European Journal of Political Economy最新文献

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The effect of terrorism on economic inequality in democracies and non-democracies

IF 2.3 3区经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS

European Journal of Political Economy

Pub Date : 2025-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102640

Daniel Meierrieks

We examine the relationship between terrorism and economic inequality for 163 countries between 1980 and 2018. We provide robust evidence that more terrorist activity results in higher levels of income inequality, where this relationship is especially pronounced for democratic countries. As an extension, we also study the role of terrorism in wealth inequality, uncovering similar linkages. Our findings imply that democracies see lower levels of income inequality in the absence of terrorism but increases in inequality as terrorist activity grows, while inequality in non-democratic countries is not affected by terrorism. Exploring potential transmission channels, we show that terrorism does not have distributional consequence by damaging the economy. Rather, in democracies terrorism leads to lower levels of redistribution via taxation and transfers. This finding is consistent with our theoretical argument that terrorism elicits a policy response in the form of lower levels of redistribution especially from democratic governments due to their dependence on broad electoral support to stay in power.

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Fines for unequal societies

IF 2.3 3区经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS

European Journal of Political Economy

Pub Date : 2025-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102621

Giuseppe Dari-Mattiacci , Giovanni Immordino , Francesco F. Russo

One fourth of the 196 countries we surveyed adopts some form of day fines — that is, fines that increase with the wealth of the offender — and does so for moderate, non-monetary violations. We offer a model of optimal deterrence with decreasing marginal utility of wealth and unequal wealth distribution that rationalizes this pattern. We show that uniform fines are optimal when harm from crime is low, non-monetary sanctions when it is high, and day fines in the intermediate region. The introduction of day fines reduces the (optimal) use of non-monetary sanctions and restores deterrence for the rich, as compared to uniform fines. The scope for day fines increases with wealth inequality and decreases with the cost of wealth verification.

引用次数: 0

Geopolitical Risks, Political Tensions and the European Economy

IF 2.3 3区经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS

European Journal of Political Economy

Pub Date : 2025-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2025.102644

Jamel Saadaoui, Amélie Barbier-Gauchard, Jan-Egbert Sturm

引用次数: 0

Online social media and populism in Europe

IF 2.3 3区经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS

European Journal of Political Economy

Pub Date : 2025-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102619

Mihai Mutascu , Cristina Strango , Camelia Turcu

We investigate the impact of social media (e.g., Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, and LinkedIn) on left-wing and right-wing populist voting patterns within the European Union 27 (EU-27). Our empirical analysis is based on an Ordered Probit model, over 2014–2020. We differentiate between politically oriented communication and general communication, through social media. We find that politically oriented communication on platforms like Facebook and LinkedIn contributes to the electoral success of right-wing parties. In contrast, active engagement of left-wing parties on social media platforms, such as Facebook, Twitter, and LinkedIn appears not to enhance their electoral success. This suggests that right-wing parties effectively leverage platforms like Facebook and LinkedIn to disseminate populist ideologies, while left-wing parties face challenges with their engagement strategies on these platforms.

引用次数: 0

Climate activism favors pro-environmental consumption

IF 2.3 3区经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS

European Journal of Political Economy

Pub Date : 2025-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2025.102642

Marco A. Marini, Samuel Nocito

We investigate whether climate activism favors pro-environmental consumption by examining the impact of Fridays for Future (FFF) protests in Italy on second-hand automobile sales in rally-affected areas. Leveraging data on 10 million automobile transactions occurring before and after FFF mobilizations, we exploit rainfall on the day of the event as an exogenous source of attendance variation. Our findings reveal a reduction in both the total number of cars purchased and their average CO2 emissions, with an uptick in the market share of low-emission vehicles and a corresponding decrease in the market share of high-emission counterparts. We test for two potential mechanisms at work: one mediated by an increase in environmental awareness, the other induced by a rational anticipation of future stricter regulations. Empirical evidence suggests that the latter mechanism is generally more pronounced than the former. However, the first channel seems likely to be at work among individuals aged 18–25, a group that is potentially more involved in the FFF movement.

引用次数: 0

Third-party interest, resource value, and the likelihood of conflict

IF 2.3 3区经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS

European Journal of Political Economy

Pub Date : 2025-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102635

Giacomo Battiston , Matteo Bizzarri , Riccardo Franceschin

Resource wealth induces predation incentives but also conflict-deterring third-party involvement. As a result, the relation between resource value and conflict probability is a priori unclear. This paper studies such relation with a theoretical framework involving a potential aggressor and a powerful third party. First, we show that, if the third party’s incentives to intervene are sufficiently strong, conflict probability is hump-shaped in the resource value. Second, we theoretically establish that resource value increases the third party’s incentive to side with the resource-rich defendant in case of intervention, providing another mechanism for stabilization when the resource value is high. Third, we explain how our theory relates to policy-relevant case studies involving conflict-ridden areas (including inter-state or civil conflicts) and powerful third parties.

引用次数: 0

Party selectors, voters, and the choice of productive representatives under different types of list proportional representation 在不同类型的名单比例代表制下，政党推选人、选民和生产代表的选择

IF 2.3 3区经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS

European Journal of Political Economy

Pub Date : 2024-11-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102618

Thomas Däubler , Lukáš Linek

Do party selectors or voters choose more productive politicians? Selectors may promote quality candidates and have an informational advantage over voters, but quality need not be the key criterion for nominations, and voters may be sufficiently informed to correct inferior decisions. We empirically examine whether the type of principal responsible for the selection affects individual parliamentary work (attendance, bills, amendments, questions, speeches). Flexible-list proportional representation systems are both interesting and analytically useful in this context, since seats within parties are first allocated to candidates reaching a certain number of personal votes, while any remaining seats are awarded based on the pre-electoral list rank. This allows us to compare three types of elected candidates: selector-chosen, voter-chosen, and doubly-chosen representatives. Analysing data from the Czech Republic in the period between 2002 and 2021, we find that voters have a stronger preference for candidates with high formal education than selectors. We do not find differences in parliamentary behaviour between selector-chosen and voter-chosen types. The results speak against a potential trade-off between giving voters more influence on within-party seat allocation and the quality of chosen representatives.

是政党遴选者还是选民选择了更有成效的政治家？遴选者可能会提拔高素质的候选人，并比选民更有信息优势，但高素质并不一定是提名的关键标准，选民可能有足够的信息来纠正低劣的决策。我们通过实证研究来探讨负责遴选的委托人类型是否会影响个人的议会工作（出席率、议案、修正案、质询、演讲）。在这种情况下，灵活名单比例代表制既有趣又有分析价值，因为政党内的席位首先分配给达到一定个人票数的候选人，其余席位则根据选举前的名单排名来分配。这样，我们就可以比较三种类型的当选候选人：选择者选择的代表、选民选择的代表和双重选择的代表。通过分析捷克共和国 2002 年至 2021 年期间的数据，我们发现选民比遴选者更青睐正规教育程度高的候选人。我们没有发现遴选者选择类型和选民选择类型在议会行为上的差异。结果表明，在赋予选民对党内席位分配的更大影响力与所选代表的质量之间可能存在权衡。

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引用次数: 0

Wealth inequality and mega events 财富不平等与大型活动

IF 2.3 3区经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS

European Journal of Political Economy

Pub Date : 2024-10-03 DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102615

Denis Ivanov , Gaygysyz Ashyrov

Wealth inequality, both within and between countries, is on the rise, prompting various interventions to address this issue. In this context, some governments could perceive hosting mega events as an opportunity to generate economic and social benefits through directed long-lasting investments and to converge with other countries in the region. However, the impact of these costly events on wealth inequality could be detrimental, depending on the quality of existing distribution channels. This paper aims to understand the potential role of mega events in addressing wealth inequality. We empirically test the impact of sports mega events on wealth inequality across more than 120 countries. Utilizing panel data analysis on a comprehensive dataset dating back to 1900, we find that hosting mega events such as the Olympic Games, FIFA World Cups, and Universal Expositions is associated with an increase in the wealth shares of the top 1% and 10%, often at the expense of the bottom 50%. This effect is double in magnitude in non-democracies and non-OECD countries, as well as higher during the organization of FIFA World Cups. We propose two possible explanations for this phenomenon: episodes of extreme growth during the organization of mega events that disproportionately benefit the wealthiest individuals, and vested interests associated with the organization of such events. Our results remain statistically significant under various model specifications.

国家内部和国家之间的财富不平等正在加剧，促使采取各种干预措施来解决这一问题。在这种情况下，一些国家的政府可能会将举办大型活动视为一个机会，通过直接的长期投资来创造经济和社会效益，并与该地区的其他国家接轨。然而，这些耗资巨大的活动对财富不平等的影响可能是有害的，这取决于现有分配渠道的质量。本文旨在了解特大事件在解决财富不平等问题方面的潜在作用。我们以实证方法检验了 120 多个国家的体育盛事对财富不平等的影响。通过对可追溯到 1900 年的综合数据集进行面板数据分析，我们发现，举办奥运会、国际足联世界杯和世界博览会等大型赛事与 1%和 10%最富裕阶层财富份额的增加有关，而这往往是以 50%最贫穷阶层的财富份额为代价的。在非民主国家和非经合组织国家，这种影响的程度加倍，在举办国际足联世界杯期间，这种影响也更大。我们对这一现象提出了两种可能的解释：一是在组织大型活动期间出现的极端增长，使最富有的人不成比例地受益；二是与组织此类活动相关的既得利益。在不同的模型规格下，我们的结果仍然具有统计意义。

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引用次数: 0

The evolution of affluent support for redistribution in Germany in the context of rising inequalities 不平等加剧背景下德国富裕阶层对再分配支持的演变

IF 2.3 3区经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS

European Journal of Political Economy

Pub Date : 2024-09-27 DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102614

Bilal El Rafhi, Thibault Darcillon

This paper explores the changing attitudes of the most affluent individuals towards state intervention in redistribution in Germany in the context of growing inequality. Contrary to the predictions from traditional political economy models, a growing body of research suggests that the most affluent individuals could support more redistributive policies in reaction to higher income inequality due to altruism, fear of externalities (such as rising crime rates), and potential economic and social costs associated with downward mobility. Using survey data from the European Social Survey (ESS) from 2002 to 2020, our results provide robust evidence of our main prediction: we find a significant relative increase in support for redistribution among the top 30% of earners (compared to the bottom 70% of earners). Our heterogeneous analysis then reveals that the substantial increase in support for redistribution among the affluent has increased among supporters of the political left. This trend seems, however, to be comparatively less pronounced in East Germany.

本文探讨了德国在不平等日益加剧的背景下，最富裕人群对国家干预再分配的态度变化。与传统政治经济学模型的预测相反，越来越多的研究表明，由于利他主义、对外部因素（如犯罪率上升）的恐惧以及与向下流动相关的潜在经济和社会成本，最富裕人群可能会支持更具再分配性的政策，以应对收入不平等的加剧。利用 2002 年至 2020 年欧洲社会调查（ESS）的调查数据，我们的结果为我们的主要预测提供了有力的证据：我们发现，与收入最低的 70% 的人相比，收入最高的 30% 的人对再分配的支持显著增加。我们的异质性分析显示，富裕人群对再分配支持的大幅上升在政治左派的支持者中也有所上升。不过，这一趋势在东德似乎相对不那么明显。

引用次数: 0

Political alliances and trade: Europe in a polarized world 政治联盟与贸易：两极化世界中的欧洲

IF 2.3 3区经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS

European Journal of Political Economy

Pub Date : 2024-09-25 DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102612

Karen Jackson , Oleksandr Shepotylo

This study investigates how political alliances influence trade and welfare in Europe and major global economies amidst escalating geopolitical tensions. Utilizing a panel data approach, we assess the impact of military alliances on trade through structural gravity and staggered difference-in-difference methodologies. We further simulate the potential trade and welfare effects of the strengthening and disintegration of political alliances within blocs. Results reveal significant trade and welfare consequences stemming from the expansion or disintegration of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the establishment of a military alliance under the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). From a European point of view, our results suggest that the accession of new NATO members will bring economic benefits, while the US leaving NATO, or the deepening of the SCO, will bring negative trade and welfare effects. If a US exit from NATO triggers a disintegration of the alliance and the SCO creates a military alliance, this would lead to severe negative consequences for the EU. Notably, the study finds that the benefits of collective security provided by NATO substantially outweigh the costs associated with its 2% defence spending requirement.

本研究探讨了在地缘政治紧张局势不断升级的情况下，政治联盟如何影响欧洲和全球主要经济体的贸易和福利。我们利用面板数据方法，通过结构引力法和交错差分法评估军事联盟对贸易的影响。我们进一步模拟了集团内部政治联盟的加强和瓦解对贸易和福利的潜在影响。结果显示，北大西洋公约组织（NATO）的扩大或解体以及上海合作组织（SCO）军事联盟的建立都会对贸易和福利产生重大影响。从欧洲的角度来看，我们的研究结果表明，北约新成员的加入将带来经济利益，而美国退出北约或上海合作组织的深化将带来负面的贸易和福利影响。如果美国退出北约引发北约解体，上合组织建立军事联盟，这将给欧盟带来严重的负面影响。值得注意的是，研究发现北约提供的集体安全利益大大超过了其 2% 国防开支要求所带来的成本。

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