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Northern Realignment? Explaining Nordic Consent to NextGenerationEU 北方调整?解释北欧对下一代欧盟的同意
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-08-02 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13649
Johan Ekman, Rune Møller Stahl, Magnus Ryner
This article explains the consent of the European Union's (EU) Nordic member states to NextGenerationEU (NGEU). Broad domestic consensus against EU‐level fiscal federal measures, based on what the growth model literature calls labour‐inclusive export‐based growth models, was overcome through two channels. Despite principled opposition in public, Nordic governments responded almost instantly to the changes in German preferences in the ‘Moravcsik channel’ of intergovernmental bargaining. This was complemented by dynamics in the ‘Amsterdam School channel’ that co‐ordinated transnational support by export‐oriented business for an EU‐level recovery plan and set the stage for consensus formation with trade unions. Despite non‐trivial complications in the short run, the party systems followed these leads in executive and corporatist politics.
本文解释了欧盟北欧成员国同意下一代欧盟(NGEU)的原因。北欧国内对欧盟层面的联邦财政措施(基于增长模型文献所说的劳动力包容性出口型增长模型)的广泛共识是通过两种渠道克服的。尽管公众原则上反对,但北欧各国政府在政府间谈判的 "莫拉夫契克渠道 "中几乎立即对德国偏好的变化做出了反应。此外,"阿姆斯特丹学派渠道 "也发挥了作用,协调了出口导向型企业对欧盟层面复苏计划的跨国支持,并为与工会达成共识创造了条件。尽管在短期内出现了非同小可的复杂情况,但政党制度在行政和公司政治方面遵循了这些线索。
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引用次数: 0
The Unlikely Survival of Erdoğan in Turkey's May 2023 Elections 埃尔多安在 2023 年 5 月土耳其大选中存活的可能性不大
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-07-31 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13655
Ali Çarkoğlu
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引用次数: 0
The 2023 Cypriot Presidential Elections: Shifts in Domestic and Regional Dynamics 2023 年塞浦路斯总统选举:国内和地区动态的变化
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-07-31 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13667
Constantinos Adamides
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引用次数: 0
European Solidarity Takes the Field: The Dimensional Structure of Political Competition in the European Union After the Polycrisis 欧洲团结上阵:多重危机后欧盟政治竞争的维度结构
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-07-31 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13651
Francesco Visconti, Alessandro Pellegata
Most studies investigating the dimensionality of political space in Europe demonstrate that European Union (EU)‐related issues are orthogonal to the economic left–right dimension. This literature usually employs survey items tapping into general support for the EU. However, the multiple crises that hit Europe after 2008 have polarized even Europhile voters on the more specific issue of European solidarity. This article aims to investigate how voters' attitudes towards European solidarity interplay with their position on the left–right and European integration dimensions, as well as specific economic and cultural issues. Empirical analyses employ original survey data collected in 2019 in 10 EU countries. Results partially support the expectations of regional differences in the dimensionality of the political space, with European solidarity more strongly associated with left–right, EU integration and immigration in Northern EU member states than in Eastern and Southern countries, in which voters are more likely to support solidarity notwithstanding their general political orientations.
大多数调查欧洲政治空间维度的研究表明,欧盟相关问题与经济左右维度是正交的。这些文献通常采用调查项目来了解人们对欧盟的普遍支持。然而,2008 年后欧洲遭遇的多重危机,甚至在欧洲团结这一更为具体的问题上,也使亲欧选民两极分化。本文旨在研究选民对欧洲团结的态度如何与他们在左右派和欧洲一体化方面的立场以及具体的经济和文化问题相互影响。实证分析采用了 2019 年在 10 个欧盟国家收集的原始调查数据。结果部分支持了政治空间维度的地区差异预期,与东部和南部国家相比,欧盟北部成员国的欧洲团结与左右翼、欧盟一体化和移民的关联度更高,而东部和南部国家的选民尽管有一般的政治取向,但更有可能支持团结。
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引用次数: 0
EU Industrial Policy and Convergent Development in EU Peripheries: An Assessment of the ‘Important Project of Common European Interest’ (IPCEI) Template 欧盟产业政策与欧盟周边地区的融合发展:对 "欧洲共同利益重要项目"(IPCEI)模板的评估
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-07-30 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13664
Henrique Lopes‐Valença
Industrial policy has been enjoying a significant comeback. In the European Union (EU), ‘important projects of common European interest’ (IPCEIs) have become a template for a new, value chain‐oriented EU industrial policy. But what does this mean for convergence between ‘peripheral’ and ‘core’ member states? Based on the understanding that convergent development requires opportunities for ‘learning in production’ to accumulate the technological capabilities that are necessary for economic upgrading within value chains, this article advances an in‐depth analysis of the implementation of this EU industrial policy template. It argues that IPCEIs have so far offered peripheral countries and their firms few opportunities for learning in production within value chains. In this light, there is a risk that IPCEIs might have limited or even detrimental effects on the prospects for convergence within the EU. The article concludes by considering how this template could be made more conducive to convergent development.
产业政策正在大幅复苏。在欧洲联盟(欧盟),"欧洲共同利益的重要项目"(IPCEIs)已成为以价值链为导向的新欧盟产业政策的模板。但这对 "外围 "和 "核心 "成员国之间的融合意味着什么?趋同发展需要 "生产中学习 "的机会,以积累价值链内经济升级所需的技术能力,基于这一认识,本文对这一欧盟产业政策模板的实施进行了深入分析。文章认为,迄今为止,IPCEI 为边缘国家及其企业提供的在价值链中学习生产的机会很少。有鉴于此,IPCEI 有可能对欧盟内部的趋同前景产生有限甚至有害的影响。文章最后探讨了如何使这一模板更有利于趋同发展。
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引用次数: 0
The European Parliament and the Qatargate 欧洲议会和卡塔尔门
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-07-30 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13666
Olivier Costa
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引用次数: 0
The European Union Response to the Inflation Reduction Act: An Assessment of the European Council System Beyond Crisis 欧盟对《降低通货膨胀法》的回应:对危机后欧洲理事会体系的评估
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-07-29 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13653
Sandrino Smeets, Derek Beach
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引用次数: 0
Going in Different Directions? The 2023 Elections in Poland and Slovakia and Their Aftermath 走向不同的方向?波兰和斯洛伐克 2023 年大选及其后果
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-07-29 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13656
Tim Haughton, Karolina Pomorska, Darina Malová, Kevin Deegan‐Krause
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引用次数: 0
Between Cooperation and Rivalry: The Leadership of Charles Michel as President of the European Council 合作与竞争之间:查尔斯-米歇尔作为欧洲理事会主席的领导能力
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-07-26 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13660
Henriette Müller, Ingeborg Tömmel
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引用次数: 0
The Impact of Brexit on Women, Peace and Security in Northern Ireland: Spotlight on Violence Against Women 英国脱欧对北爱尔兰妇女、和平与安全的影响:聚焦暴力侵害妇女行为
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-07-25 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13663
Katharine A. M. Wright, Ruth McAreavey, Rebecca Donaldson

The impact of Brexit on Northern Ireland (NI) is now well established; however, less attention has been given to the impact on women, despite the applicability of the Women, Peace and Security agenda. In this policy commentary, we detail the impact Brexit has had on the issue of violence against women in NI. This is timely, given that the NI Executive Office has developed an Ending Violence against Women and Girls (VAWG) Strategic Framework, of which the adoption was identified as a priority on the resumption of the NI Assembly in February 2024. In addition to the repercussions of ‘Brexit politics’ resulting in the suspension of Stormont, which stymied the adoption of the strategy, we examine what has been lost in terms of funding, data collection, benchmarking and legal protections, all of which contribute to addressing VAWG in NI. We conclude with policy points to address the issues arising.

英国脱欧对北爱尔兰(NI)的影响现已得到公认;然而,尽管 "妇女、和平与安全 "议程适用于北爱尔兰,但人们却较少关注英国脱欧对妇女的影响。在本政策评论中,我们将详细阐述英国脱欧对北爱尔兰暴力侵害妇女问题的影响。鉴于北爱尔兰执行办公室已制定了《结束暴力侵害妇女和女童行为战略框架》,而通过该框架被确定为 2024 年 2 月北爱尔兰议会复会时的优先事项,因此本政策评论非常及时。除了 "脱欧政治 "导致斯托蒙特议会停摆(阻碍了该战略的通过)的影响外,我们还研究了在资金、数据收集、基准设定和法律保护方面的损失,所有这些都有助于解决北爱尔兰的暴力侵害妇女和女童问题。最后,我们提出了解决所出现问题的政策要点。
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引用次数: 0
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Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies
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