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The defanging effect of education and autocratic survival 教育的拔尖效应和专制生存
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-25 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107294
Raouf Boucekkine , Rodolphe Desbordes , Paolo Melindi-Ghidi
The modernisation theory of regime change is often perceived to be a murky paradigm, lacking theoretical or empirical foundations. In response, we clarify the links between education and regime change. More specifically, we propose that education contributes indirectly to the collapse of autocratic regimes because educated people engage in non-violent (civil) resistance that reduces the effectiveness of the security apparatus. We empirically test the validity of this ‘defanging effect’ of education. We indeed find that the combination of high autocracy and high education levels tends to trigger non-violent campaigns, which in turn increases the likelihood of a regime change, likely to be associated with political liberalisation.
政权更迭的现代化理论通常被认为是一种模糊的范式,缺乏理论或经验基础。作为回应,我们澄清了教育与政权更迭之间的联系。更具体地说,我们认为教育间接地促成了独裁政权的崩溃,因为受过教育的人参与非暴力(公民)抵抗,从而降低了安全机构的有效性。我们通过实证检验了教育的这种“去尖效应”的有效性。我们确实发现,高度独裁和高教育水平的结合往往会引发非暴力运动,这反过来又增加了政权更迭的可能性,这可能与政治自由化有关。
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引用次数: 0
Settlements as dispossession: Forest conservation and frontiers’ violence in Mau Forest, Kenya 作为剥夺的定居点:肯尼亚茂森林的森林保护和边境暴力
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-24 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107303
Marie Müller-Koné , Kennedy Mkutu
State-run forest conservation in the postcolony often comes with various forms of violence and dispossession of local populations. In this article we investigate how conservation policies and practices relate to intercommunal conflict among forest residents. We look at the case of evictions of forest residents and intercommunal clashes in the Mau Forest area, Kenya, in the years following 2018, in conjunction with a long-durée perspective on land conflicts in the region. While political ecology literature on “green grabbing” and “slow violence” of conservation has so far hardly addressed ‘second-order’ impacts of forest evictions on group conflicts, we find political ecology fruitful as a theoretical framework to understand the links between state evictions and intercommunal conflicts. Using archival research and qualitative interviews conducted between 2018 and 2023, combined with ACLED conflict data (1997–2022), the authors show how colonial and postcolonial land policies, including attempts to conserve or rehabilitate Mau Forest, fostered dispossession, contributing to today’s violence. Past research tends to attribute intercommunal violence in Kenya to elections or resource competition, but this article explores deeper mechanisms tied to land reforms and settlement schemes that fuel identity-based conflicts. In areas like East Mau (Nakuru) and Maasai Mau (Narok), socioecological shifts—such as agricultural expansion—, coupled with population growth and unclear forest boundaries, intensified tensions. These transformations have commodified landscapes, producing new frontiers of conflict and exclusion. The results are significant for forest conservation and climate finance projects because they show how the impacts of contemporary conservation enforcement practices combine with long-durée impacts of both “brute” and “slow” violence to fuel intercommunal conflicts.
后殖民时期的国有森林保护往往伴随着各种形式的暴力和对当地居民的剥夺。在本文中,我们调查了保护政策和实践如何与森林居民之间的社区冲突有关。我们研究了2018年之后肯尼亚茂森林地区森林居民被驱逐和族群间冲突的案例,并结合该地区土地冲突的长期视角。虽然关于“绿色掠夺”和“缓慢暴力”保护的政治生态学文献迄今为止几乎没有解决森林驱逐对群体冲突的“二阶”影响,但我们发现政治生态学作为理解国家驱逐与社区间冲突之间联系的理论框架是富有成效的。作者利用2018年至2023年间进行的档案研究和定性访谈,结合ACLED冲突数据(1997年至2022年),展示了殖民和后殖民时期的土地政策,包括保护或恢复茂森林的尝试,如何助长了剥夺,导致了今天的暴力。过去的研究倾向于将肯尼亚的种族间暴力归咎于选举或资源竞争,但本文探讨了与土地改革和定居计划有关的更深层次的机制,这些机制助长了基于身份的冲突。在东茂(纳库鲁)和马赛茂(纳罗克)等地区,社会生态的变化——比如农业扩张——加上人口增长和森林边界不明确,加剧了紧张局势。这些转变使景观商品化,产生了新的冲突和排斥边界。研究结果对森林保护和气候融资项目具有重要意义,因为它们显示了当代保护执法实践的影响如何与“野蛮”和“缓慢”暴力的长期影响相结合,从而加剧了族群间的冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Resilience of what and for whom? Climate change mitigation and adaptation in the global, Ethiopian, and Tanzanian coffee sectors 韧性是什么,为了谁?全球、埃塞俄比亚和坦桑尼亚咖啡行业的气候变化减缓和适应
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-24 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107299
Janina Grabs , Gezahegn Berecha Yadessa , Marc Castellón Durán , Adugna Eneyew Bekele , Caleb Gallemore , Weyessa Garedew Terefe , Shitaye Gure Lemessa , Marta Hailemariam Mamo , Ng’winamila Donald Kasongi , Melkamu Mamuye Kebede , Daniel Andwale Mwalutolo , Ina Niehues , Christine Noe , Stefano Ponte , Guta Regasa Megerssa , Pilly Silvano , Nestory Yamungu , Kristjan Jespersen
Rapid climate change is making climate resilience a key concern in the agricultural sector. Yet, in practice, efforts to support resilience are often vague about ultimate goals, as well as which systems and perturbations need to be considered to achieve key objectives. This article presents a multi-scalar climate resilience framework that distinguishes between resilience at the sectoral, country, community, and household scale involved in coffee production. We then apply the framework by comparing the ambitions of climate resilience approaches pursued by companies and global development agencies with strategies driven by producing country institutions and coffee farming communities. We triangulate evidence from a novel dataset documenting climate-resilience interventions in the global coffee sector with original survey, interview, and focus group discussion data from fieldwork in Tanzania and Ethiopia. We find that interventions originating in importing countries primarily focus on ensuring continued coffee production in service of sectoral resilience, and rarely foreground alternative livelihood strategies that would benefit household-level resilience. Activities led by origin countries focus on productivity and quality improvements, but rarely center on climate resilience. Farmers themselves, while strongly valuing coffee as a livelihood strategy, highlight the need for diversification and pragmatic adjustments in the face of growing climate threats. We conclude that there is a need for more farmer-centric climate change interventions that strengthen not only absorptive and adaptive, but also transformative capacities.
快速的气候变化使气候适应能力成为农业部门关注的一个关键问题。然而,在实践中,支持弹性的努力往往模糊了最终目标,以及需要考虑哪些系统和扰动来实现关键目标。本文提出了一个多尺度气候适应能力框架,该框架区分了涉及咖啡生产的部门、国家、社区和家庭规模的适应能力。然后,我们通过比较公司和全球发展机构追求的气候适应能力方法的雄心与生产国机构和咖啡种植社区推动的战略来应用该框架。我们将记录全球咖啡行业气候适应性干预措施的新数据集与坦桑尼亚和埃塞俄比亚实地调查的原始调查、访谈和焦点小组讨论数据进行三角测量。我们发现,来自进口国的干预措施主要侧重于确保持续的咖啡生产,以服务于部门的复原力,而很少提出有利于家庭层面复原力的替代生计战略。原产国主导的活动侧重于提高生产力和质量,但很少关注气候适应能力。农民们在高度重视咖啡作为一种生计战略的同时,也强调了多样化和务实调整的必要性,以应对日益严重的气候威胁。我们的结论是,需要更多以农民为中心的气候变化干预措施,不仅要加强吸收和适应能力,还要加强变革能力。
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引用次数: 0
Unemployment impact of network sectors and employment protection legislation reforms: Evidence from selected african countries 网络部门对失业的影响与就业保护立法改革:来自选定非洲国家的证据
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-23 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107304
Kwamivi Mawuli Gomado , Isaac Amedanou
This paper examines the dynamic effects of Employment Protection Legislation (EPL) reforms and Network Sector reforms on unemployment in selected African countries from 1990 to 2014. Reforms refer to changes in the EPL or Network Sector institutions index. Using local projections combined with augmented inverse probability weighting (LP–AIPW) and Entropy Balancing techniques to address endogeneity concerns, our findings show that EPL reforms reduce unemployment from the first year after their implementation, while Network Sector reforms also lower unemployment, with significant effects emerging from the second year onward. Robustness checks confirm that these results are consistent across alternative specifications, different definitions of reform episodes, and alternative labor-market outcomes such as employment and labor force participation. The heterogeneity analysis shows that both types of reforms reduce unemployment among men and young workers aged 15–24, while significant effects for women are concentrated among young female workers. Finally, we identify key transmission channels through which the reforms operate, including reductions in informality, increases in domestic investment and foreign direct investment, and short-run improvements in total factor productivity.
本文考察了1990年至2014年非洲国家就业保护立法(EPL)改革和网络部门改革对失业的动态影响。改革指的是EPL或网络部门机构指数的变化。利用结合增强逆概率加权(LP-AIPW)和熵平衡技术的局部预测来解决内生性问题,我们的研究结果表明,EPL改革在实施后的第一年就降低了失业率,而网络部门改革也降低了失业率,并在第二年以后出现了显著的效果。稳健性检验证实,这些结果在不同的规范、不同的改革时期定义和不同的劳动力市场结果(如就业和劳动力参与)中是一致的。异质性分析表明,这两种改革都降低了男性和15-24岁青年工人的失业率,而对女性的显著影响集中在年轻女性工人身上。最后,我们确定了改革运作的关键传导渠道,包括减少非正规活动,增加国内投资和外国直接投资,以及全要素生产率的短期提高。
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引用次数: 0
Policies for aspirations. And opportunities 抱负政策。和机会
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-22 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107279
Noël Muller, Anna Fruttero, Óscar Calvo-González, Jacobus de Hoop
Policy interventions designed to enhance aspirations, using strategies such as exposure to role models, are increasingly implemented to help students, women, microentrepreneurs, farmers, and poor individuals access untapped opportunities. Many of these interventions were successful, but various others failed to generate meaningful changes or even worsened beneficiaries’ situation. This paper argues that policies aimed at raising aspirations cannot be designed or assessed in isolation from the opportunities individuals face. We propose a simple framework that jointly considers aspirations (people’s life goals for education, work, social status, and more) and opportunities (the resources, markets, and support that make those goals attainable). The framework highlights four scenarios — alignment, poverty traps, aspirations traps, and frustration — and clarifies how misalignment between aspirations and opportunities can lead to underinvestment and welfare losses. We then conduct a narrative review of policy interventions that target aspirations, opportunities, or both. Interventions that deliberately combine aspiration and opportunity-enhancing components, or that target one dimension in settings where the other is credibly sufficient, are more likely to generate sustained gains in outcomes. By contrast, aspiration-only or opportunity-only interventions often show mixed or null effects and can, in some cases, increase frustration. We discuss practical lessons for policy in light of these conclusions.
越来越多地实施旨在提高愿望的政策干预措施,利用诸如接触榜样等战略,帮助学生、妇女、微型企业家、农民和贫困个人获得未开发的机会。其中许多干预措施是成功的,但其他各种干预措施未能产生有意义的变化,甚至使受益者的情况恶化。本文认为,不能脱离个人面临的机会来设计或评估旨在提高愿望的政策。我们提出了一个简单的框架,它共同考虑了愿望(人们对教育、工作、社会地位等方面的生活目标)和机会(使这些目标实现的资源、市场和支持)。该框架强调了四种情景:趋同、贫困陷阱、愿望陷阱和挫折,并阐明了愿望与机会之间的不一致如何导致投资不足和福利损失。然后,我们对针对抱负、机遇或两者兼而有之的政策干预进行叙述性回顾。有意地将愿望和增加机会的组成部分结合起来的干预措施,或者在另一个方面确实足够的情况下以一个方面为目标的干预措施,更有可能产生持续的成果。相比之下,只有抱负或只有机会的干预往往表现出混合或无效的效果,在某些情况下,可能会增加挫败感。我们将根据这些结论讨论政策的实际教训。
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引用次数: 0
The dual role of small-scale fisheries on food security and poverty eradication in Vietnam: A latent profile analysis 越南小规模渔业对粮食安全和消除贫困的双重作用:潜在剖面分析
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-17 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107300
Quach Thi Khanh Ngoc , Bui Bich Xuan , Pham Khanh Nam
Small-scale fisheries are crucial for supporting the welfare of coastal communities. Nonetheless, in Vietnam prolonged overexploitation and inadequate management have led small-scale fisheries into an uncertain future, leaving fishing households vulnerable to poverty and food insecurity. This study examines the role of small-scale fisheries in Vietnam in promoting food security and alleviating poverty within fishing households. Utilizing latent profile analysis, we categorize fishing households based on dimensions of poverty and food insecurity as well as explore the potential of fisheries management measures in eradicating poverty and improving food security. Our findings reveal that, small-scale fisheries in Vietnam have significantly contributed to the well-being of fishing households, enhancing both income and food security. However, we identify two distinct groups of fishers. One group, representing 65 percent of households in our sample, is characterized by higher incomes and greater food security, is denoted in the study as “protected households”. The second group, comprising 35 percent of our sample, faces challenges in both dimensions, and is denoted as “vulnerable households”. Protected households are more likely to be located in areas where access limitations are enforced, often accompanied by livelihood enhancement opportunities. These results suggest that future policies for small-scale fisheries could benefit from developing synergies among various interventions targeting the conservation of fisheries resources, poverty alleviation, and food security.
小规模渔业对支持沿海社区的福利至关重要。然而,在越南,长期的过度开发和管理不足导致小规模渔业的未来不确定,使渔民家庭容易遭受贫困和粮食不安全。本研究考察了越南小规模渔业在促进粮食安全和减轻渔民家庭贫困方面的作用。利用潜在剖面分析,我们根据贫困和粮食不安全的维度对渔民家庭进行了分类,并探讨了渔业管理措施在消除贫困和改善粮食安全方面的潜力。我们的研究结果表明,越南的小规模渔业对渔民家庭的福祉做出了重大贡献,提高了收入和粮食安全。然而,我们确定了两组不同的渔民。在我们的样本中,有一类家庭占65%,其特点是收入较高,粮食安全程度较高,在研究中被称为“受保护家庭”。第二组,占我们样本的35%,在两个方面都面临挑战,被称为“弱势家庭”。受保护的家庭更有可能位于实施准入限制的地区,这些地区往往伴随着改善生计的机会。这些结果表明,未来的小规模渔业政策可以从以保护渔业资源、减轻贫困和粮食安全为目标的各种干预措施之间的协同作用中受益。
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引用次数: 0
Citizen science, mobile technology, and environmental justice in Africa: rights-based legal pathways for community empowerment 非洲的公民科学、移动技术和环境正义:社区赋权的基于权利的法律途径
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-17 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107254
Philippa Osim Inyang
This paper critically examines the legal potential of citizen science, enhanced by mobile technology, as a tool for advancing environmental justice and enforcing the right to a healthy environment in Africa. In light of widespread environmental degradation and weak regulatory capacity, it explores how citizen-generated environmental data can bridge accountability gaps in both formal governance systems and judicial processes. Drawing on African communitarian traditions, international environmental law, and comparative jurisprudence, including landmark cases from the US and Europe, it interrogates the evidentiary and procedural barriers that currently undermine the admissibility of citizen data in legal forums. The paper argues for comprehensive legal reform encompassing constitutional interpretation, legislative innovation, regulatory clarity and judicial openness to non-traditional evidence. By integrating citizen science into the legal architecture of environmental governance, African states can democratise environmental monitoring, empower marginalised communities and strengthen compliance with environmental obligations. The study contributes to emerging interdisciplinary discourse at the intersection of environmental law, human rights and digital technology in the Global South.
本文批判性地考察了公民科学在移动技术的推动下,作为促进非洲环境正义和落实健康环境权的工具所具有的法律潜力。鉴于普遍存在的环境退化和监管能力薄弱,本报告探讨了公民产生的环境数据如何能够弥合正式治理体系和司法程序中的问责差距。借鉴非洲社群主义传统、国际环境法和比较法学,包括来自美国和欧洲的具有里程碑意义的案例,它质疑了目前在法律论坛上破坏公民数据可采性的证据和程序障碍。本文主张进行全面的法律改革,包括宪法解释、立法创新、监管清晰度和对非传统证据的司法开放。通过将公民科学纳入环境治理的法律架构,非洲国家可以使环境监测民主化,赋予边缘化社区权力,并加强对环境义务的遵守。该研究为全球南方国家环境法、人权和数字技术交叉领域新兴的跨学科话语做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Does free maternity care improve uptake and save lives? Quasi-experimental evidence from Kenya 免费产科保健是否能提高吸收率并挽救生命?来自肯尼亚的准实验证据
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-16 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107285
Roxanne Kovacs
Many assume that user-fees deter healthcare-seeking in low- and middle-income countries and are therefore partially responsible for high mortality rates. This paper estimates the causal effect of a national user-fee removal programme in Kenya on healthcare seeking and mortality, using a difference-in-differences design exploiting variation in treatment intensity across local communities. Results indicate a small increase in the uptake of antenatal care but no average effects on facility delivery, mortality or the quality of healthcare. Several potential mechanisms are examined and findings suggest heterogeneous treatment effects based on the physical accessibility of care as well as community-level preferences regarding household decision-making.
许多人认为,使用者收费阻碍了低收入和中等收入国家的求医问药,因此是造成高死亡率的部分原因。本文估计了肯尼亚国家用户费用取消计划对医疗保健寻求和死亡率的因果影响,使用了利用当地社区治疗强度差异的差异中之差设计。结果表明,接受产前保健的人数略有增加,但对设施分娩、死亡率或保健质量没有平均影响。研究了几种潜在的机制,结果表明,基于护理的物理可及性以及社区层面对家庭决策的偏好,治疗效果存在异质性。
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引用次数: 0
Clientelist politics in Nigeria: Core voters, control and compliance 尼日利亚的庇护主义政治:核心选民、控制与服从
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107281
Diane Zovighian
Clientelism is a defining feature of electoral politics in Nigeria, where political parties prioritize clientelist transfers to core supporters over transfers to swing voters or public goods appeals. What sustains these clientelist partisan pacts? Why are core voters more intensively targeted by clientelist transfers? Drawing on original survey data and key informant interviews, this article shows that core voters possess attributes that make them especially attractive to clientelist parties seeking to reduce defection risks. First, they are more deeply embedded in social networks on which parties can rely to gather information on their preferences and electoral behavior. Second, they are more likely to rely on their networks for voting advice or information. Third, they are more likely to perceive that the party can monitor their votes. And finally, they are more likely to comply with the clientelist bargain. This makes them in effect a safer bet for clientelist investments. In that context, clientelist targeting leads parties to sustain a core-support group of reliable votes delivery, rather than expand distributive promises to non-core voters. The findings highlight the impotance of voter-level attributes – particularly social network embeddedness – in shaping clientelist targeting and sustaining clientelist partisan pacts.
裙带主义是尼日利亚选举政治的一个显著特征,政党优先考虑裙带主义对核心支持者的转移,而不是对摇摆选民或公共产品诉求的转移。是什么支撑着这些庇护主义党派协议?为什么核心选民更容易成为客户转移的目标?根据原始调查数据和关键线人访谈,本文表明,核心选民拥有的属性使他们对寻求降低叛逃风险的客户主义政党特别有吸引力。首先,他们更深入地融入社交网络,政党可以依靠社交网络收集有关他们的偏好和选举行为的信息。其次,他们更有可能依赖自己的关系网来获得投票建议或信息。第三,他们更有可能认为该党可以监督他们的投票。最后,他们更有可能遵守客户协议。这实际上使它们成为客户投资的更安全的赌注。在这种情况下,以客户为目标使政党维持一个可靠的投票交付的核心支持群体,而不是扩大对非核心选民的分配承诺。研究结果强调了选民层面属性——尤其是社会网络嵌入性——在塑造客户目标和维持客户党派协议方面的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Restricting mothers’ international migration and human capital investment 限制母亲的国际移民和人力资本投资
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-12-13 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107284
Takuya Hasebe , Yuma Noritomo , Bilesha Weeraratne
International migration offers significant economic opportunities for developing countries, but it can also separate parents from their children, potentially harming child development. This paper examines the effects of restricting mothers’ international migration on left-behind children, leveraging a unique Sri Lankan policy that restricted mothers with children under age five from migrating abroad for employment. Using a difference-in-differences approach, the results reveal the following: First, the policy reduces international migration, increasing mothers’ presence at home. Second, policy exposure leads to better healthcare outcomes, including a significant reduction in inpatient stays, particularly treatment for illnesses. This improvement appears to result from increased childcare and monitoring by mothers. Although the policy decreases remittances from abroad, this reduction is offset by an increase in domestic remittances. Furthermore, we find evidence of positive spillovers on non-targeted children with younger, policy-targeted siblings, as indicated by reduced grade retention. These findings highlight the trade-offs between a mother’s presence and the economic opportunities associated with international migration in shaping human capital development.
国际移民为发展中国家提供了重要的经济机会,但它也可能使父母与子女分离,可能损害儿童的发展。本文考察了限制母亲国际移民对留守儿童的影响,利用斯里兰卡的一项独特政策,限制有5岁以下子女的母亲出国就业。使用差异中的差异方法,结果显示:首先,该政策减少了国际移民,增加了母亲在国内的存在。其次,政策暴露会带来更好的医疗保健结果,包括显著减少住院时间,特别是疾病治疗。这种改善似乎是由于增加了母亲的照顾和监督。虽然该政策减少了来自国外的汇款,但这种减少被国内汇款的增加所抵消。此外,我们发现有证据表明,对于有更年轻的、有政策目标的兄弟姐妹的非目标儿童,年级保留率降低了,这是积极的溢出效应。这些发现突出表明,母亲的存在与国际移民带来的经济机会之间的权衡关系影响着人力资本的发展。
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引用次数: 0
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World Development
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