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Laffer’s day in court: The revenue effects of criminal justice fees and fines 拉弗的出庭日:刑事司法收费和罚款对收入的影响
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-11-26 DOI: 10.1016/j.jpubeco.2024.105249
Samuel Norris , Evan K. Rose
Many jurisdictions levy sizable fines and fees (legal financial obligations, or LFOs) on criminal defendants. Proponents argue LFOs are a “tax on crime” that funds courts and provides deterrence; opponents argue they do neither. We examine the fiscal implications of lowering LFOs. Incentives to default generate a “Laffer” curve with revenue eventually decreasing in LFOs. Using detailed administrative data, however, we find few defendants demonstrably on the right-hand side of the curve. Those who are tend to be poor, Black, and charged with felonies. As a result, decreasing LFOs for the average defendant would come at substantial cost to governments.
许多司法管辖区都对刑事被告征收巨额罚金和费用(法律财务义务,或 LFOs)。支持者认为,LFO 是一种 "犯罪税",既能为法院提供资金,又能起到威慑作用;反对者则认为,LFO 两者都起不到作用。我们研究了降低 LFO 的财政影响。对违约行为的激励会产生一条 "拉弗 "曲线,即收入最终会随着低保率的降低而减少。然而,通过使用详细的行政数据,我们发现很少有被告明显处于曲线的右侧。处于右侧的被告往往是穷人、黑人和被控重罪的人。因此,减少普通被告的低刑期将使政府付出巨大代价。
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引用次数: 0
Place-based policies, structural change and female labor: Evidence from India’s Special Economic Zones 基于地方的政策、结构变化和女性劳动力:印度经济特区的证据
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-11-25 DOI: 10.1016/j.jpubeco.2024.105259
Johannes Gallé , Daniel Overbeck , Nadine Riedel , Tobias Seidel
This paper quantifies the local economic impact of special economic zones (SEZs) established in India between 2005 and 2013. Using a novel dataset that combines census information on the universe of Indian firms with geo-referenced data on SEZs, we find that the establishment of SEZs increased local manufacturing and service employment, with positive spillovers up to 10 km from the SEZ area. The analysis shows that the gains in manufacturing and service employment were accompanied by a decline in agricultural labor, especially for women, suggesting that the policy contributed to structural change. In further analysis, we document that significant local employment effects occur across different types of SEZs: privately and publicly run zones, and SEZs with different industry designations.
本文量化了 2005 年至 2013 年在印度建立的经济特区对当地经济的影响。我们使用了一个新颖的数据集,该数据集将印度企业总体的人口普查信息与经济特区的地理参照数据相结合,发现经济特区的建立增加了当地制造业和服务业的就业,并在距离经济特区区域 10 公里的范围内产生了正溢出效应。分析表明,在制造业和服务业就业增加的同时,农业劳动力,尤其是妇女的农业劳动力减少,这表明该政策促进了结构变化。在进一步分析中,我们发现不同类型的经济特区都会对当地就业产生重大影响:私营和公营经济特区,以及不同行业的经济特区。
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引用次数: 0
The scale and nature of neighborhood effects on children 邻里关系对儿童影响的规模和性质
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-11-25 DOI: 10.1016/j.jpubeco.2024.105260
Stephen B. Billings , Mark Hoekstra , Gabriel Pons Rotger
Research documents a causal impact of place on children’s long-run outcomes. However, little is known about the scale at which neighborhood effects operate, and thus what it is about neighborhoods that matters. By using the quasi-random assignment of public housing along with administrative data from Denmark, we get inside the “black box” of neighborhood effects by defining neighborhoods using various characteristics and scales. Results indicate effects on education and earnings are large but local, while effects on drug possession operate on a broader scale. Additionally, unemployment and education are better predictors of outcomes than neighborhood income.
有研究表明,居住地对儿童的长期结果具有因果影响。然而,人们对邻里效应的影响范围知之甚少,因此也就不知道邻里关系的重要性。通过使用公共住房的准随机分配和丹麦的行政数据,我们利用各种特征和规模来定义邻里关系,从而进入邻里效应的 "黑箱"。结果表明,对教育和收入的影响是巨大的,但却是局部的,而对毒品持有量的影响则是更广泛的。此外,失业和教育比邻里收入更能预测结果。
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引用次数: 0
The effects of lump-sum food benefits during the COVID-19 pandemic on spending, hardship, and health 在 COVID-19 大流行期间一次性总付食品补贴对支出、困难和健康的影响
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-11-22 DOI: 10.1016/j.jpubeco.2024.105269
Lauren Bauer , Krista Ruffini , Diane Whitmore Schanzenbach
This paper examines how providing families with lump-sum in-kind assistance during the pandemic affected food hardship, economic well-being, and maternal health. We study the introduction of a new program, P-EBT, that provided grocery vouchers worth approximately $300 per student during spring and summer 2020. Using cross-state variation in program timing, we find that families spent $18–42 per student per week in the 6 weeks after benefit receipt. Household food insufficiency and children’s food insecurity among low-income families declined by 27–49 % in the month following receipt, and maternal mental health improved by 0.9 standard deviation.
本文研究了在大流行病期间向家庭提供一次性实物援助对食物困难、经济福利和孕产妇健康的影响。我们研究了一项新计划 P-EBT 的实施情况,该计划在 2020 年春季和夏季为每个学生提供价值约 300 美元的食品券。利用计划时间的跨州差异,我们发现在领取福利后的 6 周内,每个学生每周的家庭支出为 18-42 美元。在领取后的一个月内,低收入家庭的食物不足率和儿童的食物不安全率下降了 27-49%,产妇的心理健康状况改善了 0.9 个标准差。
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引用次数: 0
Misperceived effectiveness and the demand for psychotherapy 对疗效的误解和对心理治疗的需求
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-11-20 DOI: 10.1016/j.jpubeco.2024.105254
Christopher Roth , Peter Schwardmann , Egon Tripodi
While psychotherapy has been shown to be effective in treating depression, take-up remains low. In a sample of 1843 depressed individuals, we document that effectiveness concerns are top of mind when respondents consider the value of therapy. We then show that the average respondent underestimates the effectiveness of therapy. An information treatment correcting this misperception increases participants’ incentivized willingness to pay for a $320 therapy from $166 to $176. Our evidence suggests that while information can influence therapy demand by altering beliefs and shifting attention, it may not significantly increase demand unless substantial subsidies are provided.
虽然心理治疗已被证明对治疗抑郁症有效,但接受治疗的人数仍然很少。在对 1843 名抑郁症患者的抽样调查中,我们发现受访者在考虑治疗价值时,最关心的是治疗效果。我们随后表明,受访者平均低估了治疗的有效性。为纠正这种错误认识而采取的信息处理方法使受访者为 320 美元的治疗支付的激励意愿从 166 美元增加到 176 美元。我们的证据表明,尽管信息可以通过改变信念和转移注意力来影响治疗需求,但除非提供大量补贴,否则它可能不会显著增加需求。
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引用次数: 0
Who truly bears (bank) taxes? Evidence from only shifting statutory incidence 谁真正承担了(银行)税收?仅转移法定发生率的证据
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-11-16 DOI: 10.1016/j.jpubeco.2024.105173
Gabriel Jiménez , David Martinez-Miera , José-Luis Peydró
We analyze the effects of only shifting the statutory incidence of taxes by exploiting: (i) a mortgage tax shift from being levied on borrowers to being levied on banks, without tax rate changes; (ii) some areas –for historical reasons– being tax-exempt (or having different tax rates); and (iii) administrative data. After the shift, the average mortgage rate increases, less for households with more banking opportunities or with higher income. The tax pass-through is nonexistent for high-income households, but complete for low-income households. Consistently, banks’ risk-taking increases, especially by more policy-affected banks. Results are consistent with a model in which all borrowers have tax saliency issues and differ in their bargaining power vis-à-vis the lender. Overall, the evidence is inconsistent with the irrelevance of statutory incidence and suggests unintended consequences on inequality and banks’ risk-taking.
我们分析了只改变法定税率的影响,方法是:(i) 在不改变税率的情况下,将抵押贷款税从向借款人征收改为向银行征收;(ii) 由于历史原因,某些地区免税(或税率不同);(iii) 利用行政数据。转变后,平均抵押贷款利率上升,但银行业务机会较多或收入较高的家庭上升幅度较小。高收入家庭不存在税收转嫁,而低收入家庭则完全存在税收转嫁。同样,银行的风险承担增加,尤其是受政策影响较大的银行。结果与所有借款人都存在税务突出问题且与贷款人的讨价还价能力不同的模型一致。总体而言,这些证据与法定发生率无关的观点不一致,并表明了对不平等和银行风险承担的意外后果。
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引用次数: 0
From viewers to voters: Tracing Fox News’ impact on American democracy 从观众到选民:追溯福克斯新闻对美国民主的影响
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-11-08 DOI: 10.1016/j.jpubeco.2024.105256
Elliott Ash , Sergio Galletta , Matteo Pinna , Christopher S. Warshaw
This paper provides a comprehensive assessment of the effect of Fox News Channel (FNC) on the mass public’s political preferences and voting behavior in the United States from 2000 to 2020. We show that FNC has shifted the ideology and partisan identity of Americans rightward. This shift has helped Republican candidates in elections across levels of U.S. government over the past decade. Our estimates suggests that an increase of 0.05 rating points in Fox News viewership, induced by exogenous changes in channel placement, has increased Republican vote shares by at least 0.5 percentage points in recent presidential, Senate, House, and gubernatorial elections. Our findings have broad implications for political behavior, elections, and the political process in the United States.
本文全面评估了 2000 年至 2020 年福克斯新闻频道(FNC)对美国大众政治偏好和投票行为的影响。我们表明,FNC 使美国人的意识形态和党派认同向右转移。在过去十年中,这种转变有助于共和党候选人在美国各级政府选举中胜出。我们的估计结果表明,在最近的总统、参议院、众议院和州长选举中,福克斯新闻收视率每增加 0.05 个收视点,共和党的得票率就会增加至少 0.5 个百分点。我们的研究结果对美国的政治行为、选举和政治进程具有广泛的影响。
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引用次数: 0
All is not lost: Organized crime and social capital formation 一切并没有失去:有组织犯罪与社会资本的形成
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-11-07 DOI: 10.1016/j.jpubeco.2024.105257
Paolo Buonanno , Irene Ferrari , Alessandro Saia
We investigate how institutional quality influences social capital by exploiting a policy designed to fight organized crime in Italy: the dismissal of city councils following criminal infiltration into local governments. To measure social capital, we employ a novel, fine-grained indicator based on Italy’s 5 per Mille provision, which allows taxpayers to allocate a portion of their income tax to non-profit organizations. Using a difference-in-differences strategy, we find that city council dismissals lead to a significant increase in social capital. We document that the perceived strengthening of law enforcement is the primary mechanism through which city council dismissals enhance social capital.
我们利用意大利一项旨在打击有组织犯罪的政策--在犯罪分子渗入地方政府后罢免市议会--来研究制度质量如何影响社会资本。为了衡量社会资本,我们采用了一种基于意大利 "5 per Mille "条款的新颖、精细的指标,该条款允许纳税人将所得税的一部分分配给非营利组织。利用差分策略,我们发现市议会罢免会导致社会资本显著增加。我们发现,人们认为执法力度的加强是市议会罢免提高社会资本的主要机制。
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引用次数: 0
Targeted regulation for reducing high-ozone events 减少高臭氧事件的针对性监管
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-11-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.jpubeco.2024.105252
Christopher Holt , Joshua Linn
Nitrogen oxides (NOx) are a precursor to ground-level ozone, a pernicious pollutant that is harmful to human health and ecosystems. Despite decades of regulations and a precipitous decline in NOx emissions, episodic high-ozone events prevent many areas from attaining air quality standards. Theoretically, spatially or temporally differentiated emissions prices could be more cost effective at reducing such events than a uniform price. To test this prediction, with data from EPA and NOAA spanning 2001–2019, we use novel empirical strategies to estimate (1) the link between hourly emissions and high-ozone events and (2) hourly marginal abatement costs. These estimates form the basis for simulations that compare uniform and differentiated emissions pricing. Consistent with economic theory, differentiated pricing is substantially more cost effective at reducing high-ozone events, though this advantage depends on the accuracy of the estimated NOx–ozone relationship. A daytime-only emissions price can achieve the same ozone-event reductions as a uniform emissions price at 42 percent lower cost; an emissions price that varies by power plant and hour of the day can achieve the same reductions at 88 percent lower cost.
氮氧化物(NOx)是地面臭氧的前体,是一种对人类健康和生态系统有害的有毒污染物。尽管制定了数十年的法规,氮氧化物排放量也急剧下降,但偶发的高臭氧事件仍使许多地区无法达到空气质量标准。从理论上讲,与统一价格相比,按空间或时间区分的排放价格在减少此类事件方面更具成本效益。为了验证这一预测,我们利用美国环保署和国家海洋和大气管理局 2001-2019 年的数据,采用新颖的经验策略来估算:(1)每小时排放量与高臭氧事件之间的联系;(2)每小时边际减排成本。这些估算为比较统一排放定价和差别排放定价的模拟奠定了基础。与经济理论相一致,差别定价在减少高臭氧事件方面的成本效益要高得多,尽管这种优势取决于氮氧化物与臭氧关系估计的准确性。与统一排放价格相比,仅在一天内制定排放价格可实现相同的臭氧事件减排量,但成本要低 42%;按发电厂和一天中的不同时段制定排放价格可实现相同的减排量,但成本要低 88%。
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引用次数: 0
Income shocks, political support and voting behaviour 收入冲击、政治支持和投票行为
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-11-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.jpubeco.2024.105253
Richard Upward , Peter W. Wright
We provide new evidence on the effects of economic shocks on political support, voting behaviour and political opinions over the last 25 years in the UK. We exploit a sudden, large and long-lasting shock in the form of job loss and trace out its impact on individual political outcomes for up to 10 years after the event. The availability of detailed information on individuals before and after the job loss event allows us to reweight a comparison group to closely mimic the job losers in terms of their observable characteristics, pre-existing political support and voting behaviour. We find consistent and long-lasting effects on support and votes for the incumbent party, and shorter-lived effects on political engagement. We find limited impact on the support for fringe or populist parties. In the context of Brexit, opposition to the EU was much higher amongst those who lost their jobs, but this was largely due to pre-existing differences which were not exacerbated by the job loss event itself.
我们就英国过去 25 年中经济冲击对政治支持、投票行为和政治观点的影响提供了新的证据。我们利用失业这一突发性、巨大且持续时间长的冲击,追踪其对个人政治结果的影响,时间跨度长达事件发生后的 10 年。由于掌握了失业事件前后个人的详细信息,我们可以对比较组进行重新加权,使其在可观察到的特征、原有政治支持和投票行为方面与失业者接近。我们发现,失业事件对在任政党的支持率和选票产生了持续且长久的影响,而对政治参与度的影响则持续时间较短。我们发现对边缘党派或民粹主义党派的支持影响有限。在英国脱欧的背景下,失业者中反对欧盟的比例要高得多,但这在很大程度上是由于之前存在的差异造成的,而失业事件本身并没有加剧这种差异。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Public Economics
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