{"title":"The Challenge of Right-Wing Populism in Europe: Response to Reviews","authors":"Larry M. Bartels","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13674","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13674","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"245-249"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142176489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article presents a model that conceptualizes the discursive construction of post‐disruption dynamics endorsed and reproduced by the affected parties and its potential to (not) contribute to future co‐operation. Conceiving of Brexit as a prime case of a broader phenomenon of post‐disruption contexts, this paper applies this model to the empirical case of the post‐Brexit European Union (EU)–United Kingdom (UK) security co‐operation in order to reveal how considerations on Brexit‐related re‐engagement and de‐engagement in the context of the EU–UK security relationship were discursively articulated by the UK government and the European Commission in the 2016–2023 period. The findings show that despite the lack of tangible actions and a seemingly continuous string of missed opportunities, the institutional discourse production has largely fulfilled an enabling function vis‐à‐vis potential future co‐operation. At the same time, this article highlights the lingering effects of Brexit‐triggered discord.
{"title":"Navigating the Uncertainties of Post‐disruption Dynamics in Discourse: A Case Study of the EU–UK Security Relationship After Brexit","authors":"Monika Brusenbauch Meislová","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13648","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.13648","url":null,"abstract":"The article presents a model that conceptualizes the discursive construction of post‐disruption dynamics endorsed and reproduced by the affected parties and its potential to (not) contribute to future co‐operation. Conceiving of Brexit as a prime case of a broader phenomenon of post‐disruption contexts, this paper applies this model to the empirical case of the post‐Brexit European Union (EU)–United Kingdom (UK) security co‐operation in order to reveal how considerations on Brexit‐related re‐engagement and de‐engagement in the context of the EU–UK security relationship were discursively articulated by the UK government and the European Commission in the 2016–2023 period. The findings show that despite the lack of tangible actions and a seemingly continuous string of missed opportunities, the institutional discourse production has largely fulfilled an enabling function vis‐à‐vis potential future co‐operation. At the same time, this article highlights the lingering effects of Brexit‐triggered discord.","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"46 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-08-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142176422","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Populist actors who conduct democratic backsliding incrementally eat away at institutional checks on power. Whilst they largely focus on domestic institutions, European Union (EU) member states have an international democratic institution to consider as well. In this article, we present and test a theory explaining changes in backslider rhetoric towards the EU. Whilst they often claim a position of Euroscepticism, their interactions with the EU are complicated. We argue that anti‐democratic actors consider the public perception of the EU and the likelihood of enforcement and sanctions from the EU when deciding what type of rhetoric to use. Using speeches from Orbán in Hungary and Duda in Poland, we find that the effect of public opinion on speech sentiment varies between leaders. We also find evidence of position blurring in response to increases in EU threat levels.
{"title":"The European Union as a Target: When Do Democratic Backsliders Rhetorically Challenge the EU?","authors":"Kari Waters, Samantha Call","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13641","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.13641","url":null,"abstract":"Populist actors who conduct democratic backsliding incrementally eat away at institutional checks on power. Whilst they largely focus on domestic institutions, European Union (EU) member states have an international democratic institution to consider as well. In this article, we present and test a theory explaining changes in backslider rhetoric towards the EU. Whilst they often claim a position of Euroscepticism, their interactions with the EU are complicated. We argue that anti‐democratic actors consider the public perception of the EU and the likelihood of enforcement and sanctions from the EU when deciding what type of rhetoric to use. Using speeches from Orbán in Hungary and Duda in Poland, we find that the effect of public opinion on speech sentiment varies between leaders. We also find evidence of position blurring in response to increases in EU threat levels.","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"169 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-08-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141945234","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
<p>This article reviews Josep Borrell's tenure as High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the European Commission (HR/VP) from December 2019 to June 2024. It focuses on his efforts to enhance the European Union's (EU's) global influence and stability amid challenges such as Brexit, the COVID-19 pandemic, the invasion of Ukraine, shifting EU policies towards China and the United States and the conflict in Gaza. Key EU policies during this period include the Strategic Compass in defence and REPowerEU in energy security. In surveying these policies, the article examines Borrell's effectiveness in mediating foreign policy responses from EU member states and fostering a unified stance during crises. It further explores how Borrell's approach enabled him to maintain or enhance his leadership role through the ‘performance’ of key policies like REPowerEU, reflecting ‘leaderisation’ (Aggestam and Hedling, <span>2020</span>). Leaderisation in this sense involves leaders engaging in sense-making of their role to connect with different audiences (Aggestam and Hedling, <span>2020</span>, p. 306). Borrell's successes and challenges provide insights into the EU's capacity to develop a cohesive foreign policy framework and influence regional and global politics. We conclude that Borrell's tenure involved both tacit and active contributions, from moderate efforts to advance Commission President von der Leyen's <span>2019</span> ‘Geopolitical Commission’ agenda during Brexit and COVID-19 to successful alignment of energy policy with EU foreign policy and a unified response to the invasion of Ukraine.</p><p>The 1997 Treaty of Amsterdam, effective May 1999, established the position of High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy, initially held by Javier Solana. Solana's role was more limited than today's HR/VP as defined by the Treaty of Lisbon (European Parliament, <span>2009</span>). Solana's tenure shaped the role for future HR/VPs by balancing member states' differing foreign policy views with a value-based approach, enabling the EU to act effectively (Helwig, <span>2015</span>, p. 87). In his term, he stressed the importance of aligning EU responses to global events, particularly in complex regions like the Western Balkans.</p><p>The 2009 Lisbon Treaty expanded and clarified the HR/VP role a bit further. Veteran British politician Catherine Ashton was the first to hold this expanded position. She oversaw the establishment of the European External Action Service (EEAS), balancing member state sensitivities with the need for coherence in EU foreign policy. Ashton's behind-the-scenes consensus-building methods enhanced the HR/VP role's capacity to strengthen relations between the Council, Commission and EEAS and secure successive rounds of sanctions (Tallberg, <span>2006</span>).</p><p>Federica Mogherini, who succeeded Ashton in 2014, developed the EU's first global strategy since the 2003 European
本文回顾了Josep Borrell在2019年12月至2024年6月期间担任欧盟外交与安全政策高级代表/欧盟委员会副主席（HR/VP）的任期。在英国脱欧、新冠肺炎疫情、入侵乌克兰、改变欧盟对中国和美国的政策、加沙冲突等挑战中，他为增强欧盟的全球影响力和稳定所做的努力。在此期间，欧盟的主要政策包括国防战略指南针和能源安全REPowerEU。在调查这些政策时，本文考察了博雷尔在协调欧盟成员国外交政策反应和在危机期间促进统一立场方面的有效性。它进一步探讨了博雷尔的方法如何使他能够通过REPowerEU等关键政策的“表现”来维持或加强他的领导角色，这反映了“领导力”（Aggestam and Hedling, 2020）。这种意义上的领导涉及领导者参与其角色的意义构建，以与不同的受众建立联系（Aggestam和Hedling， 2020年，第306页）。博雷尔的成功和挑战让我们了解到欧盟在制定一个有凝聚力的外交政策框架以及影响地区和全球政治方面的能力。我们得出的结论是，博雷尔的任期内既有隐性贡献，也有积极贡献，从在英国脱欧和2019冠状病毒疫情期间温和推进欧盟委员会主席冯德莱恩2019年“地缘政治委员会”议程，到成功将能源政策与欧盟外交政策保持一致，以及对乌克兰入侵的统一回应。1999年5月生效的1997年《阿姆斯特丹条约》设立了共同外交与安全政策高级代表一职，最初由哈维尔·索拉纳担任。索拉纳的角色比里斯本条约（欧洲议会，2009年）所定义的今天的人力资源/副总裁更有限。索拉纳的任期塑造了未来人力资源/副总裁的角色，通过以价值为基础的方法平衡成员国不同的外交政策观点，使欧盟能够有效地采取行动（Helwig, 2015，第87页）。在他的任期内，他强调了欧盟应对全球事件的重要性，特别是在像西巴尔干这样复杂的地区。2009年《里斯本条约》进一步扩大和明确了人力资源/副总裁的角色。英国资深政治家凯瑟琳·阿什顿（Catherine Ashton）是第一个担任这一职位的人。她监督了欧洲对外行动署（EEAS）的建立，平衡了成员国的敏感性与欧盟外交政策一致性的需要。阿什顿在幕后建立共识的方法增强了人力资源/副总裁角色加强理事会、委员会和EEAS之间关系的能力，并确保了连续几轮的制裁（Tallberg, 2006）。2014年接替阿什顿的费代丽卡·莫盖里尼制定了欧盟自2003年《欧洲安全战略》以来的首个全球战略。莫盖里尼在撰写欧盟全球战略（EUGS）方面的专业知识与她的领导风格是共生的，Aggestam和Hedling将其描述为“领导作为一个持续的绩效过程”，包括关键政策的制定和在关键政策的启动和推广中使用表演行为。正如后面所讨论的，博雷尔自己对REPowerEU的使用反映了莫盖里尼的方法，但与战略指南针（novotn<e:1>, 2015）形成鲜明对比。在他的任期内，博雷尔见证了一系列重大的全球事件，他试图通过这些事件建立一个统一的欧盟外交政策。2019-2024年是世界政治发展的关键时期，也是欧盟一体化进程面临重大挑战和转折点的时期。在Ursula von der Leyen的领导下，Josep Borrell根据欧盟理事会的授权处理对外关系，欧盟在这些动荡时期既顺利又尴尬地度过了难关，从各种危机中吸取了宝贵的教训，但不发达的外交机制仍然阻碍了欧盟充分发挥其地缘政治甚至全球作用的能力。博雷尔在一些领域进行了战略性的操作，制定了REPowerEU等政策，通过这些政策来提升自己，并在全球政治中展示欧盟的角色，同时低估了推动欧盟在其他领域实现战略自治的机会，包括战略指南针。在探索中，博雷尔选择了许多“声音”：一些是个人的，一些是专业的，一些是反应性的，一些是代表性的；大多数人都在为欧盟统一的共同外交政策服务，可能在他自己的观点与主要成员国的观点相一致的领域最能表达自己的观点。在更有争议的领域，博雷尔倾向于默认他自己的观点，然后进行回顾性干预，以在欧盟成员国之间建立一个共同的立场。 接下来的人力资源/副总裁是否会培养类似的方法，以及这对在全球动荡中锻造欧盟外交事务的影响仍有待观察。
{"title":"More or Less Borrell? A Critical Analysis of Josep Borrell as the European Union's High Representative","authors":"Amelia Hadfield, Mustafa Demir","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13670","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13670","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article reviews Josep Borrell's tenure as High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the European Commission (HR/VP) from December 2019 to June 2024. It focuses on his efforts to enhance the European Union's (EU's) global influence and stability amid challenges such as Brexit, the COVID-19 pandemic, the invasion of Ukraine, shifting EU policies towards China and the United States and the conflict in Gaza. Key EU policies during this period include the Strategic Compass in defence and REPowerEU in energy security. In surveying these policies, the article examines Borrell's effectiveness in mediating foreign policy responses from EU member states and fostering a unified stance during crises. It further explores how Borrell's approach enabled him to maintain or enhance his leadership role through the ‘performance’ of key policies like REPowerEU, reflecting ‘leaderisation’ (Aggestam and Hedling, <span>2020</span>). Leaderisation in this sense involves leaders engaging in sense-making of their role to connect with different audiences (Aggestam and Hedling, <span>2020</span>, p. 306). Borrell's successes and challenges provide insights into the EU's capacity to develop a cohesive foreign policy framework and influence regional and global politics. We conclude that Borrell's tenure involved both tacit and active contributions, from moderate efforts to advance Commission President von der Leyen's <span>2019</span> ‘Geopolitical Commission’ agenda during Brexit and COVID-19 to successful alignment of energy policy with EU foreign policy and a unified response to the invasion of Ukraine.</p><p>The 1997 Treaty of Amsterdam, effective May 1999, established the position of High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy, initially held by Javier Solana. Solana's role was more limited than today's HR/VP as defined by the Treaty of Lisbon (European Parliament, <span>2009</span>). Solana's tenure shaped the role for future HR/VPs by balancing member states' differing foreign policy views with a value-based approach, enabling the EU to act effectively (Helwig, <span>2015</span>, p. 87). In his term, he stressed the importance of aligning EU responses to global events, particularly in complex regions like the Western Balkans.</p><p>The 2009 Lisbon Treaty expanded and clarified the HR/VP role a bit further. Veteran British politician Catherine Ashton was the first to hold this expanded position. She oversaw the establishment of the European External Action Service (EEAS), balancing member state sensitivities with the need for coherence in EU foreign policy. Ashton's behind-the-scenes consensus-building methods enhanced the HR/VP role's capacity to strengthen relations between the Council, Commission and EEAS and secure successive rounds of sanctions (Tallberg, <span>2006</span>).</p><p>Federica Mogherini, who succeeded Ashton in 2014, developed the EU's first global strategy since the 2003 European ","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"64-75"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jcms.13670","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141922377","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Democracy Erodes From the Top: Leaders, Citizens, and the Challenge of Populism in Europe, by L. Bartels (New Jersey/ Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2023, ISBN: 9780691244525); 280 pp., £25.00 (Hardcover)/£17.99 (Paperback)/£17.50 (eBook).","authors":"Sylvia Kritzinger","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13659","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13659","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"242-244"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141924220","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Sense‐making and meaning‐making are fundamental tasks of crisis management. They entail the construction of a persuasive crisis narrative for guaranteeing that the public understands and supports crisis responses. Building on a combination of literature on crisis management and policy narratives, we analysed von der Leyen's speeches on the pandemic (March 2020–December 2022) to answer one central research question: was the President of the Commission able to construct a compelling narrative to support the crisis response at the supranational level? Our findings suggest that she was able to create a convincing crisis narrative that helped to back the Commission's co‐ordination role and the crisis response devised at the supranational level.
{"title":"A Convincing Narrative to Control the Crisis Response? The Role of the President of the European Commission During the COVID‐19 Pandemic","authors":"Isabel Camisão, Paulo Vila Maior","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13652","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.13652","url":null,"abstract":"Sense‐making and meaning‐making are fundamental tasks of crisis management. They entail the construction of a persuasive crisis narrative for guaranteeing that the public understands and supports crisis responses. Building on a combination of literature on crisis management and policy narratives, we analysed von der Leyen's speeches on the pandemic (March 2020–December 2022) to answer one central research question: was the President of the Commission able to construct a compelling narrative to support the crisis response at the supranational level? Our findings suggest that she was able to create a convincing crisis narrative that helped to back the Commission's co‐ordination role and the crisis response devised at the supranational level.","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141945235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Transgovernmental co‐operation is an important European Union (EU) regulatory method, but it imposes transaction costs on the organizations involved. Regulatory requirements under conditions of European free movement drive transgovernmentalism, but transaction costs also shape transgovernmental regulation and regulatory outcomes. We investigate co‐operation around labour standards regulation for posted construction workers, focusing on bilateral co‐operation of labour inspectorates between Estonia and Finland and comparing it with co‐operation efforts between Poland and Finland, and Ukraine via Poland to Finland. The shifting patterns of labour mobility and employer efforts to recruit from less regulated sources mean that investment in bilateral relations can be undermined by the dynamic character of the pan‐European labour market. This article contributes to debates on EU regulatory governance by showing how transaction costs from co‐operation can decrease the effectiveness of transgovernmental network‐based governance; in the case of labour regulation, employers exploit this to undermine the effectiveness of labour inspection co‐operation.
{"title":"Transgovernmental Labour Standards Enforcement in a Pan‐European Labour Market: An Arms Race Between Institutional Alignment and Regulatory Arbitrage","authors":"Nathan Lillie, Anita Brzozowska, Kairit Kall, Justyna Salamońska, Kamil Matuszczyk","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13650","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.13650","url":null,"abstract":"Transgovernmental co‐operation is an important European Union (EU) regulatory method, but it imposes transaction costs on the organizations involved. Regulatory requirements under conditions of European free movement drive transgovernmentalism, but transaction costs also shape transgovernmental regulation and regulatory outcomes. We investigate co‐operation around labour standards regulation for posted construction workers, focusing on bilateral co‐operation of labour inspectorates between Estonia and Finland and comparing it with co‐operation efforts between Poland and Finland, and Ukraine via Poland to Finland. The shifting patterns of labour mobility and employer efforts to recruit from less regulated sources mean that investment in bilateral relations can be undermined by the dynamic character of the pan‐European labour market. This article contributes to debates on EU regulatory governance by showing how transaction costs from co‐operation can decrease the effectiveness of transgovernmental network‐based governance; in the case of labour regulation, employers exploit this to undermine the effectiveness of labour inspection co‐operation.","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141945236","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Democracy Erodes From the Top: Leaders, Citizens, and the Challenge of Populism in Europe, by Larry Bartels (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2023, ISBN 9780691244501); 280 pp., $29.95/£25.00, hb.","authors":"Fernando Casal Bértoa","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13657","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13657","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"237-241"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141945237","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explains the consent of the European Union's (EU) Nordic member states to NextGenerationEU (NGEU). Broad domestic consensus against EU‐level fiscal federal measures, based on what the growth model literature calls labour‐inclusive export‐based growth models, was overcome through two channels. Despite principled opposition in public, Nordic governments responded almost instantly to the changes in German preferences in the ‘Moravcsik channel’ of intergovernmental bargaining. This was complemented by dynamics in the ‘Amsterdam School channel’ that co‐ordinated transnational support by export‐oriented business for an EU‐level recovery plan and set the stage for consensus formation with trade unions. Despite non‐trivial complications in the short run, the party systems followed these leads in executive and corporatist politics.
{"title":"Northern Realignment? Explaining Nordic Consent to NextGenerationEU","authors":"Johan Ekman, Rune Møller Stahl, Magnus Ryner","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13649","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.13649","url":null,"abstract":"This article explains the consent of the European Union's (EU) Nordic member states to NextGenerationEU (NGEU). Broad domestic consensus against EU‐level fiscal federal measures, based on what the growth model literature calls labour‐inclusive export‐based growth models, was overcome through two channels. Despite principled opposition in public, Nordic governments responded almost instantly to the changes in German preferences in the ‘Moravcsik channel’ of intergovernmental bargaining. This was complemented by dynamics in the ‘Amsterdam School channel’ that co‐ordinated transnational support by export‐oriented business for an EU‐level recovery plan and set the stage for consensus formation with trade unions. Despite non‐trivial complications in the short run, the party systems followed these leads in executive and corporatist politics.","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"141 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-08-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141883821","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Most studies investigating the dimensionality of political space in Europe demonstrate that European Union (EU)‐related issues are orthogonal to the economic left–right dimension. This literature usually employs survey items tapping into general support for the EU. However, the multiple crises that hit Europe after 2008 have polarized even Europhile voters on the more specific issue of European solidarity. This article aims to investigate how voters' attitudes towards European solidarity interplay with their position on the left–right and European integration dimensions, as well as specific economic and cultural issues. Empirical analyses employ original survey data collected in 2019 in 10 EU countries. Results partially support the expectations of regional differences in the dimensionality of the political space, with European solidarity more strongly associated with left–right, EU integration and immigration in Northern EU member states than in Eastern and Southern countries, in which voters are more likely to support solidarity notwithstanding their general political orientations.
{"title":"European Solidarity Takes the Field: The Dimensional Structure of Political Competition in the European Union After the Polycrisis","authors":"Francesco Visconti, Alessandro Pellegata","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13651","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.13651","url":null,"abstract":"Most studies investigating the dimensionality of political space in Europe demonstrate that European Union (EU)‐related issues are orthogonal to the economic left–right dimension. This literature usually employs survey items tapping into general support for the EU. However, the multiple crises that hit Europe after 2008 have polarized even Europhile voters on the more specific issue of European solidarity. This article aims to investigate how voters' attitudes towards European solidarity interplay with their position on the left–right and European integration dimensions, as well as specific economic and cultural issues. Empirical analyses employ original survey data collected in 2019 in 10 EU countries. Results partially support the expectations of regional differences in the dimensionality of the political space, with European solidarity more strongly associated with left–right, EU integration and immigration in Northern EU member states than in Eastern and Southern countries, in which voters are more likely to support solidarity notwithstanding their general political orientations.","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141862649","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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