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Social gaps, perceived inequality and protests 社会差距,感知到的不平等和抗议
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-21 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107248
Olivier Bargain , H. Xavier Jara , David Rivera
Latent feelings of economic vulnerability and social stagnation may have catalyzed the unprecedented uprisings that shook Latin America and other parts of the world in 2018–2019. We document this process in the context of Chile, leveraging survey data on protest participation and its potential determinants. Specifically, we construct a “social gap” index, measuring the disconnect between objective and perceived social status. Our findings suggest that this status misperception predicts protest involvement beyond factors such as perceived living costs, the subjective value of public services, peer influence, redistributive views and political demands. Notably, the social gap operates independently of broader feelings of unfairness and anger toward inequalities in explaining protests.
潜在的经济脆弱性和社会停滞感可能催化了2018-2019年震撼拉丁美洲和世界其他地区的前所未有的起义。我们在智利的背景下记录这一过程,利用抗议参与及其潜在决定因素的调查数据。具体而言,我们构建了一个“社会差距”指数,衡量客观社会地位与感知社会地位之间的脱节。我们的研究结果表明,这种对地位的误解预测了抗议参与,超出了诸如感知生活成本、公共服务的主观价值、同伴影响、再分配观点和政治要求等因素。值得注意的是,社会差距独立于更广泛的不公平情绪和对不平等的愤怒来解释抗议活动。
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引用次数: 0
Urbanization and decentralization in the Congo: Examining governance in rural towns 刚果的城市化和权力下放:考察农村城镇的治理
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-19 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107219
Soeren J. Henn , Aimable Lameke , Mastaki Mugaruka , Vincent Tanutama
How are rural towns governed in a context of fragility? This paper provides descriptive evidence to describe and quantify urbanization and the local organization of the state in 67 rural towns in four provinces of the Democratic Republic and the Congo. We present rich data on urbanization, state and local governance, taxation, public good provision, and citizens’ perceptions of governance. Three stories emerge. First, rural towns are growing, boosting high levels of ethnic diversity, and local trust, but are still largely agrarian and with unclear property rights. Second, a recent decentralization reform has been poorly implemented ten years on. Less than half the towns have a state administrators, no local elections took place, and revenue sharing is limited. Third, the governance goals of the reform remain largely unfulfilled. We observe a lack of democratic accountability, high levels of corruption, and an acute gap in financing. Finally, we find that these governance challenges are not correlated with levels of urbanization, implementation of the reforms, or levels of state capacity.
在脆弱的背景下,如何治理农村城镇?本文提供了描述性证据来描述和量化民主共和国和刚果四个省67个农村城镇的城市化和国家的地方组织。我们提供了关于城市化、州和地方治理、税收、公共产品提供和公民对治理的看法的丰富数据。三个故事出现了。首先,农村城镇正在发展,促进了高度的种族多样性和当地人的信任,但仍然主要是农业,产权不明确。其次,最近的分权改革十年来执行不力。不到一半的城镇有州行政长官,没有地方选举,收入分享有限。第三,改革的治理目标在很大程度上仍未实现。我们观察到缺乏民主问责制,腐败严重,资金缺口严重。最后,我们发现这些治理挑战与城市化水平、改革实施或国家能力水平无关。
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引用次数: 0
Citizenization and urban–rural income inequality: Evidence from the reform of hukou system in China 市民化与城乡收入不平等:来自中国户籍制度改革的证据
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-17 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107238
Anbang Wang , Junqiao Ma , Ke He
Amid global income inequality, identity liberalization presents a viable solution. Overcoming traditional data acquisition limitations, this study integrated geographic information systems and gridded satellite dataset, utilizing 1 km-resolution nighttime light intensity, population and township-level administrative data. Theil index quantifies county-level urban–rural income inequality, while the generalized difference-in-differences method, using China’s reform of hukou system as a quasi-experiment, demonstrates that citizenization significantly mitigates urban–rural income inequality, especially under institutional discrimination. The underlying mechanisms operate through two channels: First, dismantling identity barriers enhances rural residents’ access to health security and social mobility, fostering their market integration capacity; Second, eliminating regional constraints optimizes regional market absorption capacity by facilitating the farmland marketization, technology diffusion, and job opportunities. As a complement to informal institutions, regions with deep-rooted Confucian and clan cultures exhibit stronger reform synergy, whereas pronounced dialect barriers hinder effectiveness. Over time, citizenization mitigates urban–rural income inequality exacerbated during early urbanization, accelerates income convergence, and advances the inflection point of urban–rural disparity, fostering societal income equalization.
在全球收入不平等的情况下,身份自由化是一个可行的解决方案。该研究克服了传统数据采集的局限性,利用1公里分辨率的夜间光照强度、人口和乡镇级行政数据,将地理信息系统与网格化卫星数据集相结合。他们的指数量化了县级城乡收入不平等,而以中国户籍制度改革为准实验的广义差中差法表明,市民化显著缓解了城乡收入不平等,尤其是在制度歧视的情况下。底层机制通过两个渠道发挥作用:一是身份障碍的消解提高了农村居民获得卫生保障和社会流动的机会,增强了他们的市场整合能力;二是消除区域约束,通过促进农地市场化、技术扩散和就业机会,优化区域市场吸收能力。作为非正式制度的补充,儒家和宗族文化根深蒂固的地区表现出更强的改革协同效应,而明显的方言障碍则阻碍了改革的有效性。随着时间的推移,市民化缓解了城市化早期加剧的城乡收入不平等,加速了收入趋同,推进了城乡差距拐点,促进了社会收入均等化。
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引用次数: 0
Introductory essay for special issue: future of work and welfare in India’s halting structural transition 特刊导论:印度停滞的结构转型中的工作和福利的未来
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-17 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107220
Sunil Mitra Kumar, Soumya Mishra, Louise Tillin
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引用次数: 0
The impact of foreign media on political mobilization during the Arab Spring 阿拉伯之春期间外国媒体对政治动员的影响
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-14 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107218
Laura Angelini , Luisito Bertinelli , Rana Cömertpay , Jean-François Maystadt
We investigate how foreign media influenced political mobilization during the Arab Spring in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Focusing on two prominent transnational networks, Al Jazeera and Al Arabiya, we use Arab Barometer survey data to track political mobilization and media use indicators in Jordan, Lebanon, and the Palestinian Territories. To address potential endogeneity, we use the frequency of lightning strikes and submarine cable seaquake shocks as instrumental variables, which help isolate exogenous variation in access to foreign media. Our results show that access to foreign media has a positive and statistically significant effect on political mobilization. A one-standard-deviation increase corresponds to a rise in the likelihood of participating in protests of approximately 6.5 percentage points, a gain of approximately 39% at the sample mean. We argue that this effect is primarily driven by the informational dimension of foreign media, rather than its ideological content.
我们调查了外国媒体如何影响中东和北非(MENA)地区阿拉伯之春期间的政治动员。我们以半岛电视台(Al Jazeera)和阿拉伯电视台(Al Arabiya)这两个著名的跨国网络为研究对象,利用阿拉伯晴雨表(Arab Barometer)的调查数据,追踪约旦、黎巴嫩和巴勒斯坦领土的政治动员和媒体使用指标。为了解决潜在的内生性问题,我们使用雷击和海底电缆地震冲击的频率作为工具变量,这有助于隔离获取外国媒体的外生变化。我们的研究结果表明,获得外国媒体对政治动员具有正的和统计显著的影响。每增加一个标准差,参与抗议的可能性就增加约6.5个百分点,按样本平均值计算,增加约39%。我们认为,这种影响主要是由外国媒体的信息维度驱动的,而不是其意识形态内容。
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引用次数: 0
Does land tenure security reduce deforestation? Evidence from the Brazilian Amazon 土地保有权是否能减少森林砍伐?来自巴西亚马逊的证据
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-14 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107233
Joao Paulo Santos Mastrangelo , Alexandre Gori Maia , Stella Zucchetti Schons
Increasing land tenure security has been advocated as a critical policy to reduce deforestation and promote sustainable development in the developing world. We evaluate the extent to which rural properties with secure land tenure are less prone to deforestation and more likely to comply with environmental rules in the Brazilian Amazon. We use a unique dataset with property-level information for the entire population of private rural properties registered in the state of Acre, Brazil. Our proxy for land tenure security is the absence of overlapping claims to property rights when a landowner registers their land in the federal Environmental Rural Registry. We evaluate the impacts of secure land rights on (i) the property’s share of the deforested area, and (ii) the likelihood that farmers comply with the Brazilian Forest Code, which defines a limit of 20% of deforested area in each property. The non-randomness between the treatment (land tenure security) and control (land tenure insecurity) groups is controlled by using various empirical strategies, including within-landholder fixed effects and matching strategies. Our results demonstrate that land tenure security significantly reduces deforestation and increases compliance with the Forest Code. We also show that even legally titled properties exhibit higher deforestation rates when land tenure rights are not effectively supported by land governance mechanisms.
在发展中国家,加强土地保有权保障一直被认为是减少森林砍伐和促进可持续发展的一项关键政策。我们评估了巴西亚马逊地区拥有安全土地所有权的农村财产在多大程度上不容易遭到森林砍伐,更有可能遵守环境规则。我们使用一个独特的数据集,其中包含在巴西阿克里州注册的所有私人农村财产的财产级别信息。我们对土地所有权安全的代表是,当土地所有者在联邦农村环境登记处登记他们的土地时,没有重叠的产权主张。我们评估了有保障的土地权利对以下方面的影响:(i)土地在毁林面积中的份额,以及(ii)农民遵守《巴西森林法》的可能性,该法规规定每个土地的毁林面积不得超过20%。处理组(土地权属安全组)和对照组(土地权属不安全组)之间的非随机性通过不同的经验策略控制,包括土地所有者内部固定效应和匹配策略。我们的研究结果表明,土地使用权保障显著减少了森林砍伐,提高了对《森林法》的遵守。我们还表明,当土地权属没有得到土地治理机制的有效支持时,即使是合法所有权的财产也会出现更高的森林砍伐率。
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引用次数: 0
Development as multidimensional environmental impoverishment 发展是多方面的环境贫困
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-14 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107228
Joan Martínez-Alier , Beatriz Rodríguez-Labajos
Poverty is multidimensional. Economic growth often implies environmental impoverishment and hence diminished options to choose valuable lives. People who are deprived of access to land, clean water and air because of extractive industries or as victims of waste disposal, often complain accordingly. They have lost freedom of choice regardless possible income increases, if they get them at all. We illustrate this with examples of ecological distribution conflicts collected in the EJAtlas. If you get some extra money but lose access to land, water and clean air because extractive industries grab your place and pollute your family, you are poorer in some dimensions than before, and poverty estimates need to take this into account.
贫困是多方面的。经济增长往往意味着环境贫困,从而减少了选择宝贵生命的机会。由于采掘业或作为废物处理的受害者而被剥夺了获得土地、清洁水和空气的机会的人经常因此而抱怨。他们失去了选择的自由,不管可能的收入增加,如果他们能得到的话。我们用EJAtlas中收集的生态分布冲突的例子来说明这一点。如果你得到了一些额外的钱,但由于采掘业占据了你的地盘并污染了你的家庭,你失去了获得土地、水和清洁空气的机会,那么你在某些方面比以前更穷了,贫困估计需要考虑到这一点。
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引用次数: 0
Gender, race and their interplay with economic status: intersectionality and asymmetric jeopardies in Brazilian education 性别、种族及其与经济地位的相互作用:巴西教育中的交叉性和不对称危害
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-13 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107232
Sunil Mitra Kumar , Lucio Esposito , Adrián Villaseñor , Sandra Macedo
A large body of research has illustrated how inequalities in educational achievements globally are rooted in a range of demographic and socioeconomic characteristics. However, the sources of educational disadvantages are too often considered in isolation, without addressing how they interplay with one another. Building upon the intersectionality and multiple jeopardy frameworks, in this paper we employ a sequential mixed-methods approach to analyse the role played by economic status, gender and race in shaping education attainment in Brazilian high-stakes secondary education exams. Our specific focus is on how economic status, conceptualised as comprising an absolute and a relative facet, interplays with gender and race. Our quantitative analysis reveals that the two components of economic status interplay symmetrically with gender but asymmetrically with race. Gender attainment gaps shrink with higher absolute and relative status. Race attainment gaps also shrink with higher absolute status, but they expand with higher relative status. We use the insights obtained from the literature as well as from our qualitative interviews to situate and explain these findings. Our work improves the understanding of the multifaceted disadvantage experienced by students from underprivileged households in Brazil, highlighting how economic inequality and discrimination hinder educational attainment and jeopardise social mobility.
大量研究表明,全球教育成就的不平等是如何植根于一系列人口和社会经济特征的。然而,教育劣势的根源往往被孤立地考虑,而没有处理它们如何相互作用。在交叉性和多重危险框架的基础上,在本文中,我们采用顺序混合方法来分析经济地位、性别和种族在巴西高风险中学教育考试中塑造教育成就方面所起的作用。我们的重点是经济地位,概念上包括绝对和相对的方面,如何与性别和种族相互作用。我们的定量分析表明,经济地位的两个组成部分与性别的相互作用是对称的,而与种族的相互作用是不对称的。性别成就差距随着绝对地位和相对地位的提高而缩小。种族成就差距也随着绝对地位的提高而缩小,但随着相对地位的提高而扩大。我们使用从文献中获得的见解以及我们的定性访谈来定位和解释这些发现。我们的工作提高了对巴西贫困家庭学生所经历的多方面劣势的理解,突出了经济不平等和歧视如何阻碍教育成就并危及社会流动性。
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引用次数: 0
“A snake with no teeth”: Urbanization shifts perceptions of men who support women’s empowerment in Northwestern Tanzania “一条没有牙齿的蛇”:在坦桑尼亚西北部,城市化改变了人们对支持女性赋权的男性的看法
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-13 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107239
Joseph A Kilgallen , Alexander M Ishungisa , Pius Charles , Theresia Marco Chizi , Anuarite John , Israel Nicholaus , Ernest Sebarua , Mark Urassa , David W Lawson
Achieving gender equality requires the support of all genders, but efforts to engage men in women’s empowerment initiatives have been fraught with resistance. Existing research demonstrates that men often anticipate negative consequences for opposing patriarchal norms but has less frequently addressed variability in such perceptions within communities and their modification by socioecological change. Here, we examine the ramifications men face when deemed supportive of women’s empowerment with regard to their social status and prospects for marriage and reproduction, and how these ramifications are shifting with urbanization. Data come from a Tanzanian community, selected because it combines patriarchal norms, with shifting gender roles accompanying urbanization, offering a relevant case for understanding gender norm change in similar low and middle-income settings. Focus groups and in-depth interviews with community members (young men, young women, and elders) confirm severe social costs for men who support women’s empowerment, primarily in the form of reputational damage and social ostracism. Both men and women also frequently question the sexuality, desirability, and reproductive prospects of men engaging in gender atypical behaviors that support women. However, these costs are giving way to emerging incentives for a subset of supportive men who gain social prestige, at least among relatively well-educated peers, via their association with ‘modern’ values, attractiveness to women, access to novel employment opportunities, and adaptability to urban life. Through identifying entrenched costs for supportive men and emerging incentives accompanying urbanization, this study contributes to a deeper understanding of the barriers and pathways to effectively engaging men in women’s empowerment.
实现性别平等需要所有性别的支持,但让男性参与妇女赋权倡议的努力一直充满阻力。现有的研究表明,男性通常会预料到反对父权规范的负面后果,但很少涉及社区内这种观念的可变性以及社会生态变化对其的改变。在这里,我们研究了男性在被认为支持女性在社会地位、婚姻和生育前景方面的赋权时所面临的后果,以及这些后果是如何随着城市化而变化的。数据来自坦桑尼亚的一个社区,之所以选择这个社区,是因为它结合了父权制规范和城市化带来的性别角色变化,为理解类似的中低收入环境中性别规范的变化提供了一个相关案例。焦点小组和对社区成员(青年男性、青年女性和老年人)的深入访谈证实,支持妇女赋权的男性会付出严重的社会代价,主要表现为声誉受损和社会排斥。男性和女性也经常质疑男性参与支持女性的非典型性别行为的性行为、欲望和生殖前景。然而,这些成本正在让位于新兴的激励措施,这些激励措施针对的是一小部分支持女性的男性,他们通过与“现代”价值观的联系、对女性的吸引力、获得新的就业机会以及对城市生活的适应,至少在受过良好教育的同龄人中获得了社会声望。通过确定男性支持女性的固有成本和城市化带来的新激励措施,本研究有助于更深入地了解男性有效参与女性赋权的障碍和途径。
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引用次数: 0
Grievances, greed or tactics? The political ecology of jihadist expansion in West Africa’s WAP complex 是委屈、贪婪还是策略?圣战分子在西非WAP地区扩张的政治生态
IF 4.8 1区 经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-13 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2025.107229
Luca Raineri
The role of natural parks and protected areas in fostering peace or exacerbating conflict has gained increasing attention. While early scholarship emphasized their potential in post-conflict peacebuilding, political ecology has highlighted how the securitization of environmental concerns may clash with local resource management, fuelling hidden resistance or overt violence. Specific outcomes arguably depend on contextual features and eschew generalised answers, yet French-speaking West Africa remains underexplored in this debate. This article addresses that gap by focusing on the W-Arly-Pendjari (WAP) transboundary park complex across Burkina Faso, Niger, and Benin. Noting the expansion of jihadist groups in this area, this case selection further helps bridge the divide between conflict studies and political ecology literatures, including conservation amidst counterinsurgency.
The article explores three hypotheses to understand why jihadist groups have expanded in the WAP area: (H1) leveraging local grievances over environmental governance and restricted resource access to mobilize local populations against the states; (H2) exploitation of conflict economies like trafficking, poaching, and gold mining for greed and economic gain; and (H3) capitalize on the military potential of forested areas to provide safe havens.
Qualitative evidence – including interviews and surveys with local stakeholders and park rangers – is mobilized to assess the purchase of these hypotheses. Findings suggest that, contrary to earlier claims, the politicization of environmental grievances plays a limited role. Instead, jihadist presence in the WAP complex is more convincingly explained by economic motivations linked to illicit activities and, most critically, by military considerations, with protected forest areas offering strategic advantages.
自然公园和保护区在促进和平或加剧冲突方面的作用日益受到重视。虽然早期的学术研究强调了它们在冲突后和平建设中的潜力,但政治生态学强调了环境问题的证券化如何与当地资源管理发生冲突,助长了隐藏的抵抗或公开的暴力。具体的结果可能取决于上下文特征,避免了一般化的答案,但在这场辩论中,讲法语的西非仍未得到充分探讨。本文通过关注横跨布基纳法索、尼日尔和贝宁的w - arli - pendjari (WAP)跨境公园综合体来解决这一差距。注意到圣战组织在该地区的扩张,本案例的选择进一步有助于弥合冲突研究和政治生态学文献之间的鸿沟,包括在反叛乱中的保护。​(H2)利用冲突经济,如贩运、偷猎和金矿开采,以满足贪婪和经济利益;(H3)利用森林地区的军事潜力提供安全的避难所。定性证据——包括对当地利益相关者和公园管理员的访谈和调查——被动员起来评估这些假设的购买情况。调查结果表明,与先前的说法相反,环境不满的政治化发挥了有限的作用。相反,圣战分子在WAP地区的存在更令人信服地解释为与非法活动有关的经济动机,最重要的是,出于军事考虑,受保护的森林地区提供了战略优势。
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World Development
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