Emotion最新文献

Social acceptance and rejection are salient experiences, especially during adolescence. Acceptance and rejection relate to changes in positive and negative affect, although directionality of the relation remains unclear. The ability to regulate affect following social experiences may be part of the etiology of social anxiety disorder. With the importance of social cues in adolescence, as well as adolescence as a key window for the onset of social anxiety, we used daily diary data collected in a sample ranging from 9 to 18 years to examine daily changes in acceptance, rejection, positive affect, and negative affect. Taking a person-centered approach, we constructed networks directionally linking social experiences and affect, which served as behaviors of interest ("nodes") in the network for each individual. From these networks, we extracted recovery times from different nodes, that is, the number of days it took for a node to return to baseline when (a) the node itself was perturbed and (b) when a connected node was perturbed. We examined associations between network metrics and social anxiety, age, gender, and their interaction. We found that the recovery time of positive affect when social acceptance was perturbed was inversely related with social anxiety and age, suggesting benefits of acceptance may be shorter lasting for those with more (vs. less) social anxiety symptoms and for older (vs. younger) adolescents. We conclude that positive affect may be a critical yet understudied piece in understanding why adolescence is a developmental period of increased risk for psychopathology and for understanding the etiology of social anxiety disorder. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA, all rights reserved).

What does it mean to feel good? Is our experience of gazing in awe at a majestic mountain fundamentally different than erupting with triumph when our favorite team wins the championship? Here, we use a semantic space approach to test which positive emotional experiences are distinct from each other based on in-depth personal narratives of experiences involving 22 positive emotions (n = 165; 3,592 emotional events). A bottom-up computational analysis was applied to the transcribed text, with unsupervised clustering employed to maximize internal granular consistency (i.e., the clusters being maximally different and maximally internally homogeneous). The analysis yielded four emotions that map onto distinct clusters of subjective experiences: amusement, interest, lust, and tenderness. The application of the semantic space approach to in-depth personal accounts yields a nuanced understanding of positive emotional experiences. Moreover, this analytical method allows for the bottom-up development of emotion taxonomies, showcasing its potential for broader applications in the study of subjective experiences. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA, all rights reserved).

The present study investigated the involvement of facial muscle responses in the indirect and direct processing of emotional facial expressions. Five discrete emotion categories were used, and we assessed both facial muscle and behavioral responses on a trial-by-trial basis. Experiment 1 tested facial muscle activation of clearly visible stimuli in an emotion categorization task. We observed emotion-specific facial muscle responses and corresponding behavioral categorization effects, providing evidence for the specificity of facial muscle activation. By contrast, under masked indirect presentation conditions in which emotional facial expressions were presented as primes in an emotion misattribution procedure, a specific pattern of emotion-congruent and cross-category behavioral misattributions was observed (in line with Rohr et al., 2015, 2018). Multilevel analyses in Study 2 suggest that an emotional reaction feeds into the behavioral decision, as indicated by differential activation of the frontalis lateralis in response to angry faces. Thus, the present study provides evidence that facial muscle responses contribute to behavioral decisions under masked indirect processing conditions. The different pattern of effects in both studies suggests that facial muscle responses index different processes, depending on the processing conditions: sensorimotor simulation in direct processing conditions and emotional reactions in masked indirect processing conditions. We discuss the implications for models that aim to account for facial muscle activity in response to emotional facial expressions. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA, all rights reserved).

Emotions in interpersonal interactions can be communicated simultaneously via various social signals such as face and biological motion (BM). Here, we demonstrate that even though BM and face are very different in visual properties, emotions conveyed by these two types of social signals involve dedicated and common processing mechanisms (N = 168, college students, 2020-2024). By utilizing the visual adaptation paradigm, we found that prolonged exposure to the happy BM biased the emotion perception of the subsequently presented morphed BM toward sad, and vice versus. The observed aftereffect disappeared when the BM adaptors were shown inverted, indicating that it arose from emotional information processing rather than being a result of adaptation to constitutive low-level features. Besides, such an aftereffect was also found for facial expressions and similarly vanished when the face adaptors were inverted. Critically, preexposure to emotional faces also exerted an adaptation aftereffect on the emotion perception of BMs. Furthermore, this cross-channel effect could not only happen from faces to BMs but also from BMs to faces, suggesting that emotion perception from face and BM are potentially driven by common underlying neural substrates. Overall, these findings highlighted a close coupling of BM and face emotion perception and suggested the existence of a dedicated emotional representation that can be shared across these two different types of social signals. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA, all rights reserved).

When people receive feedback from others, this is an opportunity for them to update their self-views. People with mental health problems (e.g., depression), however, often have difficulty using social feedback to update negative beliefs about themselves. To better understand when and how difficulties with integrating social feedback manifest, we investigated how current affect influences social feedback processing. Our preregistered hypothesis was that negative affect hinders change in participants' self-views in response to social feedback. In a nonclinical sample of little diversity (N = 117) in 2023, participants were invited to a laboratory examination in groups of three-five people. After indicating how they thought about themselves in terms of a number of personality traits (e.g., friendly), participants played a popular parlor game together for 45 min. Subsequently, they indicated how they perceived the other players in terms of their personality. Before receiving anonymous feedback, suggesting that the others perceived them as a highly likeable person, participants underwent the induction of negative versus positive affect versus a neutral control procedure. The results show that the induction of negative affect before receiving social feedback hindered its integration into participants' self-views, relative to the induction of positive affect. Changes in participants' self-views remained relatively stable also 1 day later, except for the control group, in which it slightly declined. These findings confirm that negative affect can indeed hamper the integration of (positive) social feedback. Since negative affect is prevalent in many mental disorders, this might contribute to their problems with social feedback processing. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA, all rights reserved).

It has been suggested that humans use summary statistics such as the average of the emotion of individual faces when they rapidly judge group emotion. Previous studies have mainly used faces of actors posing basic emotions, and morphed versions of these faces, against a plain background. In the present study, photographs taken in real-world settings were used to investigate the influence of mean facial emotion, maximal facial emotion, and background context on judgments of group emotion, assessed using dimensional ratings of valence, arousal, and dominance. Background context explained a significant amount of unique variance in group ratings for each dimension. Mean emotion explained additional unique variance for valence ratings, whereas maximal emotion explained additional unique variance for arousal, with dominance showing more mixed results. Removing background context and disrupting the contextual and spatial relationship between faces by randomly replacing faces with ones from other images within the stimulus set increased reliance on mean emotion. However, under all conditions, the maximally arousing face continued to exert an influence on ratings of group arousal, in line with theoretical accounts arguing for a unique bottom-up effect of emotional arousal on attentional competition and postattentive perceptual processing. Together these findings suggest that individuals' reliance on average emotion when judging crowd scenes differs as a function of the dimension of affect. In addition, the presence of background context both directly impacts judgments of crowd emotion and modulates the relative influence of maximal versus mean emotion on these judgments. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA, all rights reserved).

Navigating our social environment requires the ability to distinguish ourselves from others. Previous research suggests that training interventions have the potential to enhance the capacity for self-other distinction (SOD), which then may impact various sociocognitive domains, including imitation-inhibition, visual perspective taking, and empathy. Importantly, empirical research on the role of SOD in emotion regulation remains scarce. In this study, we aim to investigate the impact of training SOD on emotion regulation and also replicate findings on empathy and the attribution of mental states to others. Using a pre-post design, participants (N = 104) were assigned to either the imitation-inhibition or general inhibitory control training. Compared to general inhibitory control training, participants trained to inhibit imitation displayed a significant increase in posttest emotion regulation levels compared to pretest levels, indicating that imitation-inhibition training increased self-reported emotion regulation. Notably, emotional interference remained unaffected by either form of training. Both training interventions resulted in diminished self-reported empathic concern, while only general inhibitory control training led to a reduction in personal distress. Moreover, neither type of training had an impact on self-reported perspective taking or theory of mind performance. This study provides novel empirical evidence of the positive impact of imitation-inhibition training on emotion regulation. Furthermore, our findings make significant contributions to the advancement of research in this area and offer further support for the advantages of behavioral training as a methodological approach to studying sociocognitive abilities. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA, all rights reserved).

Emotion regulation is linked to adaptive psychological outcomes. To engage in such regulation, people must be motivated to do it. Given that people in different countries vary in how they think about unpleasant emotions, we expected motivation to decrease unpleasant emotions to differ across countries. Furthermore, given that emotion regulation strategies operate in the service of motivation, we expected people who are less motivated to decrease unpleasant emotions to use emotion regulation strategies less across countries. To test these predictions, we conducted two studies during the COVID-19 pandemic: Study 1 in 2020 (N = 1,329) and Study 2 in 2021 (N = 1,279). We assessed the motivation to decrease unpleasant emotions and the use of emotion regulation strategies among members of East Asian countries (i.e., Japan, South Korea, and China) and Western countries (i.e., United States, United Kingdom, and Germany). Because we found substantial variation within these two broader cultural categories, we examined motivation and overall strategy use in emotion regulation at the country level. In both studies, motivation to decrease unpleasant emotions was the lowest in Japan and relatively high in the United States. As expected, across countries, weaker motivation to decrease unpleasant emotions was associated with using emotion regulation strategies less. We discuss implications of our findings for understanding cultural differences in motivated emotion regulation. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA, all rights reserved).

It has long been known that stress has detrimental effects on cognition (e.g., Alderson & Novack, 2002; Lupien & Lepage, 2001), most notably documented for memory functions (e.g., Schwabe & Wolf, 2013). Interestingly, less is known about the effects of stress on other cognitive functions including language processing. Here, we have examined the effects of self-reported prolonged stress on recognition of emotional language content with a particular emphasis on gender differences. We tested how well 399 participants with different perceived stress levels recognized emotional voice cues. Findings confirm previous results from the emotional prosody literature by demonstrating that women generally outperform men in the vocal emotion recognition task. Crucially, results also revealed that medium levels of perceived stress impair the ability to detect sadness from voice cues in men but not women. These findings were not modulated by task demands (e.g., speeded response) or better acoustic discrimination abilities in women. Results are in line with the idea that perceived stress has a different impact on men versus women and that women have a higher level of experience in voice sadness recognition, potentially due to their predominant role as primary caretakers. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA, all rights reserved).

Emotion differentiation (ED; the ability to distinguish discrete internal emotion states) may reflect or benefit from knowledge of linguistic labels. The present study uses natural language processing to examine how emotion vocabulary (EV; diversity of unique emotion terms within active vocabulary) relates to ED and depression in an adolescent sample. We tested two competing preregistered (https://osf.io/4j75w/) models regarding the EV-ED link. In the lexical facilitation hypothesis, we posited that larger EV may inform ED, perhaps resulting in larger EVs being associated with greater ED. In the emotional concision hypothesis, we theorized that ED may reflect narrower emotional experiences that are more succinctly labelled, which could result in larger EV being associated with lower ED. A community sample of adolescents (N = 241, ages 14-17, predominantly White) completed interviews, self-report measures, and ecological momentary assessments as part of a larger study conducted between 2014 and 2016. EV was derived using speech samples from transcribed recordings of life stress interviews. In line with the emotion concision hypothesis, EV and ED were inversely related for negative emotions. Moreover, larger negative EV and lower negative ED were each uniquely associated with depression, casting further doubt on whether diverse negative EVs within spontaneous language are fundamentally adaptive for emotional functioning. Replication in more diverse samples is needed to extend generalizability. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA, all rights reserved).