This study identifies subtypes of families with varying levels of economic and relational resilience during the pandemic and evaluates the factors associated with these subtypes in Singapore.
Despite mounting evidence on the detrimental impact of the pandemic on family well-being, we examine how resources at different levels may enhance family resilience.
A sample of 2818 households was extracted from two waves of the Singapore Longitudinal Early Development Study (SG-LEADS). Latent class analysis was conducted to classify subgroups of families. Multinomial logistic regression was applied to examine the association between the subgroup membership and multilevel factors including mother's self-efficacy, family socioeconomic status, quality of family time, mother's work-life conflict, partner cooperation, neighborhood environment, and government and community support.
We identified six distinct groups of families: “economically and relationally fragile” (4%), “economically struggling but relationally improved” (11%), “economically struggling but relationally stable” (14%), “economically secure and relationally stable” (28%), “economically secure but relationally deteriorating” (11%) and “economically secure and relationally strengthened” (31%). Families with higher socioeconomic status tend to show economic resilience. Families with mothers exhibiting higher self-efficacy and lower work-life conflict, coupled with quality family time, better neighborhood, greater government and community support, are more relationally resilient.
The study provides a nuanced picture of family dynamics under a global crisis, highlighting the multilevel resources that are correlated with family resilience.
This article aims to compare adult sibling ties of stepsiblings to the ties of full and half-siblings in divorced families, widowed families, and single-parent families.
Siblings are one of the most stable sources of attachment and companionship over the life course and function as important providers of practical and emotional support when going through important life transitions. Due to a steep rise in divorce over the past decades and accompanied increases in remarriage and multipartner fertility, many adults nowadays not only have full siblings, but also half-siblings and stepsiblings.
Using a new module on adult sibling relationships and random- and fixed-effects modeling (OKiN, N = 4506 dyads nested in N = 1742 respondents), we examine the quality of full, half, and stepsibling ties in adulthood and test the main mechanisms driving a potential stepgap in sibling ties: (1) the (absence) of a shared genetic relatedness and (2) the amount of time shared in the same parental household.
The weaker bonds adults, on average, have with their stepsiblings compared to their biological (full and half) siblings are largely explained by the shorter period of time they have lived together during childhood. Nevertheless, a substantial gap remains.
Our results confirm that a stepgap in sibling closeness, contact, and support is visible, but substantially reduced once shared time is considered.
This article tracks changes in stories of parental authority in Norway from a youth perspective, comparing how three generations talked about their own relationships with their parents while growing up.
Previous research has described contemporary youth–parent relationships as being characterized by both diminution of parental authority, due to a democratization of family life, and by more covert forms of parental control. In addition to shedding light on generational differences in youths' perspectives on parental authority, the analysis reveals important nuances with regard to the ambiguous dynamics of power in contemporary youth–parent relationships.
Through a narrative analysis of the stories of 67 participants, the article maps out how the three generations talked about different ways of “doing authority,” connoting how parental authority was relationally constructed and normatively anchored in their stories.
Although the successive democratization of the youth–parent relationship is visible across the three generations, this democratization does not entail a corresponding loss in parental authority.
The normative sources by which youth legitimize parental authority have changed to include ideals of the equal and close parent who is deserving of respect and hence retains an emotional authority.
Scholars agree that understanding of family is incomplete without attention to context. Research and theory establish that neighborhoods are a proximal context for family life. However, research on the connections between neighborhoods and family processes remains limited in several ways. The overarching goal of this paper is to advance on existing knowledge of neighborhoods and families to elucidate key issues for future research. This paper begins with a brief review of existing theory and research on the connections between neighborhoods and families. Building on prior work, this paper then introduces a set of conceptually and methodologically driven questions that address limitations in: (1) how neighborhood qualities, as they relate to family wellbeing, are currently defined and measured, (2) how neighborhood effects are transmitted and if there are mutual influences between neighborhood and family processes, and (3) how transmission between neighborhoods and families varies according to sociocultural characteristics. These questions outline initial steps in clarifying and synthesizing previous conceptualizations and empirical study of neighborhoods and family dynamics. In addition, these ideas bring attention to understudied factors in research on neighborhoods and families and offer suggestions for future investigations.
With needed and growing attention to sexual minorities and unmarried individuals, there is a need to consider how best to capture relationships and relationship organization in family studies.
Traditional measures of marital status are commonly used to examine differences in relationships and socioeconomic outcomes, but they do not adequately capture the diversity of relationship experiences and leave certain types of relationship experiences invisible.
This article examines the inclusion of a relationship measure in the American Marriage Survey, a national probability-based sample of 2806 adults in the United States, to provide a more diverse and expansive perspective on relationships and relationship organization. While there is a great deal of overlap between those who are married or cohabiting (marital status) and those who are in an exclusive relationship (relationship status), there is also potential for variation in what kinds of relationships, if any, people are in.
We find that the relationship measure is particularly useful in showing that a majority of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and pansexual individuals are in an exclusive relationship and also that gender and sexual minorities are more likely than cisgender and heterosexual individuals to be in consensual nonmonogamous relationships. This article also provides direction on re-coding open text responses from the relationship status measure.
We conclude that a relationship status measure allows for greater inclusivity and visibility of sexual minorities and unmarried persons, including but not limited to queer individuals, families, and communities, as well as consensual nonmonogamous relationships.
This article examines how gendered lived experiences—the constellation of women's quotidian, on-the-ground encounters and perceptions of gender inequality—shape highly educated women's sex preference attitudes in contemporary urban China.
Recent theoretical developments highlight women's experiences and views of gender (in)equity as powerful forces that drive their fertility aspirations and behavior. Yet, extant research on sex preference has overwhelmingly focused on features of the patrilineal family institution and overlooked the role of gendered lived experiences.
This study adopts a mixed-methods approach, combining six waves of the nationally representative China General Social Survey (2010–2018) and 70 in-depth interviews.
Quantitative analysis found that compared to those with exclusive daughter preference, highly educated urban Chinese women who exclusively desired sons held similarly egalitarian views on gender. Qualitative analysis further demonstrated that invoking lived experiences of gender injustice, these women framed their son preference attitudes as “a mother's duty” of wanting to shield their children from gendered hardship. They viewed raising daughters amidst pervasive gender discriminations as emotionally taxing hard work. Meanwhile, such preference aligned with entrenched familial expectations that demanded male offspring, thereby holding behavioral implications for second-birth outcomes.
This study uncovers previously obscured reasonings—beyond the outright devaluation of girls—that undergird highly educated urban Chinese women's son preference attitudes.
By unpacking how gendered lived experiences underpin the nuanced reasonings behind some highly educated urban Chinese women's son preference attitudes and the behavioral implications, this article joins the theoretical conversation that considers how gender egalitarians may perpetuate gender unequal outcomes.
The growth in gray divorce raises new questions about the marital dissolution process experienced by older adults. Our goal was to assess patterns of reconciliation among couples following marital separation, treating forming a union with a new partner as a competing risk.
Repartnering after a gray divorce is common, particularly among men. However, the extent to which older adults reconcile with their spouses is unknown. In line with the few prior studies on marital reconciliation among younger people, we anticipated that spouses with fewer resources and more marital-specific capital would be more likely to reconcile.
Using the 1998–2018 Health and Retirement Study, we tracked women and men who experienced a marital separation after age 50 to evaluate their propensities to reconcile with their spouse versus form a coresidential union (i.e., cohabitation or remarriage) with a new partner relative to remaining separated.
Roughly 7% of women and 11% of men reconciled with their spouses, whereas 12% of women and 26% of men instead formed unions with a new partner within 10 years of marital separation. We expected that having fewer resources and greater relationship-specific investments would encourage reconciliation, but results were mixed for women and men alike. Resources did tend to be positively associated with repartnering, particularly for men.
Our study contributes to the emerging research on repartnering after late-life divorce as well as the limited literature on marital reconciliation by underscoring the utility of examining both reconciliation and repartnering as potential outcomes following marital separation.
This article builds on work–family scholarship to document racial-ethnic variation in couples' work–family arrangements, that is, how couples respond to their work and family demands.
Existing research on the division of labor finds traditional gender norms continue to dictate how couples share paid and unpaid work in the United States. Yet, this narrative relies primarily on the structural conditions and cultural expectations of white and middle-class women. Black and Hispanic women and men face different labor market opportunities and hold different cultural expectations about gendered responsibilities in families.
The authors use the 2017–2019 Panel Study of Income Dynamics (https://psidonline.isr.umich.edu) and multi-group latent-class analysis to determine typical work–family arrangements for paid work, housework, and care work among U.S. different-sex racially homogamous Black, Hispanic, and white couples, as well as how the prevalence of these arrangements vary across race-ethnicity and life-course stage.
Black, Hispanic, and white couples respond to their work–family demands through one of six work–family arrangements depending on how partners spend time in adult care, childcare, housework, and paid work. Childcare and paid work emerge as stratifying mechanisms of how couples spend their time. Specifically, racial-ethnic differences in distribution across work–family arrangement are large and greatest when couples have young children.
This article provides support for a couple-level and life-course approach to explaining how couples spend their time in work and family domains across racial-ethnic lines.
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