World Development最新文献_第4页

Fishery access benefits early childhood development through fish consumption and fishing income pathways 渔业准入通过鱼类消费和渔业收入途径促进儿童早期发展

IF 5.4 1区经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

World Development

Pub Date : 2024-10-31 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106819

Ranaivo A. Rasolofoson , Erin M. Milner , Brian J. Mattah , Justin S. Brashares , Lia H. Fernald , Kathryn J. Fiorella

Within many global communities, access to natural resources benefits nutrition through provision of both food and livelihoods. In fishing communities, fish provide a rich source of essential nutrients, and fishing represents a critical income source. While evidence for the beneficial nutrients in fish abounds, fisheries’ integrated influence on nutrition outcomes through provisioning both fish for consumption and fishing income has not been examined. To address the full value of fishery resources’ contributions to food systems, within fishing communities around Lake Victoria, Kenya, we examined the effects of fish consumption and fishing income pathways on child gross motor, personal-social, and communication development as measured through the parent-reported Ages and Stages Questionnaire: Inventory across 210 households surveyed at nine time points over two years. We used mediation analyses to determine whether fishing income operates through or independently of child growth to affect early childhood development. Consumption of only one of two predominant fish species significantly benefited all three child development outcomes. Fishing income, through its effects on child growth, also significantly increased gross motor and personal-social development. Notably, the magnitude of effects of fishing income are comparable to those of fish consumption (ranging from 0.10 [90% CI 0.03–0.18] to 0.18 [90% CI 0.09–0.28]). Natural resources play a complex role in provisioning wild food, affecting nutrition outcomes through both diets and income. Disentangling these pathways and appreciating their relative magnitude are critical to advancing programs and policies to improve nutrition, early childhood development, and nature conservation.

在全球许多社区中，获取自然资源既能提供食物，又能维持生计，从而有益于营养。在渔业社区，鱼类提供了丰富的必需营养素，而渔业则是重要的收入来源。尽管有大量证据表明鱼类含有有益的营养成分，但尚未研究渔业通过提供鱼类消费和渔业收入对营养结果的综合影响。为了全面了解渔业资源对食物系统的贡献价值，我们在肯尼亚维多利亚湖周边的渔业社区研究了鱼类消费和渔业收入途径对儿童粗大运动、个人-社会和交流发展的影响，这些影响是通过家长报告的年龄和阶段问卷来衡量的：在两年内的九个时间点对 210 个家庭进行了调查。我们通过中介分析来确定渔业收入是通过儿童成长还是独立于儿童成长来影响儿童早期发展。在两种主要鱼类中，只食用其中一种鱼类对所有三种儿童发育结果都有显著的益处。渔业收入通过对儿童成长的影响，也显著促进了粗大运动和个人-社会发展。值得注意的是，渔业收入的影响程度与鱼类消费的影响程度相当（从 0.10 [90% CI 0.03-0.18] 到 0.18 [90% CI 0.09-0.28] 不等）。自然资源在提供野生食物方面发挥着复杂的作用，通过饮食和收入影响营养结果。厘清这些途径并了解其相对重要性对于推进改善营养、儿童早期发展和自然保护的计划和政策至关重要。

{"title":"Fishery access benefits early childhood development through fish consumption and fishing income pathways","authors":"Ranaivo A. Rasolofoson , Erin M. Milner , Brian J. Mattah , Justin S. Brashares , Lia H. Fernald , Kathryn J. Fiorella","doi":"10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106819","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106819","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Within many global communities, access to natural resources benefits nutrition through provision of both food and livelihoods. In fishing communities, fish provide a rich source of essential nutrients, and fishing represents a critical income source. While evidence for the beneficial nutrients in fish abounds, fisheries’ integrated influence on nutrition outcomes through provisioning both fish for consumption and fishing income has not been examined. To address the full value of fishery resources’ contributions to food systems, within fishing communities around Lake Victoria, Kenya, we examined the effects of fish consumption and fishing income pathways on child gross motor, personal-social, and communication development as measured through the parent-reported Ages and Stages Questionnaire: Inventory across 210 households surveyed at nine time points over two years. We used mediation analyses to determine whether fishing income operates through or independently of child growth to affect early childhood development. Consumption of only one of two predominant fish species significantly benefited all three child development outcomes. Fishing income, through its effects on child growth, also significantly increased gross motor and personal-social development. Notably, the magnitude of effects of fishing income are comparable to those of fish consumption (ranging from 0.10 [90% CI 0.03–0.18] to 0.18 [90% CI 0.09–0.28]). Natural resources play a complex role in provisioning wild food, affecting nutrition outcomes through both diets and income. Disentangling these pathways and appreciating their relative magnitude are critical to advancing programs and policies to improve nutrition, early childhood development, and nature conservation.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48463,"journal":{"name":"World Development","volume":"186 ","pages":"Article 106819"},"PeriodicalIF":5.4,"publicationDate":"2024-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142552391","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Conceptualizing and evaluating how international organizations collaborate 构思和评估国际组织如何开展合作

IF 5.4 1区经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

World Development

Pub Date : 2024-10-31 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106789

Tamar Gutner , Rasmus Heltberg

International organizations (IOs) are increasingly being called upon to work with each other and with other actors, but little is known about how to evaluate the effectiveness and outcomes of these interactions. This article introduces a special issue and research project on ways of conceptualizing, analyzing, and evaluating how IOs partner, collaborate, or work together in other ways. We bring together different disciplinary perspectives on evaluating and researching collaborative relationships. We define the key concepts of collaboration, coordination, cooperation, and convening, and argue that the differences matter in substantive ways. We propose an analytical framework for evaluating and researching IO collaborative relationships comprising the composition of the actors, the objectives, the design features, and the exogenous factors. We discuss how collaborative relationships can and should be purposefully designed, analyzed, and evaluated and propose approaches to do so, emphasizing the need to complement assessments of outputs and outcomes with attention to trust and processes that nurture relationships. Our larger aim is to enhance understanding of how to make international and other organizations more effective collaborators.

国际组织（IOs）越来越多地被要求相互合作并与其他行为者合作，但对于如何评估这些互动的有效性和成果却知之甚少。这篇文章介绍了一期特刊和一个研究项目，探讨如何对国际组织如何结成伙伴关系、开展合作或以其他方式共同开展工作进行概念化、分析和评估。我们汇集了评估和研究合作关系的不同学科视角。我们定义了协作、协调、合作和召集等关键概念，并论证了这些概念之间的实质性差异。我们提出了评估和研究 IO 合作关系的分析框架，包括参与者的组成、目标、设计特征和外生因素。我们讨论了如何并应该有目的地设计、分析和评估协作关系，并提出了相关方法，强调在评估产出和结果的同时，需要关注信任和培养协作关系的过程。我们的更大目标是加深理解如何使国际组织和其他组织成为更有效的合作者。

{"title":"Conceptualizing and evaluating how international organizations collaborate","authors":"Tamar Gutner , Rasmus Heltberg","doi":"10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106789","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106789","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>International organizations (IOs) are increasingly being called upon to work with each other and with other actors, but little is known about how to evaluate the effectiveness and outcomes of these interactions. This article introduces a special issue and research project on ways of conceptualizing, analyzing, and evaluating how IOs partner, collaborate, or work together in other ways. We bring together different disciplinary perspectives on evaluating and researching collaborative relationships. We define the key concepts of collaboration, coordination, cooperation, and convening, and argue that the differences matter in substantive ways. We propose an analytical framework for evaluating and researching IO collaborative relationships comprising the composition of the actors, the objectives, the design features, and the exogenous factors. We discuss how collaborative relationships can and should be purposefully designed, analyzed, and evaluated and propose approaches to do so, emphasizing the need to complement assessments of outputs and outcomes with attention to trust and processes that nurture relationships. Our larger aim is to enhance understanding of how to make international and other organizations more effective collaborators.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48463,"journal":{"name":"World Development","volume":"186 ","pages":"Article 106789"},"PeriodicalIF":5.4,"publicationDate":"2024-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142560578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Territorial arrangements and ethnic conflict management: The paradox that isn’t 领土安排与种族冲突管理：不存在的悖论

IF 5.4 1区经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

World Development

Pub Date : 2024-10-28 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106812

Natascha S. Neudorfer , Ulrike G. Theuerkauf , Stefan Wolff

Ethnic civil war, the most common type of war in the 21st century, is one of the biggest challenges for development practitioners and scholars. Like other types of armed conflict, it impedes countries’ economic, social and political development, and there is no consensus on how ‘best’ to solve it. Territorial self-governance has received much attention in efforts to reduce the risk of ethnic civil war, but the academic and policy debates over its effects remain inconclusive. This has reinforced the notion that territorial self-governance is a ‘paradoxical’ institution, which either increases or mitigates the risk of ethnic civil war. In this article, we argue that claims of a ‘paradox’ of territorial self-governance are exaggerated, as they stem from differences in empirical operationalization. We present a systematic overview of the underlying definitions, geographic and temporal scope of quantitative indicators from ten datasets, and compare how they capture aspects of self-rule, shared rule and their legal codification. Using a series of binary time-series-cross-section analyses, we illustrate that different measures of territorial arrangements lead to different results, both regarding the significance and direction of statistical effects. Our findings highlight the need to pay greater attention to the deceptively simple yet empirically fundamental question of which data are being used and why.

民族内战是 21 世纪最常见的战争类型，也是发展工作者和学者面临的最大挑战之一。与其他类型的武装冲突一样，民族内战阻碍了国家的经济、社会和政治发展，而对于如何 "最好地 "解决民族内战，目前还没有达成共识。领土自治在降低种族内战风险的努力中备受关注，但有关其影响的学术和政策辩论仍无定论。这强化了这样一种观点，即领土自治是一种 "自相矛盾 "的制度，它要么增加了种族内战的风险，要么降低了种族内战的风险。在本文中，我们认为领土自治 "悖论 "的说法被夸大了，因为它们源于经验操作上的差异。我们系统地概述了十个数据集中量化指标的基本定义、地理和时间范围，并比较了它们如何捕捉自治、共治及其法律编纂的各个方面。通过一系列二元时间序列-跨部门分析，我们说明了不同的领土安排衡量标准会导致不同的结果，包括统计效应的显著性和方向。我们的研究结果突出表明，有必要更多地关注使用哪些数据以及为什么使用这些数据这一看似简单但在经验上却至关重要的问题。

{"title":"Territorial arrangements and ethnic conflict management: The paradox that isn’t","authors":"Natascha S. Neudorfer , Ulrike G. Theuerkauf , Stefan Wolff","doi":"10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106812","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106812","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Ethnic civil war, the most common type of war in the 21st century, is one of the biggest challenges for development practitioners and scholars. Like other types of armed conflict, it impedes countries’ economic, social and political development, and there is no consensus on how ‘best’ to solve it. Territorial self-governance has received much attention in efforts to reduce the risk of ethnic civil war, but the academic and policy debates over its effects remain inconclusive. This has reinforced the notion that territorial self-governance is a ‘paradoxical’ institution, which either increases or mitigates the risk of ethnic civil war. In this article, we argue that claims of a ‘paradox’ of territorial self-governance are exaggerated, as they stem from differences in empirical operationalization. We present a systematic overview of the underlying definitions, geographic and temporal scope of quantitative indicators from ten datasets, and compare how they capture aspects of self-rule, shared rule and their legal codification. Using a series of binary time-series-cross-section analyses, we illustrate that different measures of territorial arrangements lead to different results, both regarding the significance and direction of statistical effects. Our findings highlight the need to pay greater attention to the deceptively simple yet empirically fundamental question of which data are being used and why.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48463,"journal":{"name":"World Development","volume":"185 ","pages":"Article 106812"},"PeriodicalIF":5.4,"publicationDate":"2024-10-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142535380","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Revisiting the links between economic inequality and political violence: The role of social mobilization 重新审视经济不平等与政治暴力之间的联系：社会动员的作用

IF 5.4 1区经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

World Development

Pub Date : 2024-10-28 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106820

Patricia Justino

This paper revisits the age-old question of how economic inequalities may affect the emergence of political violence. Recent findings from three distinct bodies of literature suggest that this relationship is shaped by the forms of social mobilization inequalities (may) generate. The paper reviews this new evidence and outlines two conditions under which social mobilization in unequal societies may result in either non-violent or violent collective action and, ultimately, in violent conflict. The first condition is the level of social cooperation between different social groups that are formed during the process of social mobilization. The second is the efficacy of collective action to drive change, which is in turn shaped by the ability of individuals within groups to coordinate their actions. Forms of social mobilization become violent when antagonism is the dominant form of social interaction between different social groups in unequal societies and when each of these social groups exhibits high levels of internal coordination. This framework raises new research questions and policy implications.

本文重新探讨了经济不平等如何影响政治暴力的出现这一古老的问题。三组不同文献的最新研究结果表明，这种关系是由不平等（可能）产生的社会动员形式决定的。本文回顾了这些新证据，并概述了不平等社会中社会动员可能导致非暴力或暴力集体行动，并最终导致暴力冲突的两个条件。第一个条件是在社会动员过程中形成的不同社会群体之间的社会合作程度。第二个条件是集体行动推动变革的效率，而这又取决于群体中个人协调行动的能力。当对立成为不平等社会中不同社会群体之间社会互动的主要形式时，当每个社会群体都表现出高度的内部协调时，社会动员的形式就会变得暴力。这一框架提出了新的研究问题和政策影响。

{"title":"Revisiting the links between economic inequality and political violence: The role of social mobilization","authors":"Patricia Justino","doi":"10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106820","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106820","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>This paper revisits the age-old question of <em>how</em> economic inequalities may affect the emergence of political violence. Recent findings from three distinct bodies of literature suggest that this relationship is shaped by the forms of social mobilization inequalities (may) generate. The paper reviews this new evidence and outlines two conditions under which social mobilization in unequal societies may result in either non-violent or violent collective action and, ultimately, in violent conflict. The first condition is the level of social cooperation between different social groups that are formed during the process of social mobilization. The second is the efficacy of collective action to drive change, which is in turn shaped by the ability of individuals within groups to coordinate their actions. Forms of social mobilization become violent when antagonism is the dominant form of social interaction between different social groups in unequal societies <em>and</em> when each of these social groups exhibits high levels of internal coordination. This framework raises new research questions and policy implications.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48463,"journal":{"name":"World Development","volume":"185 ","pages":"Article 106820"},"PeriodicalIF":5.4,"publicationDate":"2024-10-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142535373","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Hunting militias at all cost: Urban military operation and birth outcomes 不惜一切代价猎杀民兵城市军事行动和生育结果

IF 5.4 1区经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

World Development

Pub Date : 2024-10-25 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106809

Darwin Cortés , Catalina Gómez , Christian Posso , Gabriel Suárez

This study investigates the impact of Operation Orion on newborn health outcomes. While previous research has examined the adverse effects of conflict on child health, the specific consequences of state military operations on newborns, especially in urban settings, remain underexplored. Using a Difference-in-Differences design and administrative data from the Colombian Vital Statistics Reports, we assess the effects of Operation Orion on birth weight, height, prematurity, the likelihood of a high APGAR score, Small for Gestational Age (SGA), and prenatal visits. Our analysis shows a significant reduction in birth weight among infants born in intervention-affected neighborhoods, with the effects most pronounced among infants of married and less educated mothers. We also find a decrease in birth height and a lower probability of an APGAR score above 7, which is indicative of good health at birth. No significant effects are observed for the other outcomes. We discuss maternal stress as the primary mechanism underlying these findings. Our results contribute to a deeper understanding of the complex impacts of state military operations and highlight the need to consider contextual factors when evaluating their effects on local communities.

本研究调查了猎户座行动对新生儿健康结果的影响。虽然以往的研究已经探讨了冲突对儿童健康的不利影响，但国家军事行动对新生儿（尤其是城市环境中的新生儿）的具体影响仍未得到充分探讨。利用差分法设计和哥伦比亚生命统计报告中的行政数据，我们评估了 "猎户座行动 "对出生体重、身高、早产、APGAR 高分的可能性、胎龄小（SGA）和产前检查的影响。我们的分析表明，在受干预影响的社区出生的婴儿出生体重明显下降，对已婚和受教育程度较低的母亲的影响最为明显。我们还发现，出生身高有所下降，APGAR 评分超过 7 分（这表明婴儿出生时健康状况良好）的概率也有所降低。其他结果没有观察到明显的影响。我们讨论了孕产妇压力是导致这些发现的主要机制。我们的研究结果有助于加深对国家军事行动复杂影响的理解，并强调在评估军事行动对当地社区的影响时需要考虑背景因素。

{"title":"Hunting militias at all cost: Urban military operation and birth outcomes","authors":"Darwin Cortés , Catalina Gómez , Christian Posso , Gabriel Suárez","doi":"10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106809","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106809","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>This study investigates the impact of Operation Orion on newborn health outcomes. While previous research has examined the adverse effects of conflict on child health, the specific consequences of state military operations on newborns, especially in urban settings, remain underexplored. Using a Difference-in-Differences design and administrative data from the Colombian Vital Statistics Reports, we assess the effects of Operation Orion on birth weight, height, prematurity, the likelihood of a high APGAR score, Small for Gestational Age (SGA), and prenatal visits. Our analysis shows a significant reduction in birth weight among infants born in intervention-affected neighborhoods, with the effects most pronounced among infants of married and less educated mothers. We also find a decrease in birth height and a lower probability of an APGAR score above 7, which is indicative of good health at birth. No significant effects are observed for the other outcomes. We discuss maternal stress as the primary mechanism underlying these findings. Our results contribute to a deeper understanding of the complex impacts of state military operations and highlight the need to consider contextual factors when evaluating their effects on local communities.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48463,"journal":{"name":"World Development","volume":"185 ","pages":"Article 106809"},"PeriodicalIF":5.4,"publicationDate":"2024-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142535381","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Challenges for implementing zero deforestation commitments in a highly forested country: Perspectives from Liberia’s palm oil sector 在森林覆盖率高的国家履行零毁林承诺面临的挑战：利比里亚棕榈油行业的观点

IF 5.4 1区经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

World Development

Pub Date : 2024-10-23 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106803

Joss Lyons-White , Philip A. Zodua , Christian Mikolo Yobo , Solomon C. Carlon , Robert M. Ewers , Andrew T. Knight

Halting deforestation is essential to address climate change and biodiversity loss. However, in highly forested, low-income countries like Liberia, “zero deforestation” commitments (ZDCs) adopted by companies may restrict agricultural expansion that has been promoted in national strategies to alleviate poverty. In such situations, examining contrasting perspectives among stakeholders is important to inform ZDCs’ implementation. Here, we applied Critical Systems Heuristics in 94 interviews to explore stakeholders’ perspectives on, and thereby develop a systematic understanding of, ZDCs in Liberia’s concession-based palm oil sector. We found that regulatory, institutional, and political factors that were needed to support commitments’ implementation were missing. Concessions had initially been allocated without communities’ consent being adequately obtained, and oil palm expansion had subsequently been stalled by zero deforestation. This produced a situation where communities that lost farmland to oil palm were reluctant to allow further expansion, while communities in forest areas were frustrated by a lack of promised oil palm expansion. Consequently, although limited oil palm expansion suggests ZDCs were effective after they were adopted, this was perceived to have come at the expense of anticipated improvements in community welfare, with community members in highly forested areas feeling deprived of development. We argue that neither the complete development of Liberia’s oil palm concessions nor limited development with zero deforestation will necessarily improve communities’ welfare without reforming the concession system to promote community-led, deforestation-free agricultural development. This requires public governance reforms, novel mechanisms for agricultural investment, and the localisation of international standards to facilitate zero deforestation in smallholder agriculture.

停止砍伐森林对于应对气候变化和生物多样性丧失至关重要。然而，在利比里亚这样森林覆盖率高的低收入国家，企业做出的 "零砍伐森林 "承诺（ZDCs）可能会限制国家减贫战略所提倡的农业扩张。在这种情况下，研究利益相关者之间的不同观点对 ZDCs 的实施具有重要意义。在此，我们在 94 个访谈中应用了关键系统启发式方法，以探索利益相关者对利比里亚特许棕榈油行业中 ZDC 的看法，从而对 ZDC 有一个系统的了解。我们发现，支持承诺实施所需的监管、制度和政治因素缺失。最初在分配特许权时，并未充分征得社区的同意，随后油棕榈树的扩张也因零砍伐而停滞不前。这就造成了这样一种局面：因油棕榈树而失去农田的社区不愿意允许进一步的扩张，而林区的社区则因没有得到油棕榈树扩张的承诺而感到沮丧。因此，尽管有限的油棕榈树扩张表明 ZDC 被采纳后取得了成效，但人们认为这是以牺牲社区福利的预期改善为代价的，森林覆盖率高的地区的社区成员感到被剥夺了发展的机会。我们认为，如果不改革特许权制度，促进由社区主导的、无毁林的农业发展，无论是完全开发利比里亚的油棕榈特许权，还是零毁林的有限开发，都不一定能改善社区福利。这就需要进行公共治理改革，建立新的农业投资机制，并将国际标准本地化，以促进小农农业的零毁林。

{"title":"Challenges for implementing zero deforestation commitments in a highly forested country: Perspectives from Liberia’s palm oil sector","authors":"Joss Lyons-White , Philip A. Zodua , Christian Mikolo Yobo , Solomon C. Carlon , Robert M. Ewers , Andrew T. Knight","doi":"10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106803","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106803","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Halting deforestation is essential to address climate change and biodiversity loss. However, in highly forested, low-income countries like Liberia, “zero deforestation” commitments (ZDCs) adopted by companies may restrict agricultural expansion that has been promoted in national strategies to alleviate poverty. In such situations, examining contrasting perspectives among stakeholders is important to inform ZDCs’ implementation. Here, we applied Critical Systems Heuristics in 94 interviews to explore stakeholders’ perspectives on, and thereby develop a systematic understanding of, ZDCs in Liberia’s concession-based palm oil sector. We found that regulatory, institutional, and political factors that were needed to support commitments’ implementation were missing. Concessions had initially been allocated without communities’ consent being adequately obtained, and oil palm expansion had subsequently been stalled by zero deforestation. This produced a situation where communities that lost farmland to oil palm were reluctant to allow further expansion, while communities in forest areas were frustrated by a lack of promised oil palm expansion. Consequently, although limited oil palm expansion suggests ZDCs were effective after they were adopted, this was perceived to have come at the expense of anticipated improvements in community welfare, with community members in highly forested areas feeling deprived of development. We argue that neither the complete development of Liberia’s oil palm concessions nor limited development with zero deforestation will necessarily improve communities’ welfare without reforming the concession system to promote community-led, deforestation-free agricultural development. This requires public governance reforms, novel mechanisms for agricultural investment, and the localisation of international standards to facilitate zero deforestation in smallholder agriculture.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48463,"journal":{"name":"World Development","volume":"185 ","pages":"Article 106803"},"PeriodicalIF":5.4,"publicationDate":"2024-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142535372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Poor health: Credit and blame attribution in India’s multi-level democracy 健康状况不佳：印度多层次民主中的功过归属

IF 5.4 1区经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

World Development

Pub Date : 2024-10-19 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106807

Oliver Heath , Louise Tillin , Jyoti Mishra , Sanjay Kumar , Sandhya Venkateswaran

Lines of accountability for the provision of health services in many federal systems are complex. Institutional structures and political strategies that blur lines of responsibility make it more difficult for voters to claim their rights, to assign responsibility and reward or sanction governments on the basis of their performance. Based on a survey of 1500 voters across five states in India, this paper examines how voters attribute credit and blame for health system performance. In India, central, state and local governments are involved in the delivery and financing of different elements of health care provision from running hospitals, providing health insurance to running vaccination programmes. Contrary to expectations, we find that most voters can broadly attribute responsibility to the relevant level of government for different health services and programmes, however a significant minority consistently misattribute responsibility by holding the local government responsible. We find that perceptions of health system performance matter more than partisanship in explaining when voters hold different levels of government responsible. Those who are less satisfied with the health system are more likely to blame the local government for poor performance, even where it is not constitutionally responsible. This suggests that state and national governments receive credit from voters who perceive services as functioning well but are not punished by those who are dissatisfied. In other words, political leaders are able to capture credit among voters who are more satisfied with health provision while deflecting blame from those who are less satisfied. These findings demonstrate important weaknesses in the chain of electoral accountability for health. The paper suggests possible parallels to authoritarian contexts such as China where recent research has shown that strong centralised political leadership claims credit for public goods provision while deflecting blame for corruption and inefficiency to lower levels of government.

在许多联邦系统中，提供医疗服务的责任界限是复杂的。模糊责任界限的制度结构和政治策略使得选民更难主张自己的权利、分配责任并根据政府的表现对其进行奖励或制裁。本文基于对印度五个邦 1500 名选民的调查，探讨了选民如何对卫生系统的绩效进行归功和归责。在印度，中央、邦和地方政府都参与了医疗保健服务的提供和融资，包括开办医院、提供医疗保险和实施疫苗接种计划等。与预期相反，我们发现大多数选民都能大致将不同医疗服务和项目的责任归咎于相关级别的政府，但也有相当一部分选民始终错误地将责任归咎于地方政府。我们发现，在解释选民何时要求各级政府承担责任时，对医疗系统绩效的看法比党派倾向更为重要。那些对医疗系统不太满意的选民更倾向于将表现不佳的责任归咎于地方政府，即使地方政府并不承担宪法规定的责任。这表明，州政府和国家政府从那些认为服务运行良好的选民那里获得了赞誉，但却没有受到那些不满意选民的惩罚。换句话说，政治领导人能够从对医疗服务比较满意的选民那里获得赞誉，同时转移对不太满意的选民的指责。这些研究结果表明了选举卫生问责制链条中的重要缺陷。本文认为这可能与中国等专制国家的情况相似，中国最近的研究表明，强大的中央集权政治领导层为公共产品的提供邀功，同时将腐败和低效的责任推卸给下级政府。

{"title":"Poor health: Credit and blame attribution in India’s multi-level democracy","authors":"Oliver Heath , Louise Tillin , Jyoti Mishra , Sanjay Kumar , Sandhya Venkateswaran","doi":"10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106807","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106807","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Lines of accountability for the provision of health services in many federal systems are complex. Institutional structures and political strategies that blur lines of responsibility make it more difficult for voters to claim their rights, to assign responsibility and reward or sanction governments on the basis of their performance. Based on a survey of 1500 voters across five states in India, this paper examines how voters attribute credit and blame for health system performance. In India, central, state and local governments are involved in the delivery and financing of different elements of health care provision from running hospitals, providing health insurance to running vaccination programmes. Contrary to expectations, we find that most voters can broadly attribute responsibility to the relevant level of government for different health services and programmes, however a significant minority consistently misattribute responsibility by holding the local government responsible. We find that perceptions of health system performance matter more than partisanship in explaining when voters hold different levels of government responsible. Those who are less satisfied with the health system are more likely to blame the local government for poor performance, even where it is not constitutionally responsible. This suggests that state and national governments receive credit from voters who perceive services as functioning well but are not punished by those who are dissatisfied. In other words, political leaders are able to capture credit among voters who are more satisfied with health provision while deflecting blame from those who are less satisfied. These findings demonstrate important weaknesses in the chain of electoral accountability for health. The paper suggests possible parallels to authoritarian contexts such as China where recent research has shown that strong centralised political leadership claims credit for public goods provision while deflecting blame for corruption and inefficiency to lower levels of government.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48463,"journal":{"name":"World Development","volume":"185 ","pages":"Article 106807"},"PeriodicalIF":5.4,"publicationDate":"2024-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142535370","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Revisiting regional governance and regional development: Measurements, linkages and coupling effect 重新审视区域治理和区域发展：测量、联系和耦合效应

IF 5.4 1区经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

World Development

Pub Date : 2024-10-19 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106816

Yingbo Li , Zihan Wang , Ziqiu Lin , Yuning Gao

This study presents a conceptual framework for the multidimensional aspects of regional governance that influence regional development. In order to test the coupling effect of governance factors on economic growth and welfare improvement, a combination method comprising two-way fixed effects models, systematic GMM models, natural language processing and machine learning has been adopted. The findings underscore the heterogeneous nature of regional governance factors that exert influence on regional economic growth and welfare improvement in China. This study builds upon the preceding conclusion that a singular dimension of governance factor exerts an impact on regional economic growth or welfare improvement. Moreover, the study offers decision-makers a nuanced policy perspective to facilitate regional economic growth and enhance welfare from a coupling governance perspective.

本研究就影响区域发展的区域治理的多维方面提出了一个概念框架。为了检验治理因素对经济增长和福利改善的耦合效应，研究采用了双向固定效应模型、系统 GMM 模型、自然语言处理和机器学习相结合的方法。研究结果凸显了中国区域治理因素对区域经济增长和福利改善影响的异质性。本研究在前述结论的基础上，认为单一维度的治理因素会对区域经济增长或福利改善产生影响。此外，本研究还为决策者提供了一个细致入微的政策视角，从耦合治理的角度促进区域经济增长和福利改善。

引用次数: 0

Economic complexity and deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon 巴西亚马逊地区的经济复杂性和毁林问题

IF 5.4 1区经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

World Development

Pub Date : 2024-10-18 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106804

Fabricio Silveira , João P. Romero , Arthur Queiroz , Elton Freitas , Alexandre Stein

As the Amazon rainforest faces ever-increasing deforestation, finding a balance between conservation and economic progress becomes imperative. This study investigates the relationship between regional economic complexity (ECI-R) and deforestation in municipalities within the Brazilian Amazon between 2006 and 2021. Employing different econometric techniques, we untangle the multifaceted factors determining land use choices while considering variables associated with agriculture, extraction, and livestock activities. Rigorous testing confirms the validity of our findings. The results suggest an “environmental Kuznets curve” at play in the Amazon. This means that a slight increase in regional economic complexity (0.1 unit) initially leads to a significant rise in deforestation (28 %) but is followed by a decrease (8.4 %) in the following year. Interestingly, environmental fines appear to be a powerful tool for controlling deforestation. Further analysis using Probit regressions reinforces the key roles of economic complexity and environmental enforcement. Municipalities with higher regional complexity were 20 % more likely to experience low deforestation and high employment growth between 2006 and 2011. However, this trend reversed in later periods. Ultimately, the results indicate a complex relationship between economic complexity and deforestation. These findings highlight governments’ critical role in promoting sustainable development in the Amazon. There are limits to such an approach but supporting “green” industries and curbing deforestation-related activities can steer the region towards a more prosperous and environmentally responsible future.

随着亚马逊雨林面临日益严重的森林砍伐，在保护和经济发展之间找到平衡点已成为当务之急。本研究调查了 2006 年至 2021 年期间巴西亚马逊地区各城市的地区经济复杂性（ECI-R）与森林砍伐之间的关系。我们采用不同的计量经济学技术，在考虑与农业、采掘业和畜牧业活动相关的变量的同时，解开了决定土地使用选择的多方面因素。严格的测试证实了我们研究结果的有效性。结果表明，亚马逊地区存在 "环境库兹涅茨曲线"。这意味着，地区经济复杂性的轻微增加（0.1 个单位）最初会导致森林砍伐量大幅上升（28%），但随后一年又会下降（8.4%）。有趣的是，环境罚款似乎是控制森林砍伐的有力工具。利用 Probit 回归进行的进一步分析加强了经济复杂性和环境执法的关键作用。在 2006 年至 2011 年期间，地区复杂度较高的城市出现低森林砍伐率和高就业增长率的可能性要高出 20%。然而，这一趋势在后期发生了逆转。最终，研究结果表明，经济复杂性与森林砍伐之间存在着复杂的关系。这些发现凸显了政府在促进亚马逊地区可持续发展中的关键作用。这种方法有其局限性，但支持 "绿色 "产业和遏制与森林砍伐相关的活动可以引导该地区走向更加繁荣和对环境负责的未来。

{"title":"Economic complexity and deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon","authors":"Fabricio Silveira , João P. Romero , Arthur Queiroz , Elton Freitas , Alexandre Stein","doi":"10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106804","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106804","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>As the Amazon rainforest faces ever-increasing deforestation, finding a balance between conservation and economic progress becomes imperative. This study investigates the relationship between regional economic complexity (ECI-R) and deforestation in municipalities within the Brazilian Amazon between 2006 and 2021. Employing different econometric techniques, we untangle the multifaceted factors determining land use choices while considering variables associated with agriculture, extraction, and livestock activities. Rigorous testing confirms the validity of our findings. The results suggest an “environmental Kuznets curve” at play in the Amazon. This means that a slight increase in regional economic complexity (0.1 unit) initially leads to a significant rise in deforestation (28 %) but is followed by a decrease (8.4 %) in the following year. Interestingly, environmental fines appear to be a powerful tool for controlling deforestation. Further analysis using Probit regressions reinforces the key roles of economic complexity and environmental enforcement. Municipalities with higher regional complexity were 20 % more likely to experience low deforestation and high employment growth between 2006 and 2011. However, this trend reversed in later periods. Ultimately, the results indicate a complex relationship between economic complexity and deforestation. These findings highlight governments’ critical role in promoting sustainable development in the Amazon. There are limits to such an approach but supporting “green” industries and curbing deforestation-related activities can steer the region towards a more prosperous and environmentally responsible future.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48463,"journal":{"name":"World Development","volume":"185 ","pages":"Article 106804"},"PeriodicalIF":5.4,"publicationDate":"2024-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142535368","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Institutional transition: Social cohesion and demand for land titles in urban Tanzania 体制转型：坦桑尼亚城市的社会凝聚力和对土地所有权的需求

IF 5.4 1区经济学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

World Development

Pub Date : 2024-10-17 DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106799

Martina Manara

In much of urban Africa, demand for statutory property rights remains low even when governments coordinate land titling programmes and reduce the costs of registration. This paper studies the Residential Licence programme of Dar es Salaam (Tanzania), which has had moderate and decreasing uptake since the early 2000 s. It tests hypotheses that social cohesion – measured via neighbourhood homogeneity and individual connectedness (or marginalisation) – affects choices of formalisation and explores two potential channels through social cohesion producing returns from informal systems and social sanctions for exit. Statistical analysis of city-wide administrative data shows that more homogenous neighbourhoods with higher shares of older, male and cooperative landholders have lower individual titling, and marginalised individuals, such as newcomers, female and uncooperative landholders, make more recourse to statutory property rights. However, primary survey data and vignettes suggest that landholders expect substantial returns from formalisation, including gains of tenure security and public goods provision over and above the informal tenure system. Expectations of social sanctions by neighbours are negligeable overall, and neighbours do not provide significant disincentives (nor incentives) for land titling decisions in this context. By showing that dimensions of social cohesion make land title acquisition of higher priority for specific groups and individuals, these results add to a growing literature on the links between social cohesion, tenure security and land titling decisions. They underscore a need for further research on how informal tenure systems produce and distribute public goods (including tenure security) generating heterogenous (dis)incentives for transitioning to alternative land institutions. This knowledge will provide better understandings of demand for land titles in rapidly urbanising developing cities and inform more effective land policies addressing specific shortcomings of informal tenure systems for diverse contexts, communities and individuals.

在非洲大部分城市，即使政府协调土地产权计划并降低登记成本，对法定产权的需求仍然很低。本文研究了达累斯萨拉姆（坦桑尼亚）的住宅执照计划，自 2000 年代初以来，该计划的使用率一直在下降。本文检验了社会凝聚力--通过邻里同质性和个人联系（或边缘化）来衡量--影响正规化选择的假设，并探讨了通过社会凝聚力产生非正规系统回报和退出社会制裁的两个潜在渠道。对全市行政数据的统计分析显示，同质性较高的社区中，老年、男性和合作土地所有者的比例较高，个人所有权较低，而新来者、女性和不合作土地所有者等边缘化个人则更多地诉诸法定产权。然而，初步调查数据和小故事表明，土地所有者期望从正规化中获得可观的回报，包括保有权保障和公共产品提供方面的收益，这些都超过了非正规保有权制度。邻居们对社会制裁的期望总体上可以忽略不计，在这种情况下，邻居们不会对土地所有权决策产生重大的抑制（或激励）作用。这些结果表明，社会凝聚力使特定群体和个人更优先考虑获得土地所有权，从而丰富了有关社会凝聚力、土地权保障和土地所有权决策之间联系的文献。这些结果突出表明，有必要进一步研究非正规土地权属制度如何生产和分配公共产品（包括土地权保障），从而产生过渡到其他土地制度的不同（非）激励因素。这些知识将有助于更好地了解快速城市化的发展中城市对土地所有权的需求，并为制定更有效的土地政策提供依据，以解决非正规土地权属制度在不同环境、社区和个人中存在的具体缺陷。

{"title":"Institutional transition: Social cohesion and demand for land titles in urban Tanzania","authors":"Martina Manara","doi":"10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106799","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.worlddev.2024.106799","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>In much of urban Africa, demand for statutory property rights remains low even when governments coordinate land titling programmes and reduce the costs of registration. This paper studies the Residential Licence programme of Dar es Salaam (Tanzania), which has had moderate and decreasing uptake since the early 2000 s. It tests hypotheses that social cohesion – measured via neighbourhood homogeneity and individual connectedness (or marginalisation) – affects choices of formalisation and explores two potential channels through social cohesion producing returns from informal systems and social sanctions for exit. Statistical analysis of city-wide administrative data shows that more homogenous neighbourhoods with higher shares of older, male and cooperative landholders have lower individual titling, and marginalised individuals, such as newcomers, female and uncooperative landholders, make more recourse to statutory property rights. However, primary survey data and vignettes suggest that landholders expect substantial returns from formalisation, including gains of tenure security and public goods provision over and above the informal tenure system. Expectations of social sanctions by neighbours are negligeable overall, and neighbours do not provide significant disincentives (nor incentives) for land titling decisions in this context. By showing that dimensions of social cohesion make land title acquisition of higher priority for specific groups and individuals, these results add to a growing literature on the links between social cohesion, tenure security and land titling decisions. They underscore a need for further research on how informal tenure systems produce and distribute public goods (including tenure security) generating heterogenous (dis)incentives for transitioning to alternative land institutions. This knowledge will provide better understandings of demand for land titles in rapidly urbanising developing cities and inform more effective land policies addressing specific shortcomings of informal tenure systems for diverse contexts, communities and individuals.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48463,"journal":{"name":"World Development","volume":"185 ","pages":"Article 106799"},"PeriodicalIF":5.4,"publicationDate":"2024-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142444769","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0