Despite burgeoning research on representative bureaucracy theory, there is limited examination of how environmental contexts shape the manner in which the demographic makeup of a bureaucracy is linked to distributional bureaucratic outcomes. Scholars in the field of social psychology, however, have suggested that community-level variation in the pervasiveness of biases against particular social groups helps to explain inequitable outcomes in such diverse settings as education, policing, and health care. Incorporating social psychology research into representative bureaucracy theory, this paper examines how community racial biases shape the association between the demographic makeup of an organization’s personnel and its bureaucratic outcomes. Using county-level implicit and explicit bias measures that are estimated by multilevel regression and poststratification (MRP) based on a dataset containing more than 1.2 million respondents, we find that more inequitable educational outcomes occur for Black students in counties where White residents hold stronger anti-Black biases. Our findings also suggest that while Black teachers are associated with more favorable outcomes for Black students in the zero-sum context of assignment to gifted classes, the association of outcomes with passive representation is more limited in counties with strong racial biases. By accounting for the racial biases exhibited in the communities where both clients and bureaucrats are socially and culturally embedded, this paper extends our understanding of how contextual factors shape the nature of bureaucratic representation.
{"title":"Race, Locality, and Representative Bureaucracy: Does Community Bias Matter?","authors":"Joonha Park, Nathan Favero","doi":"10.1093/jopart/muac047","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jopart/muac047","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Despite burgeoning research on representative bureaucracy theory, there is limited examination of how environmental contexts shape the manner in which the demographic makeup of a bureaucracy is linked to distributional bureaucratic outcomes. Scholars in the field of social psychology, however, have suggested that community-level variation in the pervasiveness of biases against particular social groups helps to explain inequitable outcomes in such diverse settings as education, policing, and health care. Incorporating social psychology research into representative bureaucracy theory, this paper examines how community racial biases shape the association between the demographic makeup of an organization’s personnel and its bureaucratic outcomes. Using county-level implicit and explicit bias measures that are estimated by multilevel regression and poststratification (MRP) based on a dataset containing more than 1.2 million respondents, we find that more inequitable educational outcomes occur for Black students in counties where White residents hold stronger anti-Black biases. Our findings also suggest that while Black teachers are associated with more favorable outcomes for Black students in the zero-sum context of assignment to gifted classes, the association of outcomes with passive representation is more limited in counties with strong racial biases. By accounting for the racial biases exhibited in the communities where both clients and bureaucrats are socially and culturally embedded, this paper extends our understanding of how contextual factors shape the nature of bureaucratic representation.","PeriodicalId":48366,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46327398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Scholars like Vickers have made an interesting observation that while the public administration scholars have put a keen interest in management rhetoric, they have ignored an equally significant area that also has weighty impacts on the public administration practitioners as well as the people they serve; workplace incivility. For this end, this paper examines the prevalence of workplace incivility in the Saudi Arabian public universities’ faculty as well as how does workplace incivility in the Saudi Arabian public universities’ faculties influence the job satisfaction of the faculty employees. The findings revealed that job satisfaction has a positive correlation with workplace incivility. The findings supported the hypothesis which postulated that workplace incivility among the Saudi faculty members could result in reduced job satisfaction. These findings have important policy implications. First, the management of public universities in Saudi Arabia should endeavor to create a healthy workplace climate by cultivating an organizational culture that is intolerant of uncivil practices, and where such practices are actively discouraged by all employees. Second, organizations can mitigate workplace incivility by enforcing a clear policy that defines workplace incivility. A zero-tolerance to incivility policy should be enacted, and efforts should be made to nurture a civil workplace culture through training, counseling, and punishment where necessary.
{"title":"How does Workplace Incivility in the Public Higher Learning Institution in Saudi Influence the Job Satisfaction of the Faculty Employees?","authors":"Ali Alramadan, Mengzhong Zhang","doi":"10.5539/par.v11n2p19","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5539/par.v11n2p19","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars like Vickers have made an interesting observation that while the public administration scholars have put a keen interest in management rhetoric, they have ignored an equally significant area that also has weighty impacts on the public administration practitioners as well as the people they serve; workplace incivility. For this end, this paper examines the prevalence of workplace incivility in the Saudi Arabian public universities’ faculty as well as how does workplace incivility in the Saudi Arabian public universities’ faculties influence the job satisfaction of the faculty employees. The findings revealed that job satisfaction has a positive correlation with workplace incivility. The findings supported the hypothesis which postulated that workplace incivility among the Saudi faculty members could result in reduced job satisfaction. These findings have important policy implications. First, the management of public universities in Saudi Arabia should endeavor to create a healthy workplace climate by cultivating an organizational culture that is intolerant of uncivil practices, and where such practices are actively discouraged by all employees. Second, organizations can mitigate workplace incivility by enforcing a clear policy that defines workplace incivility. A zero-tolerance to incivility policy should be enacted, and efforts should be made to nurture a civil workplace culture through training, counseling, and punishment where necessary.","PeriodicalId":48366,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory","volume":"75 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90220899","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
E. K. Anin, Henry Ataburo, Akwasi Adu Frimpong, Getrude Effah Ampong
End-user centric procurement practices, while receiving a growing scholarly and policy interest, lack solid theoretical and empirical foundations. Using service-dominant logic, this study seeks to uncover the influence mechanism between end-user involvement and product usage in public sector procurement. Primary data was gathered from 122 public organisations in a developing economy, Ghana. PROCESS macro for SPSS was used to estimate the study model. The findings suggest that end-user involvement is positively related to end-user satisfaction but not product usage. Additionally, the findings provide empirical support for our contention that the link between end-user involvement and end-user product usage is mediated by end-user satisfaction. This study adds to the end-user centric procurement literature by offering theoretical and empirical insights on the end-user satisfaction process that explains the relationship between end-user involvement and product usage.
{"title":"Uncovering the Influence Mechanism between End-User Involvement and Product Usage in Public Procurement: A Service-Dominant Logic Perspective","authors":"E. K. Anin, Henry Ataburo, Akwasi Adu Frimpong, Getrude Effah Ampong","doi":"10.5539/par.v11n2p50","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5539/par.v11n2p50","url":null,"abstract":"End-user centric procurement practices, while receiving a growing scholarly and policy interest, lack solid theoretical and empirical foundations. Using service-dominant logic, this study seeks to uncover the influence mechanism between end-user involvement and product usage in public sector procurement. Primary data was gathered from 122 public organisations in a developing economy, Ghana. PROCESS macro for SPSS was used to estimate the study model. The findings suggest that end-user involvement is positively related to end-user satisfaction but not product usage. Additionally, the findings provide empirical support for our contention that the link between end-user involvement and end-user product usage is mediated by end-user satisfaction. This study adds to the end-user centric procurement literature by offering theoretical and empirical insights on the end-user satisfaction process that explains the relationship between end-user involvement and product usage.","PeriodicalId":48366,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory","volume":"223 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80013510","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ghazi Fanatel AL Atnah, A. Al-Qatawneh, Safia M. Jabali, A. Alyamani
This study aimed to reveal the reasons for the reluctance to participate in the parliamentary elections of the nineteenth parliament for the year 2020 in the Jordanian capital, Amman. A questionnaire was developed for this purpose, which included (30) items distributed over four dimensions, each dimension representing a general reason for the reluctance to participate in the parliamentary elections. The acceptable parameters of validity and reliability of the questionnaire were achieved. The questionnaire was applied to an available sample consisting of (1223) individuals who did not participate in the parliamentary elections in the Jordanian capital, Amman. The results of the study revealed that the most common reasons for reluctance to participate in the parliamentary elections of the nineteenth parliament for the year 2020 in the Jordanian capital, Amman, were "the reasons related to the candidates," while it came in the fourth and final rank domain: "the reasons related to the Corona pandemic." The results also showed that the most common reason for the reluctance to participate in the parliamentary elections related to voters was the fifth reason: "I did not find anyone to represent me in the parliament among the candidates." That the most common reason for the reluctance to participate in the parliamentary elections related to the candidates was the ninth reason: "The spread of corruption among members of the parliament in appointments and promotions". The most common reason for the reluctance to participate in the parliamentary elections related to the independent body was the reason (22), which states: "The independent body was unable to control candidates from using political money in the elections," and that the most common reason for refraining from participating in the parliamentary elections related to the Corona pandemic was the reason ( 29) and its text: "People's lack of commitment to health measures such as social distancing and wearing a mask." In light of the results of the current study, the researchers recommend finding effective formulas to ensure broader participation in the parliamentary elections, employing various social media to support and enhance participation in parliamentary elections, and tightening supervision and punishment to prevent the spread of practices related to political money, the existence of real and serious procedures to ensure the integrity of the elections, the development of awareness programs for the citizen on the basis for choosing a representative, the adoption of standards of morality, integrity and hard work of the candidate when voting, and conducting various studies on the issue of the reasons for reluctance to vote in parliamentary elections and their relationship to social, demographic and political variables.
{"title":"Reasons for Reluctance to Participate in the Parliamentary Elections of the Nineteenth Parliament for the Year 2020 in the Jordanian Capital, Amman","authors":"Ghazi Fanatel AL Atnah, A. Al-Qatawneh, Safia M. Jabali, A. Alyamani","doi":"10.5539/par.v11n2p34","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5539/par.v11n2p34","url":null,"abstract":"This study aimed to reveal the reasons for the reluctance to participate in the parliamentary elections of the nineteenth parliament for the year 2020 in the Jordanian capital, Amman. A questionnaire was developed for this purpose, which included (30) items distributed over four dimensions, each dimension representing a general reason for the reluctance to participate in the parliamentary elections. The acceptable parameters of validity and reliability of the questionnaire were achieved. The questionnaire was applied to an available sample consisting of (1223) individuals who did not participate in the parliamentary elections in the Jordanian capital, Amman. The results of the study revealed that the most common reasons for reluctance to participate in the parliamentary elections of the nineteenth parliament for the year 2020 in the Jordanian capital, Amman, were \"the reasons related to the candidates,\" while it came in the fourth and final rank domain: \"the reasons related to the Corona pandemic.\" The results also showed that the most common reason for the reluctance to participate in the parliamentary elections related to voters was the fifth reason: \"I did not find anyone to represent me in the parliament among the candidates.\" That the most common reason for the reluctance to participate in the parliamentary elections related to the candidates was the ninth reason: \"The spread of corruption among members of the parliament in appointments and promotions\". The most common reason for the reluctance to participate in the parliamentary elections related to the independent body was the reason (22), which states: \"The independent body was unable to control candidates from using political money in the elections,\" and that the most common reason for refraining from participating in the parliamentary elections related to the Corona pandemic was the reason ( 29) and its text: \"People's lack of commitment to health measures such as social distancing and wearing a mask.\" In light of the results of the current study, the researchers recommend finding effective formulas to ensure broader participation in the parliamentary elections, employing various social media to support and enhance participation in parliamentary elections, and tightening supervision and punishment to prevent the spread of practices related to political money, the existence of real and serious procedures to ensure the integrity of the elections, the development of awareness programs for the citizen on the basis for choosing a representative, the adoption of standards of morality, integrity and hard work of the candidate when voting, and conducting various studies on the issue of the reasons for reluctance to vote in parliamentary elections and their relationship to social, demographic and political variables.","PeriodicalId":48366,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81053523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of this article is to highlight meta-ethnography – the interpretive synthesis of ethnographic studies on a given theme – as a useful tool in the study of social policy and public administration. We claim this approach can maximise the impact of rich idiographic research to enable theory-refining and evidence-building efforts in the field. We illustrate these benefits through reference to a worked example focused on public encounters with social security in advanced liberal democracies. We show how we drew together 49 ethnographic studies from a variety of disciplines to identify repertoires of response that citizens exercise in their encounters with the contemporary welfare state. Through this analysis, we demonstrate how meta-ethnography can shed new light on topical contemporary debates about administrative burden. We conclude by reflecting on the prospects and limits of this technique for broader use in the field.
{"title":"The potential of meta-ethnography in the study of public administration: a worked example on social security encounters in advanced liberal democracies","authors":"John Boswell, Stuart Smedley","doi":"10.1093/jopart/muac046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jopart/muac046","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The purpose of this article is to highlight meta-ethnography – the interpretive synthesis of ethnographic studies on a given theme – as a useful tool in the study of social policy and public administration. We claim this approach can maximise the impact of rich idiographic research to enable theory-refining and evidence-building efforts in the field. We illustrate these benefits through reference to a worked example focused on public encounters with social security in advanced liberal democracies. We show how we drew together 49 ethnographic studies from a variety of disciplines to identify repertoires of response that citizens exercise in their encounters with the contemporary welfare state. Through this analysis, we demonstrate how meta-ethnography can shed new light on topical contemporary debates about administrative burden. We conclude by reflecting on the prospects and limits of this technique for broader use in the field.","PeriodicalId":48366,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46072825","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While the theory of representative bureaucracy originates from concerns about the class composition of the public sector workforce, questions of class background have been notably absent in subsequent scholarship. In this paper I take advantage of new data on the class backgrounds of UK civil servants (N= 308, 566) to, first, explore descriptively how class shapes the composition of the civil service, both vertically in terms of occupational grade and horizontally in terms of department, location and profession. I show that those from working-class backgrounds are not only under-represented in the Civil Service as a whole, but this skew is particularly acute in propulsive departments like the Treasury, locations like London and in the Senior Civil Service. This initial descriptive analysis then acts as the staging point for the central qualitative component of my analysis, drawing on 104 in-depth interviews across four case-study departments. Here I identify three unwritten rules of career progression that tend to act as barriers for those from working-class backgrounds; access to accelerator jobs, organisational ambiguity in promotion processes; and sorting into operational (versus policy) tracks that have progression bottlenecks. This analysis highlights the need for more work on class representation, as well as underlining how representative bureaucracy may be impeded by patterns of horizontal as well as vertical segregation, particularly in work areas that have an outsized influence on policy design.
{"title":"Climbing the Velvet Drainpipe Class background and career progression within the UK Civil Service","authors":"Sam Friedman","doi":"10.1093/jopart/muac045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jopart/muac045","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 While the theory of representative bureaucracy originates from concerns about the class composition of the public sector workforce, questions of class background have been notably absent in subsequent scholarship. In this paper I take advantage of new data on the class backgrounds of UK civil servants (N= 308, 566) to, first, explore descriptively how class shapes the composition of the civil service, both vertically in terms of occupational grade and horizontally in terms of department, location and profession. I show that those from working-class backgrounds are not only under-represented in the Civil Service as a whole, but this skew is particularly acute in propulsive departments like the Treasury, locations like London and in the Senior Civil Service. This initial descriptive analysis then acts as the staging point for the central qualitative component of my analysis, drawing on 104 in-depth interviews across four case-study departments. Here I identify three unwritten rules of career progression that tend to act as barriers for those from working-class backgrounds; access to accelerator jobs, organisational ambiguity in promotion processes; and sorting into operational (versus policy) tracks that have progression bottlenecks. This analysis highlights the need for more work on class representation, as well as underlining how representative bureaucracy may be impeded by patterns of horizontal as well as vertical segregation, particularly in work areas that have an outsized influence on policy design.","PeriodicalId":48366,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49409419","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Do governmental institutions constrain state actors? I investigate this question by examining the relationship between the design of state legislative fiscal offices and the health of state budgets. These budgetary bodies serve a supporting role for legislatures, designed to advance sound fiscal policy and sustainable public finance. With an original data set encompassing all state legislative budgetary bodies from 1963-2014, I estimate the causal effects of nonpartisan fiscal offices on budget surpluses with a generalized difference-in-differences estimator. My results show that the presence of these fiscal offices within legislatures do not affect a state’s fiscal well-being. This result holds even when legislative fiscal offices are relatively empowered in the budget process, raising doubts about how state lawmakers use nonpartisan budgetary information in funding the government.
{"title":"Do Institutions Matter? The Impact of Budget Expertise on State Fiscal Responsibility","authors":"Colin Emrich","doi":"10.1093/jopart/muac044","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jopart/muac044","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Do governmental institutions constrain state actors? I investigate this question by examining the relationship between the design of state legislative fiscal offices and the health of state budgets. These budgetary bodies serve a supporting role for legislatures, designed to advance sound fiscal policy and sustainable public finance. With an original data set encompassing all state legislative budgetary bodies from 1963-2014, I estimate the causal effects of nonpartisan fiscal offices on budget surpluses with a generalized difference-in-differences estimator. My results show that the presence of these fiscal offices within legislatures do not affect a state’s fiscal well-being. This result holds even when legislative fiscal offices are relatively empowered in the budget process, raising doubts about how state lawmakers use nonpartisan budgetary information in funding the government.","PeriodicalId":48366,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-10-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48721051","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Financial scarcity is a fundamental condition for recipients of social welfare. We draw on scarcity theory to suggest that the condition of scarce resources may have a range of important psychological consequences for how welfare recipients’ cope with their problems, navigate citizen-state interactions, for their perceived ability to deal with their problems, and for their psychological well-being. In a field experiment using Danish unemployed social assistance recipients (N = 2,637), we test the psychological consequences of scarcity by randomly assigning recipients to be surveyed either shortly before payment of their social assistance benefits, shortly after, or mid-month. We find no impact of the scarcity manipulation and thus our main findings run counter to the idea that short-term changes in scarce financial conditions influence the mindsets of social welfare recipients. However, a series of exploratory cross-sectional regressions show that subjective scarcity, i.e. ‘the feeling of having too little’, is associated with an increased focus on solving problems, but negatively associated with psychological well-being, sense of mastery, and job search self-efficacy. We conclude that these correlates may reflect more long-term consequences of scarcity but that more and stronger causal evidence is needed given the cross-sectional nature of these data.
{"title":"Scarcity and the Mindsets of Social Welfare Recipients: Evidence from a Field Experiment","authors":"J. K. Madsen, Martin Baekgaard, J. Kvist","doi":"10.1093/jopart/muac043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jopart/muac043","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Financial scarcity is a fundamental condition for recipients of social welfare. We draw on scarcity theory to suggest that the condition of scarce resources may have a range of important psychological consequences for how welfare recipients’ cope with their problems, navigate citizen-state interactions, for their perceived ability to deal with their problems, and for their psychological well-being. In a field experiment using Danish unemployed social assistance recipients (N = 2,637), we test the psychological consequences of scarcity by randomly assigning recipients to be surveyed either shortly before payment of their social assistance benefits, shortly after, or mid-month. We find no impact of the scarcity manipulation and thus our main findings run counter to the idea that short-term changes in scarce financial conditions influence the mindsets of social welfare recipients. However, a series of exploratory cross-sectional regressions show that subjective scarcity, i.e. ‘the feeling of having too little’, is associated with an increased focus on solving problems, but negatively associated with psychological well-being, sense of mastery, and job search self-efficacy. We conclude that these correlates may reflect more long-term consequences of scarcity but that more and stronger causal evidence is needed given the cross-sectional nature of these data.","PeriodicalId":48366,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45623810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Understanding how stakeholders choose to participate in different policy forums is central to research on complex, polycentric governance systems. In this paper, we draw upon the Ecology of Games Theory (EGT) to develop theoretical expectations about how four incentive structures may guide how actors navigate the world of policy forums. We test these expectations using unique data on a three-mode network of actors, forums, and issues related to climate change adaption in the state of Ohio, in the U.S. Midwest. Results of an exponential random graph model suggest that multilevel closure structures, which are a function of transaction costs and direct benefits, guide actors’ forum participation in ways that can either reinforce sub-optimal, ineffective governance arrangements, or conversely, encourage opportunities for innovation, increase diversity in representation, and facilitate policy learning. From a methodological standpoint, our research highlights the benefits of examining complex governance systems through the more precise approach allowed by three-mode network analysis, which has not been frequently used in research on polycentric governance systems up to this point.
{"title":"Theorizing Multilevel Closure Structures Guiding Forum Participation","authors":"Harrison Fried, Matthew Hamilton, Ramiro Berardo","doi":"10.1093/jopart/muac042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jopart/muac042","url":null,"abstract":"Understanding how stakeholders choose to participate in different policy forums is central to research on complex, polycentric governance systems. In this paper, we draw upon the Ecology of Games Theory (EGT) to develop theoretical expectations about how four incentive structures may guide how actors navigate the world of policy forums. We test these expectations using unique data on a three-mode network of actors, forums, and issues related to climate change adaption in the state of Ohio, in the U.S. Midwest. Results of an exponential random graph model suggest that multilevel closure structures, which are a function of transaction costs and direct benefits, guide actors’ forum participation in ways that can either reinforce sub-optimal, ineffective governance arrangements, or conversely, encourage opportunities for innovation, increase diversity in representation, and facilitate policy learning. From a methodological standpoint, our research highlights the benefits of examining complex governance systems through the more precise approach allowed by three-mode network analysis, which has not been frequently used in research on polycentric governance systems up to this point.","PeriodicalId":48366,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory","volume":"40 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138514234","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While the public and private labor markets are marked by significant differences in the institutions of wage formation, very few studies have examined workers’ wages and employment in the public and private sectors when solving the same tasks. Focusing on government contracting out, we examine the change in work income, employment, and government income benefits when public workers are transferred from a public to a private employer due to contracting out. Drawing on theories on wage gaps between the public and private sectors and the property rights literature, we develop novel hypotheses about how individual characteristics of workers moderate the impact of contracting out on workers. Using high-quality individual-level Danish register data, we establish a worker treatment group who experienced contracting out and match them with a similar group of public workers who did not. Difference-in-difference estimation with Coarsened Exact Matching suggests that workers overall experience a significant decline in work income and employment, albeit with major intergroup differences across gender, skills, and age. Our sub-group findings show that female, low-skilled, and younger workers pay the highest price for government contracting out, both in terms of salaries and employment. We discuss how economic theories of public‒private gaps in wage setting can be combined with public administration theories of contract design and monitoring to develop improved — and possibly more equitable — conditions for workers when governments contract out.
{"title":"The Unequal Distribution of Consequences of Contracting Out: Female, Low-skilled, and Young Workers Pay the Highest Price","authors":"Gustav Egede Hansen, G. Bel, Ole Helby Petersen","doi":"10.1093/jopart/muac041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jopart/muac041","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 While the public and private labor markets are marked by significant differences in the institutions of wage formation, very few studies have examined workers’ wages and employment in the public and private sectors when solving the same tasks. Focusing on government contracting out, we examine the change in work income, employment, and government income benefits when public workers are transferred from a public to a private employer due to contracting out. Drawing on theories on wage gaps between the public and private sectors and the property rights literature, we develop novel hypotheses about how individual characteristics of workers moderate the impact of contracting out on workers. Using high-quality individual-level Danish register data, we establish a worker treatment group who experienced contracting out and match them with a similar group of public workers who did not. Difference-in-difference estimation with Coarsened Exact Matching suggests that workers overall experience a significant decline in work income and employment, albeit with major intergroup differences across gender, skills, and age. Our sub-group findings show that female, low-skilled, and younger workers pay the highest price for government contracting out, both in terms of salaries and employment. We discuss how economic theories of public‒private gaps in wage setting can be combined with public administration theories of contract design and monitoring to develop improved — and possibly more equitable — conditions for workers when governments contract out.","PeriodicalId":48366,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44434846","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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