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How fiscally autonomous are local governments? An empirical test 地方政府的财政自主程度如何?实证检验
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-08-27 DOI: 10.1016/j.jpubeco.2024.105210
Nicola Mauri

How freely can local jurisdictions change their taxes and spending? I propose an empirical test of the effective degree of municipal fiscal autonomy by studying fiscal adjustments to a permanent exogenous revenue shift. Based on a tax competition model where jurisdictions are partially expenditure constrained, I derive a testable prediction: tax cuts from a small positive revenue shock will be larger (smaller) with higher perceived tax base mobility, if the local policymaker is strongly (weakly) fiscally constrained. I apply this test using a revenue shock generated by a reform in an inter-municipal transfer system within a Swiss canton. tax base mobility is proxied by the availability of zoned land reserves. I find that higher residential land availability is associated with stronger tax rate responses, but I find no statistically significant results for industrial land reserves. In light of the theory, this suggests that the effective degree of fiscal autonomy of local jurisdictions is low. Usual indicators of fiscal decentralization based on public accounts might overestimate the actual autonomy of local governments.

地方辖区能在多大程度上自由改变税收和支出?通过研究对永久性外生收入转移的财政调整,我提出了对市政财政自治有效程度的实证检验。基于一个税收竞争模型,在该模型中,辖区受到部分支出约束,我得出了一个可检验的预测:如果地方决策者受到较强(较弱)的财政约束,那么在税基流动性较高的情况下,小幅正收入冲击带来的减税幅度会更大(更小)。我利用瑞士某州的市际转移支付系统改革所产生的收入冲击进行了这一检验。税基流动性是以分区土地储备的可用性来表示的。我发现,较高的住宅用地可用性与较强的税率反应相关,但我发现工业用地储备在统计上没有显著结果。从理论上讲,这表明地方辖区的有效财政自治程度较低。基于公共账户的常规财政分权指标可能会高估地方政府的实际自主权。
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引用次数: 0
Sophistication about self-control 自我控制的复杂性
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-08-21 DOI: 10.1016/j.jpubeco.2024.105196
Deborah A. Cobb-Clark , Sarah C. Dahmann , Daniel A. Kamhöfer , Hannah Schildberg-Hörisch

We use information on people’s ideal, predicted, and realized body weight to classify them as time-consistent versus naïve, and partially or fully sophisticated regarding their self-control limitations. Operationalizing this approach in population-representative data reveals that self-control problems are pervasive and that most people are at least partly aware of their limited self-control. Compared to naïfs, sophisticates have higher IQs, better educated parents, and are more likely to use potential commitment devices. Despite their self-control problems, sophisticated individuals make similar choices as time-consistent individuals when those choices involve immediate costs and later benefits. An increased awareness of one’s own self-control limitations may thus help in reducing their adverse consequences.

我们利用人们的理想体重、预测体重和实际体重等信息,将他们分为时间一致型和天真型,以及部分或完全成熟的自我控制限制型。在具有人口代表性的数据中对这一方法进行操作后发现,自我控制问题非常普遍,大多数人至少部分意识到了自己有限的自我控制能力。与幼稚的人相比,成熟的人智商更高,父母受过更好的教育,而且更有可能使用潜在的承诺工具。尽管他们存在自控力问题,但当选择涉及眼前的成本和日后的收益时,老练的人做出的选择与有时间一致性的人相似。因此,提高对自身自我控制局限性的认识可能有助于减少其不利后果。
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引用次数: 0
The division of parental leave: Empirical evidence and policy design 育儿假的划分:经验证据和政策设计
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-08-21 DOI: 10.1016/j.jpubeco.2024.105202
Thomas Høgholm Jørgensen, Jakob Egholt Søgaard

We study several key aspects of the design of parental leave systems. First, we estimate parents’ willingness to pay for parental leave using Danish administrative data on the division of leave from almost 190,000 births combined with sharp variation in economic incentives created by the parental leave benefit system. We find evidence of both strong behavioral responses with significant bunching at kink points and a willingness to pay for a gender-traditional allocation of leave, where fathers take little or no leave. Second, we provide a menu of counterfactual policy simulations showing substantial interaction effects between earmarked leave, replacement rates and the duration of leave benefits. Relevant for the implementation of a recent EU directive, a higher replacement rate significantly increases the behavioral response of fathers to earmarked leave. Finally, we discuss the welfare effects of different policies aimed at increasing the parental leave of fathers.

我们研究了育儿假制度设计的几个关键方面。首先,我们利用丹麦近 19 万新生儿假期分配的行政数据,结合育儿假福利制度所产生的经济激励机制的剧烈变化,估算了父母为育儿假付费的意愿。我们发现,有证据表明,行为反应强烈,在拐点处有明显的串联,而且愿意为性别传统的假期分配付费,即父亲很少休假或不休假。其次,我们提供了一个反事实政策模拟菜单,显示了指定假期、替代率和假期福利持续时间之间的巨大互动效应。与最近欧盟指令的实施相关,更高的替代率会显著增加父亲对指定假期的行为反应。最后,我们讨论了旨在增加父亲育儿假的不同政策的福利效应。
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引用次数: 0
The intergenerational (Im)mobility of immigrants 移民的代际(非)流动性
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-08-20 DOI: 10.1016/j.jpubeco.2024.105204
Pascal Achard

This paper studies the influence of pre-migration social background on the long-term economic assimilation of immigrants. I use unique French survey data to trace family histories over three generations, before and after migration. While many immigrants experience an occupational downgrading at migration, their children benefit from various characteristics associated with the high socio-economic status their family had in the origin country. As a result, characteristics of immigrant grandparents are highly predictive of their grandchildren’s educational attainment.

本文研究了移民前的社会背景对移民长期经济同化的影响。我利用法国独特的调查数据,追溯了移民前后三代人的家庭历史。虽然许多移民在移民时经历了职业降级,但他们的子女却受益于与他们的家庭在原籍国的高社会经济地位相关的各种特征。因此,移民祖父母的特征对其孙辈的教育程度具有很高的预测性。
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引用次数: 0
How do parole boards respond to large, societal shocks? Evidence from the 9/11 terrorist attacks 假释委员会如何应对巨大的社会冲击?来自 9/11 恐怖袭击的证据
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-08-14 DOI: 10.1016/j.jpubeco.2024.105206
Brendon McConnell , Kegon Teng Kok Tan , Mariyana Zapryanova

We provide the first evidence of the impact of 9/11 on outcomes for Muslims in the US criminal justice system. We focus on parole outcomes of Black Muslim men in the state of Georgia, and find large post-9/11 declines in the likelihood of being granted parole and a subsequent 23% relative increase in prison time for Muslim inmates. These impacts persisted for several years after 9/11 and were larger for inmates with higher levels of recidivism risk. We argue that these effects reflect unwarranted disparities driven by the decision-making of parole board members post-9/11.

我们首次提供了 9/11 事件对美国刑事司法系统中穆斯林结果影响的证据。我们重点研究了佐治亚州黑人穆斯林男子的假释结果,发现 9/11 事件后穆斯林囚犯获得假释的可能性大幅下降,随后入狱时间相对增加了 23%。这些影响在 "9-11 "事件后持续了数年之久,而且对累犯风险较高的囚犯影响更大。我们认为,这些影响反映了 9/11 事件后假释委员会成员的决策所导致的不必要的差异。
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引用次数: 0
Softening the blow: Job retention schemes in the pandemic 减轻打击:大流行病中的工作保留计划
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-08-14 DOI: 10.1016/j.jpubeco.2024.105198
Jolan Mohimont , Maite de Sola Perea , Marie-Denise Zachary

We evaluate the welfare effects of the temporary job retention schemes (JRS) implemented in response to the COVID-19 pandemic in a DSGE model with incomplete insurance and heterogeneous agents calibrated to the euro area. JRS have large favorable welfare effects and benefit all households when they are well targeted at potentially viable jobs at risk of being lost. These gains are particularly strong for liquid-asset-poor households, especially for those that are also unemployed or on furlough. The job protection component of JRS explains almost all the welfare gains they deliver, while their high level of generosity plays a minor role and has ambiguous net aggregate welfare effects. We also discuss the conditions that make JRS valuable and show that they can cause a decrease in welfare when they subsidize too many safe jobs; when they are targeted at non-viable jobs that will inevitably be lost once schemes end; and when implemented in economies where labor market frictions are low.

我们在一个具有不完全保险和异质代理的 DSGE 模型中,评估了为应对 COVID-19 大流行而实施的临时保留工作计划(JRS)的福利效应,该模型以欧元区为校准对象。临时保留计划具有巨大的有利福利效应,如果能很好地针对面临失业风险的潜在可行工作,所有家庭都能从中受益。对于流动资产匮乏的家庭来说,这些收益尤其显著,特别是对于那些同时失业或休假的家庭。联合救济战略的就业保护部分几乎可以解释其带来的所有福利收益,而其高度的慷慨性则作用不大,其总体福利净效应也不明确。我们还讨论了使联合救济计划具有价值的条件,并表明当联合救济计划补贴过多的安全工作岗位时,当联合救济计划针对的是计划结束后将不可避免地失去的非可行工作岗位时,以及当联合救济计划在劳动力市场摩擦较低的经济体中实施时,它们可能会导致福利的减少。
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引用次数: 0
Rounded Up: Using round numbers to identify tax evasion 四舍五入:利用四舍五入数字识别逃税行为
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-08-13 DOI: 10.1016/j.jpubeco.2024.105195
Robert Breunig , Nathan Deutscher , Steven Hamilton

Australian taxpayers display a clear preference for round numbers for end-of-year tax refunds, bunching at positive and salient thresholds such as the tens, hundreds and thousands. Bunching appears to be driven by tax evasion. Data from audited returns shows that bunching is present in returns before audit, but does not persist post-audit. Tax preparers play an important role, being twice as likely to deliver positive round-number refunds as individuals who file their own tax returns. Preparers with greater propensity to bunch deliver larger refunds by lifting deductions and lowering reported income for return items where audits are costly. This highlights how bunching behaviors can help identify tax evasion, including tax preparers who facilitate it and the tax return items which are manipulated.

澳大利亚纳税人在年终退税时明显偏好四舍五入的数字,在正数和突出的临界值(如几十、几百和几千)上进行捆绑。扎堆现象似乎是由逃税驱动的。来自审计报表的数据显示,扎堆现象存在于审计前的报表中,但在审计后并不持续。报税员扮演着重要角色,他们提供正整数退税的可能性是自己报税的两倍。对于审计成本较高的报税项目,报税人有更高的扎堆倾向,他们通过取消扣除项目和降低申报收入来提供更多的退税。这凸显了扎堆行为如何有助于识别逃税行为,包括协助逃税的报税人和被操纵的报税项目。
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引用次数: 0
Estimating intergenerational health transmission in Taiwan with administrative health records 利用行政健康记录估算台湾的代际健康传播
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-08-12 DOI: 10.1016/j.jpubeco.2024.105194
Harrison Chang , Timothy J. Halliday , Ming-Jen Lin , Bhashkar Mazumder

We use population-wide administrative health records from Taiwan to estimate intergenerational persistence in health, providing the first estimates for a middle-income country. We measure latent health by applying principal components analysis to a set of indicators for 13 broad ICD categories and quintiles of visits to a general practitioner. We find that the rank–rank slope in health between adult children and their parents is 0.22 which is broadly in line with results from other countries. Maternal transmission is stronger than paternal transmission and sons have higher persistence than daughters. Persistence is also higher at the upper tail of the parent health distribution. Persistence is lower when complete data on outpatient care is unavailable. Health transmission is almost entirely unrelated to household income levels in Taiwan. We also find that there are small geographic differences in absolute health mobility across townships and that these are modestly correlated with area-level income and doctor availability.

我们利用台湾的全民健康管理记录来估算健康的代际持续性,首次为中等收入国家提供了估算结果。我们对 13 大类 ICD 指标和全科医生就诊五分位数进行了主成分分析,从而测算出潜在的健康状况。我们发现,成年子女与其父母之间的健康状况等级斜率为 0.22,这与其他国家的结果基本一致。母系遗传比父系遗传更强,儿子的持续性比女儿高。在父母健康分布的上端,持续性也更高。当没有完整的门诊数据时,持续性较低。在台湾,健康传播几乎完全与家庭收入水平无关。我们还发现,各乡镇之间的绝对健康流动性存在微小的地域差异,这些差异与地区收入和医生的可用性略有相关。
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引用次数: 0
No country for young people? The rise of anti-immigration politics in ageing societies 没有年轻人的国家?老龄化社会中反移民政治的兴起
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-08-12 DOI: 10.1016/j.jpubeco.2024.105199
Valerio Dotti

We investigate the effects of population ageing on immigration policies using a citizen-candidate model of elections. In each period, young people work and pay taxes while old people receive social security payments. Immigrants are all young, meaning they contribute significantly to financing the cost of public services and social security. Among natives, the elderly and the poor benefit the most from public spending. However, since these two types of voters do not internalise the positive fiscal effects of immigration, they have a common interest in supporting candidates who seek to curb immigration and increase the tax burden on high-income individuals. Population ageing increases the size and, in turn, the political power of such sociodemographic groups, resulting in more restrictive immigration policies, a larger public sector, higher tax rates, and lower societal well-being. Calibrating the model to UK data suggests that the magnitude of these effects is large. The implications of this model are shown to be consistent with the patterns observed in UK attitudinal data.

我们使用公民-候选人选举模型来研究人口老龄化对移民政策的影响。在每个时期,年轻人工作并纳税,而老年人则领取社会保障金。移民都很年轻,这意味着他们为公共服务和社会保障的成本做出了巨大贡献。在本地人中,老年人和穷人从公共支出中受益最多。然而,由于这两类选民并没有意识到移民对财政的积极影响,因此他们的共同利益是支持那些试图遏制移民并增加高收入人群税收负担的候选人。人口老龄化增加了这类社会人口群体的规模,反过来也增加了他们的政治权力,从而导致更严格的移民政策、更庞大的公共部门、更高的税率和更低的社会福利。根据英国数据对模型进行校准后发现,这些影响的幅度很大。该模型的含义与英国态度数据中观察到的模式一致。
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引用次数: 0
The safety net and job loss: How much insurance do public programs provide? 安全网和失业:公共计划能提供多少保险?
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-08-09 DOI: 10.1016/j.jpubeco.2024.105171
Chloe N. East , David Simon

We comprehensively evaluate the role of the U.S. safety net in replacing displaced workers’ lost income and health insurance using the 1996–2013 Survey of Income and Program Participation. Cash and near-cash programs replace 32% of lost income on average over the two years following job loss and reduce the likelihood of experiencing poverty by 18 percentage points. 97% of transfer benefits paid in these two years come from Unemployment Insurance. Two years after job loss, the replacement rate is 28%, but this is largely driven by UI benefit extensions unique to the Great Recession. Public health insurance makes up for 17% of the loss in private insurance, but, even two years later, rates of uninsurance are higher than pre-job loss. Looking at heterogeneous effects, in general, the safety net is progressive, though we uncover important gaps in benefits for some disadvantaged groups.

我们利用《1996-2013 年收入与计划参与调查》全面评估了美国安全网在弥补失业工人收入和医疗保险损失方面的作用。在失业后的两年内,现金和近乎现金的项目平均替代了 32% 的收入损失,并将陷入贫困的可能性降低了 18 个百分点。这两年支付的转移福利中有 97% 来自失业保险。失业两年后,替代率为 28%,但这主要是由于大衰退期间失业保险福利延长所致。公共医疗保险弥补了私人保险损失的 17%,但即使在两年后,未投保率也高于失业前。从异质性效应来看,总体而言,安全网是渐进的,尽管我们发现了一些弱势群体在福利方面的重大差距。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Public Economics
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