to employment, protection from deportation, and the ability to exit and legally re-enter the United States. Through a comparative analysis of interviews (N = 82) across three age cohorts—coming of age, young adult, and middle age—we find the impact of these state-extended benefits differentially concentrates in the domains of schooling, employment, and family. The paper contributes an analysis of state power through a life course framework, deepening understanding of undocumented immigrants’ experiences of state-controlled time, waiting, and “illegality.”

学者们长期以来一直证明，国家垄断时间并强加等待，相对于其他政治主体，对边缘化群体的影响不成比例。通过生命历程框架扩展这篇文献，我们分析了在不同生命时期获得法律救济如何影响政策规定的影响。我们借鉴了行政移民行动（DACA和DAPA）针对的无证拉丁美洲移民的案例，该行动旨在扩大临时就业机会、免受驱逐的保护，以及出境和合法重新进入美国的能力。通过访谈的比较分析（N = 82）在成年、青年和中年三个年龄组中，我们发现这些国家延长福利的影响不同地集中在教育、就业和家庭领域。本文通过生命历程框架对国家权力进行了分析，加深了对无证移民在国家控制的时间、等待和“非法”方面的经历的理解

引用次数: 1

Politics at the Gun Counter: Examining Partisanship and Masculinity among Conservative Gun Sellers during the 2020 Gun Purchasing Surge 枪支柜台上的政治:在2020年枪支购买激增期间审视保守派枪支销售商的党派关系和男子气概

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Problems

Pub Date : 2022-08-17 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac046

Minyoung An, J. Carlson

How does gender shape how conservatives “do partisanship”? This paper draws on interviews with a group of conservative Americans—gun sellers—during a year of record gun sales amid a global pandemic, civil unrest, and democratic instability. In 2020, gun sellers navigated an increasingly diverse clientele, including what they understood as an increase in liberal, progressive, and leftist gun buyers. This unique influx bucked decades-long trends of partisan sorting in America and compelled gun sellers to “do partisanship” as they fielded the new gun buyers in their stores. Integrating the literatures on the gender gap in partisanship with scholarship on hegemonic masculinity, this paper examines how gun sellers mobilized masculinity as a means of expressing and engaging in partisanship. Our analysis details how interviewees (1) embrace a brand of hegemonic masculinity that champions self-preservation and preparedness, (2) define themselves against liberal politics and policies they deem emasculating, and (3) draw partisan boundaries around gun ownership that reinforce conservatives as responsible gun owners while denigrating liberals as emotional, impressionable, and incompetent. We argue that partisanship can be understood as a gendered practice that provides insight into how conservatives make political meaning in their everyday lives.

性别如何影响保守派“党派之争”?本文取材于对一群保守的美国枪支销售者的采访。这一年，在全球流行病、内乱和民主不稳定的情况下，枪支销量创下了纪录。2020年，枪支销售商面对的客户越来越多样化，包括他们所理解的自由派、进步派和左派枪支买家的增加。这种独特的涌入打破了美国长达数十年的党派分类趋势，迫使枪支销售商在他们的商店里迎接新的枪支购买者时“做党派”。本文结合有关党派关系性别差异的文献与霸权男性气质的学术研究，探讨了枪支销售者如何动员男性气质作为表达和参与党派关系的手段。我们的分析详细说明了受访者是如何(1)接受一种倡导自我保护和准备的霸权男子气概，(2)将自己定义为反对他们认为阉割的自由主义政治和政策，以及(3)围绕枪支所有权划定党派界限，强化保守派作为负责任的枪支所有者，同时诋毁自由派为情绪化、易受影响和无能。我们认为，党派之争可以被理解为一种性别实践，它提供了对保守派如何在日常生活中实现政治意义的洞察。

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引用次数: 1

The Journalistic Field in the Platform Economy: The New York Times and the Inverted Pyramid 平台经济下的新闻领域:《纽约时报》与倒金字塔

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Problems

Pub Date : 2022-08-10 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac045

Tyler Leeds

Bourdieu’s field theory has become a key heuristic for studying the impact of the market on American journalism, but this approach has not been employed to analyze the consequences of a technology-driven decline in advertising revenue. To understand this change and update the commercial critique of journalism, I extend the emerging Bourdieusian historical research program to chart transformations in the market’s heteronomous effects on journalism. To do so, I highlight how the New York Times was exceptionally positioned to manage heteronomy as it emanated through the technology, political, and financial fields. This analysis throws the crisis of the wider field into relief, a field I characterize as an “inverted pyramid” to reflect how the Times’ success deepened hierarchy, while also giving it the freedom to reinvent orthodoxy in a wide space of possibility atop the field.

布迪厄的场理论已经成为研究市场对美国新闻业影响的关键启发式方法，但这种方法尚未被用于分析技术驱动的广告收入下降的后果。为了理解这种变化并更新对新闻业的商业批评，我扩展了新兴的布尔迪厄历史研究计划，以图表显示市场对新闻业的他律影响的转变。为此，我将重点介绍《纽约时报》是如何在管理技术、政治和金融领域的“他律”方面处于特殊地位的。这种分析使更广泛领域的危机得以缓解，我将这个领域描述为“倒金字塔”，以反映《纽约时报》的成功如何加深了等级制度，同时也给了它在这个领域的广阔可能性空间中重塑正统的自由。

引用次数: 1

The Contradictions of Liminal Legality: Economic Attainment and Civic Engagement of Central American Immigrants on Temporary Protected Status. 极限合法性的矛盾:临时受保护中美洲移民的经济成就与公民参与。

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Problems

Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spaa052

Cecilia Menjívar, Victor Agadjanian, Byeongdon Oh

This study examines how Temporary Protected Status (TPS) may shape immigrants' integration trajectories. Building on core themes identified in the immigrant incorporation scholarship, it investigates whether associations of educational attainment with labor market outcomes and with civic participation, which are well established in the general population, hold for immigrants who live in the "liminal legality" of TPS. Conducted in 2016 in five U.S. metropolitan areas, the study is based on a unique survey of Salvadoran and Honduran TPS holders, the majority of immigrants on this status. The analyses find that TPS holders with higher levels of educational attainment do not derive commensurate significant occupational or earnings premiums from their education. In contrast, the analysis of the relationship between educational attainment and civic engagement detects a positive association: more educated TPS holders are more likely to be members of community organizations and to participate in voluntary community service, compared to their less educated counterparts. These findings illustrate the contradictions inherent to TPS as it may hinder certain aspects of immigrant integration but not others. This examination contributes to our understanding of the implications of immigrants' legal statuses and of immigration law and policy for key aspects of immigrant integration trajectories.

本研究探讨了临时保护身份(TPS)如何影响移民的融合轨迹。在移民公司奖学金确定的核心主题的基础上，它调查了教育程度与劳动力市场结果和公民参与之间的联系，这在一般人群中已经建立起来，是否适用于生活在TPS“有限合法性”中的移民。该研究于2016年在美国五个大都市地区进行，基于对萨尔瓦多和洪都拉斯TPS持有者的独特调查，他们是这一身份的大多数移民。分析发现，受教育程度较高的TPS持有人并没有从他们的教育中获得相应的显著的职业或收入溢价。相比之下，对受教育程度和公民参与之间关系的分析发现了一种积极的联系:与受教育程度较低的人相比，受教育程度较高的TPS持有人更有可能成为社区组织的成员，并参与志愿社区服务。这些发现说明了TPS固有的矛盾，因为它可能阻碍移民融合的某些方面，而不是其他方面。这项研究有助于我们理解移民的法律地位以及移民法律和政策对移民融合轨迹的关键方面的影响。

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引用次数: 13

Proliferation of Punishment: The Centrality of Legal Fines and Fees in the Landscape of Contemporary Penology. 惩罚的扩散：法律罚款和收费在当代刑罚学中的中心地位》。

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Problems

Pub Date : 2022-08-01 Epub Date: 2021-01-12 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spaa077

Ilya Slavinski, Becky Pettit

Decades of significant crime declines and recent reductions in the number of people confined in prisons and jails in the United States have been accompanied by the emergence of new, and the resurgence of old, forms of punishment. One of these resurgent forms is the assessment of fines, fees, and costs to those who encounter the criminal legal system. Legal financial obligations (LFOs) have become widespread across the United States and are levied for offenses from alleged traffic violations in some states to felony convictions in others. Their emergence has been heralded by some as a less punitive alternative to spending time in prison or jail but recognized by others as uniquely consequential for people without the means to pay. Drawing on data from 254 counties in Texas, this article explores the emergence and enforcement of LFOs in Texas, where LFOs play a particularly prominent role in sanctions for alleged misdemeanor offenses and serve as an important source of revenue. Enforcement of LFOs varies geographically and is related to conservative politics and racial threat. We argue that LFOs are a defining feature of a contemporary punishment regime where racial injustice is fueled by economic inequality.

数十年来，美国的犯罪率大幅下降，被关押在监狱和看守所中的人数近期也有所减少，与此同时，新的惩罚形式和旧的惩罚形式又死灰复燃。其中一种死灰复燃的形式就是对那些触犯刑事法律制度的人处以罚金、费用和成本。法律经济义务（LFOs）已在全美普及，从一些州的交通违规指控到另一些州的重罪定罪，都会被征收法律经济义务。它们的出现被一些人认为是一种比在监狱或牢房中服刑惩罚更轻的替代方式，但也被另一些人认为对没有支付能力的人具有独特的后果。本文利用得克萨斯州254个县的数据，探讨了LFOs在得克萨斯州的出现和执行情况，LFOs在得克萨斯州对被指控的轻罪的制裁中发挥着特别突出的作用，也是重要的收入来源。LFO 的执行因地域而异，并与保守政治和种族威胁有关。我们认为，在经济不平等助长种族不公正的当代惩罚制度中，LFO 是一个决定性的特征。

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引用次数: 0

“We Got Witnesses” Black Women’s Counter-Surveillance for Navigating Police Violence and Legal Estrangement “我们有目击者”黑人女性应对警察暴力和法律隔阂的反监视

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Problems

Pub Date : 2022-07-14 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac043

Shannon Malone Gonzalez, Faith M. Deckard

Police violence shapes the lives of racial and ethnic minorities, and while much has been written about strategic responses to police, missing is an examination of how black women navigate interactions with officers. Based on 32 interviews with black women, we find that they use witnessing, or the mobilization of others as observers to police encounters. Research demonstrates the rising role of videos and smartphones in documenting encounters with officers. We find that black women adapt witnessing techniques based on their surroundings, available resources, and network contacts. Three forms of witnessing are observed: physical witnessing, mobilizing others in close proximity to interactions with officers; virtual witnessing, using cellphone or social media technology to contact others or record interactions with officers; and institutional witnessing, leveraging police or other institutional contacts as interveners to interactions with officers. Black women mobilize witnessing to deescalate violence, gather evidence, and promote accountability. Attuned to both the interactional and structural dynamics of police encounters, black women conceptualize witnessing as a way to survive police encounters and navigate their legal estrangement within the carceral system. We theorize black women’s witnessing as a form of resistance as they work to reconfigure short- and long-term power relations between themselves, their communities, and police.

警察暴力塑造了种族和少数民族的生活，尽管关于对警察的战略反应已经写了很多文章，但缺少的是对黑人女性如何与警察互动的研究。根据对黑人女性的32次采访，我们发现她们使用见证或动员他人作为警察遭遇的观察员。研究表明，视频和智能手机在记录与警察的遭遇方面发挥着越来越大的作用。我们发现，黑人女性根据周围环境、可用资源和网络联系来调整见证技术。观察到三种形式的见证：身体见证、动员其他人与官员密切互动；虚拟见证，使用手机或社交媒体技术联系他人或记录与警察的互动；以及机构见证，利用警察或其他机构联系人作为干预者与警察互动。黑人妇女动员目击者来减少暴力，收集证据，并促进问责制。考虑到警察遭遇的互动和结构动态，黑人女性将目睹视为一种在警察遭遇中幸存下来并在尸体系统中处理法律隔阂的方式。我们将黑人女性的见证理论化为一种抵抗形式，因为她们努力重新配置自己、社区和警察之间的短期和长期权力关系。

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引用次数: 0

Religion, Race, and Perceptions of Police Harassment 宗教、种族和对警察骚扰的看法

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Problems

Pub Date : 2022-06-30 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac040

Jauhara Ferguson, Christopher P. Scheitle, E. Ecklund

Research examining how race and ethnic locations shape perceptions of the police is well-established. Yet there is little research examining how religion shapes individuals’ experiences with police. This study examines the influence of race and religion on U.S. adults’ reported experiences with police harassment due to their religion. We find that, independent of race and ethnicity, Muslim adults are significantly more likely to report police harassment due to their religion. Race and ethnicity moderate this effect, with Muslim adults identifying as Black or as Middle Eastern-Arab-North African (MENA) significantly more likely than White Muslim adults to report religion-based police harassment. We find that, independent of religion, adults identifying as Black or as MENA are significantly more likely to report religion-based police harassment when compared to White individuals, a finding that is explained by these individuals’ greater reports of race-based police harassment. That is, exposure to police harassment based on race is more likely to make an individual perceive harassment based on their religion as well. These findings highlight the intersectional nature of individuals’ social locations more broadly and the importance of addressing these multiple locations if we are to address the social problem of police harassment and victimization.

关于种族和民族地区如何影响人们对警察的看法的研究已经得到了证实。然而，很少有研究调查宗教如何影响个人与警察打交道的经历。本研究考察了种族和宗教对美国成年人因宗教信仰而遭受警察骚扰的影响。我们发现，独立于种族和民族，穆斯林成年人更有可能报告因其宗教信仰而受到警察骚扰。种族和民族缓和了这种影响，认为自己是黑人或中东-阿拉伯-北非(MENA)的穆斯林成年人比白人穆斯林成年人更有可能报告基于宗教的警察骚扰。我们发现，与宗教无关，与白人相比，被认定为黑人或中东和北非地区的成年人更有可能报告基于宗教的警察骚扰，这一发现可以用这些人更多地报告基于种族的警察骚扰来解释。也就是说，暴露在基于种族的警察骚扰中，个人更有可能认为基于宗教的骚扰也是如此。这些发现强调了更广泛的个人社会位置的交叉性，以及如果我们要解决警察骚扰和受害的社会问题，解决这些多个位置的重要性。

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引用次数: 2

Shared Satisfaction among Residents Living in Multiracial Neighborhoods 居住在多种族社区的居民的共同满意度

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Problems

Pub Date : 2022-06-30 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac038

M. Bader

Multiracial neighborhood integration has become more common in U.S. metropolitan areas over the past three decades. This article takes up the question: are residents satisfied living in multiracial neighborhoods? Traditional theories of racial change predict low levels of satisfaction in these neighborhoods, while newer studies question that prediction. The article uses data representing all residents of multiracial neighborhoods in the Washington, DC, area to study neighborhood satisfaction in multiracial neighborhoods. The analysis finds evidence of shared satisfaction among residents regardless of race: large and equal shares of each racial group were satisfied. White residents were less satisfied than white residents of neighborhoods elsewhere in the metropolitan region, but were unlikely to perceive neighborhood decline. The shared satisfaction among residents of all races and the lack of racial antipathy to change among white residents suggests that multiracial neighborhoods offer sites to promote racial equity.

在过去的三十年里，多种族社区的融合在美国大都市地区变得越来越普遍。这篇文章探讨了这样一个问题:居民对生活在多种族社区感到满意吗?传统的种族变化理论预测这些社区的满意度较低，而最新的研究对这一预测提出了质疑。本文使用代表华盛顿特区多种族社区所有居民的数据来研究多种族社区的社区满意度。分析发现，有证据表明，无论种族如何，居民都有共同的满意度:每个种族群体的满意度都相当高。白人居民的满意度低于大都会地区其他社区的白人居民，但他们不太可能感觉到社区的衰落。所有种族居民的共同满意度以及白人居民对变化缺乏种族反感表明，多种族社区提供了促进种族平等的场所。

引用次数: 1

“The State is Coming”: The Emotional Content of State Formation through a Colombian Coca Substitution Program “国家来了”：通过哥伦比亚可口可乐替代计划形成国家的情感内容

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Problems

Pub Date : 2022-06-30 DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac042

A. Diamond

How do states achieve popular recognition and symbolic power as “The State,” a collectively recognized entity that serves the common good? While classic work has described the state idea as produced by the actions of state officials, it is ultimately ordinary citizens who must recognize the state as such and consent to its rule. This article, based on 20 months of ethnographic research in a village that, after decades of armed group control, is a key site for the implementation of Colombia’s landmark peace deal, describes how the formation of the state’s symbolic power occurs (or not) through local emotions. I focus on a coca substitution program that has both stoked pre-existing local desires for the promise of the state as carrier of peace and progress and that has, largely because of its outsourcing to different contractors, failed to live up to its commitments, causing economic collapse and generating feelings of betrayal, mistrust, confusion, and impotence. I show how local feelings respond to the regional transformation state formation has caused, popular representations of the state, and their direct interactions with substitution program officials, including non-state actors. I argue that more than simply byproducts of state formation, these emotions are constitutive of the local imaginations of “The State” that are key to the state’s development of symbolic power. It is in the realm of everyday life and emotions, the interplay between local desires for state presence and the frustrations generated by their actual encounters with state power, that state rule is achieved—or not.

作为“国家”这个被集体认可的服务于共同利益的实体，各州如何获得民众的认可和象征性的权力?虽然经典著作将国家概念描述为由国家官员的行为产生的，但归根结底，必须承认国家并同意其统治的是普通公民。这篇文章基于对一个村庄20个月的民族志研究，这个村庄在几十年的武装组织控制之后，是实施哥伦比亚具有里程碑意义的和平协议的关键地点，描述了国家象征性权力的形成如何通过当地人的情绪发生(或不发生)。我关注的是一项古柯替代计划，它既激发了当地对国家作为和平与进步载体的承诺的渴望，又主要由于将其外包给不同的承包商，未能履行其承诺，导致经济崩溃，并产生背叛、不信任、困惑和无能为力的感觉。我展示了当地的感受是如何对国家形成所造成的区域转型做出反应的，以及他们与替代计划官员(包括非国家行为者)的直接互动。我认为，这些情绪不仅仅是国家形成的副产品，它们构成了对“国家”的地方想象，而这些想象是国家发展象征权力的关键。在日常生活和情感领域，在当地对国家存在的渴望和他们实际遭遇国家权力所产生的挫败感之间的相互作用中，国家统治得以实现——或者没有实现。

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引用次数: 0

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