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The blind spots of measuring online news exposure: a comparison of self-reported and observational data in nine countries 衡量在线新闻曝光的盲点:九个国家自我报告和观察数据的比较
IF 4.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-05-11 DOI: 10.1080/1369118X.2022.2072750
Sandra González-Bailón, Michael A. Xenos
ABSTRACT Measures of news exposure are common in research that tries to explain political knowledge, political engagement, opinion formation and, more generally, media effects. Much of that research employs self-reported measures obtained with surveys, known to suffer from accuracy problems. Observational measures, however, also suffer from limitations derived from data collection and instrumentation. Here we offer new comparative evidence on the nature of those problems. We show that commonly used self-report measures of digital news consumption are problematic for three reasons: they only pay attention to a small fraction of all available sources; they underestimate audience share; and they distort the relative position of news sites in visibility rankings. Measurement problems, however, also exist in observational studies, especially when mobile access is excluded from data collection. Our analyses quantify the magnitude of these problems, offering unprecedented comparative evidence of online news consumption that spans nine countries and a period of five years. We discuss the implications of our findings for future research on news exposure.
摘要在试图解释政治知识、政治参与、舆论形成以及更普遍的媒体影响的研究中,新闻曝光的衡量标准很常见。大部分研究都采用了通过调查获得的自我报告的测量方法,已知这些方法存在准确性问题。然而,观测措施也受到数据收集和仪器仪表的限制。在这里,我们就这些问题的性质提供了新的比较证据。我们发现,常用的数字新闻消费自我报告指标存在问题,原因有三:它们只关注所有可用来源中的一小部分;他们低估了观众份额;它们扭曲了新闻网站在知名度排名中的相对地位。然而,在观察性研究中也存在测量问题,尤其是当移动接入被排除在数据收集之外时。我们的分析量化了这些问题的严重性,为跨越九个国家和五年的在线新闻消费提供了前所未有的比较证据。我们讨论了我们的发现对未来新闻曝光研究的影响。
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引用次数: 3
Who are the plotters behind the pandemic? Comparing Covid-19 conspiracy theories in Google search results across five key target countries of Russia’s foreign communication 谁是大流行背后的策划者?比较b谷歌在俄罗斯对外传播的五个主要目标国家搜索结果中的Covid-19阴谋论
IF 4.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.1080/1369118X.2022.2065213
F. Toepfl, D. Kravets, A. Ryzhova, A. Beseler
ABSTRACT This article advances extant research that has audited search algorithms for misinformation in four respects. Firstly, this is the first misinformation audit not to implement a national but a cross-national research design. Secondly, it retrieves results not in response to the most popular query terms. Instead, it theorizes two semantic dimensions of search terms and illustrates how they impact the number of misinformative results returned. Furthermore, the analysis not only captures the mere presence of misinformative content but in addition whether the source websites are affiliated with a key misinformation actor (Russia’s ruling elites) and whom the conspiracy narratives cast as the malicious plotters. Empirically, the audit compares Covid-19 conspiracy theories in Google search results across 5 key target countries of Russia’s foreign communication (Belarus, Estonia, Germany, Ukraine, and the US) and Russia as of November 2020 (N = 5280 search results). It finds that, across all countries, primarily content published by mass media organizations rendered conspiracy theories visible in search results. Conspiratorial content published on websites affiliated with Russia’s ruling elites was retrieved in the Belarusian, German and Russian contexts. Across all countries, the majority of conspiracy narratives suspected plotters from China. Malicious actors from the US were insinuated exclusively by sources affiliated with Russia’s elites. Overall, conspiracy narratives did not primarily deepen divides within but between national communities, since – across all countries – only plotters from beyond the national borders were blamed. To conclude, the article discusses methodological advice and promising paths of research for future cross-national search engine audits.
摘要本文从四个方面推进了现有的研究,这些研究审计了错误信息的搜索算法。首先,这是第一次不实施国家而是跨国研究设计的错误信息审计。其次,它检索不响应最流行查询词的结果。相反,它将搜索词的两个语义维度理论化,并说明它们如何影响返回的错误信息结果的数量。此外,该分析不仅捕捉到了虚假信息内容的存在,还捕捉到了来源网站是否与一个关键的虚假信息行动者(俄罗斯的统治精英)有关联,以及阴谋叙事将谁塑造成恶意的策划者。根据经验,审计比较了截至2020年11月俄罗斯对外通信的5个主要目标国家(白俄罗斯、爱沙尼亚、德国、乌克兰和美国)和俄罗斯(N = 5280个搜索结果)谷歌搜索结果中的Covid-19阴谋论。报告发现,在所有国家,主要是大众媒体组织发布的内容使阴谋论在搜索结果中可见。在与俄罗斯统治精英有关的网站上发布的阴谋论内容被检索到白俄罗斯、德国和俄罗斯的背景。在所有国家中,大多数阴谋叙事都怀疑来自中国的策划者。来自美国的恶意行为者只受到与俄罗斯精英有关的消息来源的暗示。总的来说,阴谋叙事主要不是加深了国家内部的分歧,而是加深了国家之间的分歧,因为在所有国家中,只有来自境外的策划者受到指责。最后,本文讨论了未来跨国搜索引擎审计的方法建议和有前途的研究路径。
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引用次数: 9
Through a white lens: Black victimhood, visibility, and whiteness in the Black Lives Matter movement on TikTok 通过白人镜头:TikTok上“黑人的命也是命”运动中的黑人受害者、可见性和白人
IF 4.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.1080/1369118X.2022.2065211
Moa Eriksson Krutrök, Mathilda Åkerlund
ABSTRACT In this paper, we explore how highly visible users in the context of #BlackLivesMatter on TikTok shape the narrative around Black victims of police brutality, the understanding of these narratives by others, and the potential consequences of these portrayals for the movement at large. To examine these dimensions, we analysed the 100 most circulated TikTok videos and associated comments depicting victims of police brutality using the #BlackLivesMatter hashtag through multimodal critical discourse analysis. We identified how users attempted to increase visibility of their content, and how this was supported or criticised by commenters depending on the perceived motives of these efforts. Furthermore, we showcased how influencers raised awareness of the movement with little personal effort or risk, sometimes appearing to leverage the movement for self-exposure. Our analysis showed that many of the most liked videos were made by white content creators who, in their videos, seemed to be addressing an imagined white audience. While these efforts portrayed the movement favourably, the content creators remain outsiders who have not themselves been in harm's way of police brutality. While there were exceptions that promoted the perspectives of marginalised communities, and while the white narratives were consistently supportive of the movement, they also work to displace focus on racial (in)justice away from those directly affected by it, that is, away from Black people’s own experiences of police brutality. We discuss these findings in relation to questions about digital representations of Black victimhood, digital visibility and practices of whiteness, on TikTok and beyond.
摘要在本文中,我们探讨了TikTok上#BlackLivesMatter背景下的高知名度用户如何塑造围绕警察暴行黑人受害者的叙事,其他人对这些叙事的理解,以及这些描述对整个运动的潜在影响。为了检验这些维度,我们通过多模态批判性话语分析,使用#BlackLivesMatter标签分析了100个最受欢迎的TikTok视频和相关评论,这些视频和评论描绘了警察暴行的受害者。我们确定了用户是如何试图提高其内容的可见性的,以及评论者是如何根据这些努力的动机来支持或批评这一点的。此外,我们展示了有影响力的人是如何在几乎没有个人努力或风险的情况下提高对这场运动的认识的,有时似乎是在利用这场运动进行自我曝光。我们的分析表明,许多最受欢迎的视频都是由白人内容创作者制作的,他们在视频中似乎是在向想象中的白人观众讲话。尽管这些努力对这场运动进行了积极的描述,但内容创作者仍然是局外人,他们自己并没有受到警察暴行的伤害。虽然有一些例外促进了边缘化社区的观点,尽管白人的叙事一直支持这场运动,但他们也努力将对种族正义的关注从直接受其影响的人身上转移开,也就是说,从黑人自己的警察暴行经历中转移开。我们讨论了这些发现,这些发现与TikTok及其他平台上黑人受害者的数字表现、数字可见性和白人实践有关。
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引用次数: 12
Independence: an introduction to the #AoIR2021 special issue 独立:#AoIR2021特刊简介
IF 4.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-04-26 DOI: 10.1080/1369118X.2022.2063063
Aphra Kerr, A. Iliadis
ABSTRACT This paper introduces the ‘Independence’ themed special issue which includes research presented at the 22nd annual Association of Internet Researchers (AoIR) conference (2021). ‘Independence’ as a special issue theme could hardly be timelier, both in geopolitical and internet research terms. The call for the 2021 AoIR annual conference asked us to reflect on the ambivalence of the term, to look back on historical struggles for independence, the long waves of history, and prompted us to ask who benefits from independence (and who does not). Hosted online for a second year, this time by universities in Philadelphia (USA), the conference was bounded by the Black Lives Matter movement, the insurrectionist storming of Washington, D.C.’s Capitol Hill, and global struggles to control the COVID-19 pandemic. This special issue includes nine papers that showcase new research exploring the affordances offered by digital media platforms to people, users, and workers, while also identifying tendencies towards new forms of control and surveillance facilitated by platforms. Topics include geopolitical and biopolitical digital sovereignty, facial recognition technologies, data divides, new methods approaches and innovative data sourcing, mobile and social media, examinations of embodied local knowledge as well as patriarchal, racist, and gendered social structures, and a broad range of field sites from Asia, Africa, and South America.
本文介绍了“独立”主题特刊,其中包括在第22届年度互联网研究人员协会(AoIR)会议(2021)上提出的研究。从地缘政治和互联网研究的角度来看,“独立”作为特刊主题的时机再合适不过了。2021年air年会的召开,让我们反思这个词的矛盾心理,回顾历史上争取独立的斗争,回顾历史的长波,并促使我们思考谁从独立中受益(谁没有)。这是第二届在线会议,这次由费城(美国)的大学主办,会议的主题包括“黑人的命也是命”运动、华盛顿特区国会山的起义风暴以及全球控制COVID-19大流行的斗争。本期特刊包括九篇论文,展示了探索数字媒体平台为人们、用户和工人提供的便利的新研究,同时也确定了平台促进的新形式的控制和监视的趋势。主题包括地缘政治和生物政治数字主权、面部识别技术、数据鸿沟、新方法和创新的数据来源、移动和社交媒体、具体的地方知识以及父权制、种族主义和性别社会结构的检验,以及来自亚洲、非洲和南美洲的广泛的现场站点。
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引用次数: 0
Critical factors of digital AgTech adoption on Australian farms: from digital to data divide 澳大利亚农场采用数字农业技术的关键因素:从数字到数据鸿沟
IF 4.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-04-26 DOI: 10.1080/1369118X.2022.2056712
Amber Marshall, K. Turner, Carol Richards, M. Foth, M. Dezuanni
ABSTRACT As global agricultural production methods and supply chains have become more digitised, farmers around the world are adopting digital agricultural technologies (AgTech) such as drones, IoT, remote sensors, blockchain and satellite imagery to inform on-farm decision-making. Yet, on the backdrop of a persistent digital divide between rural and urban communities, many Australian farmers are not taking up digital AgTech. It has been argued that these farmers are being ‘left behind’ in an increasingly digital world, and this may impact their future success. Scholars of digital AgTech adoption typically take a siloed approach, positioning the individual or farm as the key unit of analysis, with fewer studies addressing structural conditions. This has provided a useful but incomplete understanding of the disparity between users and non-users. This paper builds upon emerging sociocultural approaches, which aim to address this gap, by using a novel ‘communitive ecology’ analytical approach to consider how adoption occurs through networks of actors. Based on an exploratory, qualitative study of a digital farming project on a cotton farm and its digital communicative ecology in South-East Queensland, Australia this study identifies technological, discursive, and social factors of digital AgTech adoption. Overall, an evolution from a digital divide to data divide, expressed in the interactions between farmers and stakeholders, and characterised by gaps between the generation and application of farm data, is observed.
摘要随着全球农业生产方式和供应链的数字化,世界各地的农民都在采用无人机、物联网、遥感器、区块链和卫星图像等数字农业技术来为农场决策提供信息。然而,在农村和城市社区之间持续存在数字鸿沟的背景下,许多澳大利亚农民并没有采用数字农业技术。有人认为,在日益数字化的世界里,这些农民被“甩在了后面”,这可能会影响他们未来的成功。采用数字农业技术的学者通常采取孤立的方法,将个人或农场定位为分析的关键单元,较少涉及结构条件的研究。这为用户和非用户之间的差异提供了一个有用但不完整的理解。本文以新兴的社会文化方法为基础,通过使用一种新颖的“社区生态学”分析方法来考虑收养是如何通过行动者网络发生的,旨在解决这一差距。基于对澳大利亚昆士兰州东南部一个棉花农场的数字农业项目及其数字交流生态的探索性定性研究,本研究确定了采用数字农业技术的技术、话语和社会因素。总体而言,可以观察到从数字鸿沟到数据鸿沟的演变,表现在农民和利益相关者之间的互动中,其特征是农业数据的生成和应用之间的差距。
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引用次数: 5
The gender digital gap: shifting the theoretical focus to systems analysis and feedback loops 性别数字差距:将理论重点转移到系统分析和反馈回路
IF 4.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-04-25 DOI: 10.1080/1369118X.2022.2069507
Raluca David, Toby Phillips
ABSTRACT The past decades have seen efforts to increase digital inclusion for women worldwide, with the ultimate aim to advance gender equality. However, progress is slow, despite important advances in moving beyond a focus on ‘digital access’ (as measured by network coverage and hardware) towards a more holistic understanding of inclusion that considers abilities, awareness and agency. Here, we propose a further theoretical shift that draws on social system theories (e.g., Luhmann, 1984) and on the theory of ‘intersecting inequalities’ (Kabeer, 2010). We propose to understand the gender digital gap, particularly in mobile and internet usage, not merely descriptively but dynamically – since even factors like agency and awareness change over time – by applying concepts of feedback loops, low-equilibrium traps, multi-dimensional exclusion and systems analysis. This paper highlights how women may become locked in a state of low-inclusion unless the feedback loops between digital, social, economic and political exclusion are addressed through policies that tackle multiple dimensions. The paper reviews research on gender digital gaps with particular focus on developing countries, and with direct implications for policy-making.
摘要在过去的几十年里,世界各地都在努力提高女性的数字包容性,最终目的是促进性别平等。然而,尽管在从关注“数字接入”(以网络覆盖率和硬件衡量)转向更全面地理解包容(考虑能力、意识和机构)方面取得了重要进展,但进展缓慢。在这里,我们提出了进一步的理论转变,借鉴了社会系统理论(例如,Luhmann,1984)和“交叉不平等”理论(Kabeer,2010)。我们建议通过应用反馈回路、低平衡陷阱、多维排斥和系统分析的概念,不仅从描述性的角度,而且从动态的角度来理解性别数字差距,特别是在移动和互联网使用方面,因为即使是代理和意识等因素也会随着时间的推移而变化。本文强调,除非通过解决多个层面的政策来解决数字、社会、经济和政治排斥之间的反馈回路,否则女性可能会陷入低包容性状态。本文回顾了关于性别数字差距的研究,特别关注发展中国家,并对政策制定有直接影响。
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引用次数: 2
The relationship between Zoom use with the camera on and Zoom fatigue: considering self-monitoring and social interaction anxiety 开着相机使用Zoom与Zoom疲劳之间的关系:考虑自我监控和社交焦虑
IF 4.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-04-21 DOI: 10.1080/1369118X.2022.2065214
Annabel Ngien, B. Hogan
ABSTRACT During COVID-19, there has been an unprecedented rise of videoconferencing use, primarily through Zoom. This increasingly popularity of Zoom has led to growing debates about its negative health impacts. In particular, ‘Zoom fatigue’ is a rapidly popularizing phenomena that describes the mental exhaustion or burnout arising from Zoom use. However, the specific mechanisms through which Zoom leads to Zoom fatigue are not well understood. To fill this gap, this study tested a mediated model linking Zoom use with the camera on (‘ZUC’) to Zoom fatigue, through the mediator of social interaction anxiety on Zoom, with a survey sample from the United Kingdom. It was also posited that self-monitoring positively moderated the effects of ZUC on social interaction anxiety on Zoom. The results demonstrated that the direct effects of ZUC on Zoom fatigue was significant and positive. The paper also showed that social interaction anxiety on Zoom increased Zoom fatigue. However, ZUC failed to indirectly increase Zoom fatigue due to the insignificant effects of ZUC on social interaction anxiety on Zoom. Self-monitoring also did not moderate the insignificant relationship between ZUC and social interaction anxiety on Zoom. These insights can guide conceptual frameworks for future research exploring the social psychological impacts of digital media on health.
摘要在新冠肺炎期间,视频会议的使用出现了前所未有的增长,主要是通过Zoom。Zoom越来越受欢迎,这引发了关于其负面健康影响的越来越多的争论。特别是,“Zoom疲劳”是一种迅速流行的现象,描述了使用Zoom引起的精神疲惫或倦怠。然而,Zoom导致Zoom疲劳的具体机制尚不清楚。为了填补这一空白,本研究测试了一个中介模型,该模型通过Zoom上社交焦虑的中介,将Zoom使用相机(“ZUC”)与Zoom疲劳联系起来,并使用了一个来自英国的调查样本。研究还认为,自我监控积极调节ZUC对Zoom社交焦虑的影响。结果表明,ZUC对Zoom疲劳的直接影响是显著和积极的。论文还表明,Zoom上的社交焦虑会增加Zoom疲劳。然而,由于ZUC对Zoom社交焦虑的影响不显著,ZUC未能间接增加Zoom疲劳。自我监控也没有缓和ZUC与Zoom社交焦虑之间的不显著关系。这些见解可以指导未来研究数字媒体对健康的社会心理影响的概念框架。
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引用次数: 9
The triumph of profiling: the self in digital culture 剖析的胜利:数字文化中的自我
IF 4.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-04-21 DOI: 10.1080/1369118X.2022.2062253
Konstantinos Kerasovitis
monopolized and skewed infrastructures of control. Supplementing the depth of these situated case studies is the book’s menagerie of interconnections. Theoretically, Kumar draws from a poststructuralist tradition situated between Deleuze and Foucault, contemporary internet studies scholarship, and a postcolonial canon including Said, Spivak and Bhabha, weaving these together seamlessly. Contemporary scholarship that is critical of the possibility of a truly equal internet, however, is the one underexplored terrain of the book. One of the implicit assumptions gestured to in the conclusion is that, all critiques aside, the world benefits from a universal network such as the internet. Kumar argues against internet balkanization, suggesting that ‘the way forward is to more fully embrace the global plurality rather than erase it through making participation mandatory on conditions that are cultural, social and political’ (p. 211). The book would benefit from a more thorough engagement with this idea of a balkanized internet, even if it were to come to the same conclusion. Without this perspective, a certain cyberoptimism, one that endorses ‘visions of a plural, more globally representative web’ (p. 211) feels like too easy a solution. For the interested reader, the best use of this book is to use it as a thorough and intricately woven postcolonial critique of disparate yet ultimately Americanist strands of internet studies scholarship. Kumar’s deft and creative linkages carve out a space for postcolonial critique in the field of internet studies, introducing a productive faultline that future scholars of the digitalscape must contend with.
垄断和扭曲的控制基础设施。补充这些情境案例研究的深度是这本书的相互联系的动物园。从理论上讲,库马尔借鉴了德勒兹和福柯之间的后结构主义传统、当代互联网研究学术,以及包括赛义德、斯皮瓦克和巴哈在内的后殖民经典,将这些无缝地交织在一起。然而,当代学术界对真正平等的互联网的可能性持批评态度,这是本书未被充分探索的领域。结论中暗示的一个假设是,抛开所有批评不谈,世界受益于互联网等普遍网络。库马尔反对互联网巴尔干化,认为“前进的道路是更充分地接受全球多元性,而不是通过在文化、社会和政治条件下强制参与来消除它”(第211页)。这本书将受益于更彻底地参与这种巴尔干化互联网的想法,即使它得出了同样的结论。如果没有这种观点,某种网络乐观主义,一种支持“多元、更具全球代表性的网络愿景”的观点(第211页),感觉太容易了。对于感兴趣的读者来说,这本书的最佳用途是将其作为对互联网研究学术中不同但最终是美国主义的后殖民主义批判。库马尔巧妙而富有创造性的联系为互联网研究领域的后殖民批判开辟了空间,引入了未来数字景观学者必须应对的富有成效的断层线。
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引用次数: 8
The evolution of the Chinese internet: creative visibility in the digital public 中国互联网的演变:数字公众的创造性可见性
IF 4.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-04-21 DOI: 10.1080/1369118X.2022.2064226
Zhe Liu
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引用次数: 1
Meso-level leaders as brokers of horizontal and vertical linkages in feminist networked social movements 在女权主义网络化的社会运动中,中层领导人作为横向和纵向联系的中间人
IF 4.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-04-21 DOI: 10.1080/1369118X.2022.2065212
Y. Lee
ABSTRACT With recent research emphasizing different leadership roles that characterize networked social movements, brokerage has received renewed attention as one of the key responsibilities of networked movement leadership. However, in limiting the role of brokering to creating horizontal connections among decentralized actors, previous research is missing an account of grassroots movements that were able to make vertical connections with the power structures and grow to have a significant political impact. By comparing two cases of feminist networked social movements from South Korea, I examine brokerage and conditions that enabled brokerage through the lens of leadership. I argue that brokerage is a crucial dimension of movement leadership and propose the concept of meso-level leadership to elaborate how some grassroots leaders could facilitate grassroots representation in mainstream legislative agenda-setting by forming relationships with actors across a broad organizational and institutional spectrum.
随着最近的研究强调网络社会运动的不同领导角色特征,经纪作为网络运动领导的关键责任之一重新受到关注。然而,在将中介的作用限制为在分散的行动者之间建立横向联系的过程中,先前的研究缺少了能够与权力结构建立垂直联系并逐渐产生重大政治影响的基层运动的描述。通过比较韩国女权主义网络社会运动的两个案例,我从领导力的角度审视了中介和促成中介的条件。我认为,中介是运动领导的一个重要维度,并提出了中观领导的概念,以阐述一些基层领导人如何通过与广泛组织和机构范围内的行动者建立关系,促进基层代表在主流立法议程设置中的作用。
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引用次数: 0
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Information Communication & Society
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