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Invest one – get two extra: Public investment crowds in private investment 投资一个-额外获得两个:公共投资人群在私人投资中
IF 2.4 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-12-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2023.102384
Olegs Matvejevs, Olegs Tkacevs
This study uses panel econometric methods to explore the relationship between public and private investment in a sample of 34 industrialized economies of the OECD over the period between 1995 and 2019. It aims to establish whether public investment crowds in private investment, to what extent, and in which public policy areas the effect is stronger. The estimation results demonstrate that in the medium to long-term, extra public investment crowds in private investment as the latter adjusts to bring the stock of private capital closer to its long-term cointegrating relationship with public capital. The long-run public investment multiplier is around 2, which means that each additional dollar of public investment eventually attracts approximately two dollars of private investment. Public investment in economic affairs and infrastructure needed to improve human capital is the most effective in attracting private investment.
本研究采用面板计量经济学方法,以1995年至2019年经合组织34个工业化经济体为样本,探讨了公共投资与私人投资之间的关系。它旨在确定公共投资是否会挤占私人投资,挤占程度如何,以及在哪些公共政策领域挤占效果更强。估计结果表明,在中长期内,随着私人投资的调整使私人资本存量更接近其与公共资本的长期协整关系,额外的公共投资会向私人投资聚集。长期公共投资乘数约为2,这意味着每增加一美元的公共投资最终会吸引大约两美元的私人投资。改善人力资本所需的经济事务和基础设施方面的公共投资是吸引私人投资的最有效方式。
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引用次数: 0
Why do governments cut their deficits? 政府为什么要削减赤字?
IF 2.4 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-12-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2023.102498
Benedict Clements , Sanjeev Gupta , Joao Tovar Jalles , Victor Mylonas
Using discrete choice models, this paper examines the macroeconomic and political factors motivating more than 450 fiscal consolidation episodes in 185 countries during the period 1979–2019. In emerging and developing countries, consolidations are more likely during “good times”: when growth is high, and countries experience positive terms of trade shocks with low inflation. In these countries, governments with a high margin of majority, regardless of how long they have been in power, are also more likely to consolidate fiscal accounts. The opposite seems to be the case in advanced economies, where more “mature” governments are more likely to implement fiscal consolidations and the consolidations themselves are more likely during periods of subdued growth. Evidence also suggests that tax-based consolidations may be relatively more politically challenging to implement. Finally, consolidations in advanced economies are relatively more likely to take place in the presence of fiscal rules.
本文使用离散选择模型,研究了1979-2019年期间185个国家450多次财政整顿的宏观经济和政治因素。在新兴国家和发展中国家,整合更有可能发生在“好时期”:即经济高速增长、各国经历积极的贸易冲击、低通胀的时期。在这些国家,拥有高多数票优势的政府,无论执政多久,也更有可能巩固财政账户。发达经济体的情况似乎正好相反,在这些国家,更“成熟”的政府更有可能实施财政整顿,而财政整顿本身也更有可能出现在增长放缓的时期。有证据还表明,实施以税收为基础的整合在政治上可能更具挑战性。最后,发达经济体在实行财政规则的情况下,进行财政整顿的可能性相对更大。
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引用次数: 0
Scarring effects of major economic downturns: The role of fiscal policy and government investment 重大经济衰退的疤痕效应:财政政策和政府投资的作用
IF 2.4 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-12-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102509
Martin Larch , Peter Claeys , Wouter van der Wielen
Long shunned as slow and ill timed, the response to the Covid-19 pandemic initiated a reassessment of fiscal policy as stabilisation tool. At the same time, there is ample evidence that major economic downturns produce lasting effects on real GDP in spite of active fiscal policy interventions. This paper takes a fresh look at economic scarring in 26 OECD countries, including 14 EU member states, since 1970 and examines the role played by fiscal policy. We find that higher current expenditure – the favoured active response - does not mitigate the lasting impact of major economic downturns on real GDP. In contrast, more government investment can help but generally receives little attention. As a result, scarring effects are significant confronting governments with sustainability risks, which in turn weigh on the room for manoeuvre in subsequent downturns. In sum, fiscal policy makers face two difficulties in the event of a major economic downturn: (i) adopt the right type of fiscal expansion, and (ii) find the right time to pivot from short-term stabilisation to fiscal consolidation while protecting investment. Both challenges are fraught with political economy issues.
对 Covid-19 大流行病的反应长期以来一直被认为是缓慢和不合时宜的,这促使人们重新评估作为稳定工具的财政政策。与此同时,有大量证据表明,尽管采取了积极的财政政策干预措施,重大经济衰退仍会对实际国内生产总值产生持久影响。本文重新审视了自 1970 年以来 26 个经合组织国家(包括 14 个欧盟成员国)的经济伤痕,并研究了财政政策所发挥的作用。我们发现,较高的经常性支出--最受欢迎的积极应对措施--并不能减轻重大经济衰退对实际 GDP 的持久影响。相比之下,增加政府投资会有所帮助,但通常很少受到关注。因此,疤痕效应非常明显,使政府面临可持续发展的风险,这反过来又削弱了政府在随后的经济衰退中的回旋余地。总之,财政政策制定者在发生重大经济衰退时面临两个难题:(i) 采取正确的财政扩张方式,(ii) 找到从短期稳定转向财政整顿的正确时机,同时保护投资。这两个难题都充满了政治经济问题。
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引用次数: 0
Does government spending efficiency improve fiscal sustainability? 政府支出效率提高财政可持续性吗?
IF 2.4 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-12-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2023.102403
António Afonso, José Alves
We evaluate the impact of government spending efficiency on fiscal sustainability and fiscal reaction function coefficients for a panel of 35 OECD countries during the period of 2007–2020. To answer our research question, we first compute the magnitude of the responses of government revenues to changes in government spending as well as the coefficients of the cyclically adjusted primary balance as function of one-period lagged government debt. Next, we make use of so-called government spending efficiency scores, which efficiently indicate how governments can maintain their level of performance whilst using fewer inputs. Our results show that for the input efficiency scores obtained, countries’ fiscal balance and fiscal sustainability is directly improved by the use of less public resources, whilst maintaining the same level of output. In the cases of the output efficiency scores, the commitment of increased government outputs can lead to higher economic growth and the generation of additional government revenues, which also improves fiscal sustainability. Specifically, rationalising public expenditures without jeopardising the actual level of public goods and provision of services is a stronger determinant of fiscal sustainability, as well as for the improvement of the primary budget balance.
我们对2007-2020年期间35个经合组织国家的政府支出效率对财政可持续性和财政反应函数系数的影响进行了评估。为了回答我们的研究问题,我们首先计算了政府收入对政府支出变化的反应幅度,以及周期调整的基本平衡系数作为一期滞后政府债务的函数。接下来,我们利用所谓的政府支出效率分数,它有效地表明政府如何在使用更少投入的情况下保持其绩效水平。我们的研究结果表明,对于所获得的投入效率得分,在保持相同产出水平的情况下,使用更少的公共资源直接改善了国家的财政平衡和财政可持续性。在产出效率得分的情况下,增加政府产出的承诺可以导致更高的经济增长和产生额外的政府收入,这也改善了财政的可持续性。具体地说,在不损害公共产品和提供服务的实际水平的情况下使公共支出合理化,是财政可持续性以及改善初级预算平衡的一个更强有力的决定因素。
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引用次数: 0
The effects of population health on political risk 人口健康对政治风险的影响
IF 2.4 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-12-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2025.102773
Ayoko Charlotte D’almeida Mannko , Ludé Djam’angai , Eric Fina Kamani
Political risk is a significant barrier to sustainable economic development. Identifying factors that can help mitigate it is therefore essential. This study contributes to the literature by examining an often-overlooked yet important factor: population health. Specifically, we investigate whether improvements in population health can reduce political risk in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). To this end, we use a new measure of health that accounts for both life expectancy and morbidity, allowing us to assess both the quality and length of life. Using panel data from 32 SSA countries (1991–2021), we find that better health conditions significantly reduce political risk. Moreover, we identify income per capita, financial development, and education as key transmission mechanisms, with education emerging as the primary channel. Extending the analysis to a global sample confirms the negative relationship between health and political risk, as well as the relevance of the identified transmission mechanisms. By highlighting the critical role of population health in reducing political risk, this study underscores that investing in population health is not only a moral duty but also a strategic necessity for sustainable economic development.
政治风险是经济可持续发展的重大障碍。因此,确定有助于减轻这种情况的因素至关重要。这项研究通过检查一个经常被忽视但重要的因素:人口健康,为文献做出了贡献。具体来说,我们调查了人口健康的改善是否可以降低撒哈拉以南非洲(SSA)的政治风险。为此,我们使用了一种新的健康衡量标准,它既考虑了预期寿命,也考虑了发病率,使我们能够评估生命的质量和长度。使用来自32个SSA国家(1991-2021)的面板数据,我们发现更好的健康条件显著降低了政治风险。此外,我们确定了人均收入、金融发展和教育是主要的传导机制,其中教育成为主要渠道。将分析扩展到全球样本证实了健康与政治风险之间的负相关关系,以及所确定的传播机制的相关性。通过强调人口健康在减少政治风险方面的关键作用,本研究强调,投资于人口健康不仅是一项道德责任,也是可持续经济发展的战略需要。
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引用次数: 0
Surfing the credit wave: Government popularity as driver of credit cycles 在信贷浪潮中冲浪:政府人气作为信贷周期的驱动者
IF 2.4 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-12-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2023.102456
Etienne Lepers
This paper analyses the interaction between credit and political cycles, arguing that short-termist governments will seek to ride and amplify credit cycles for political gains. Specifically, it tests for the existence of political credit cycles not only before elections but throughout the term when executives seek to bolster support in periods of popularity drops. Compiling a unique database on government approval from opinion polls in 57 countries starting in 1980 allows to test this accountability channel empirically. There is strong evidence that drops in government popularity are systematically associated with larger future private credit cycles. The existence of such political cycles appears to mainly target credit to households, increases the likelihood of bad credit booms, and is robust to multiple checks for confounding factors. This paper does not find similar cycles in public borrowing. In addition, a higher level of government debt and a decrease in fiscal spending appears to reduce the likelihood of such political cycles in private credit, which adds a new perspective on the interaction between private debt and fiscal policy.
本文分析了信贷和政治周期之间的相互作用,认为短期主义政府将寻求驾驭和放大信贷周期以获得政治利益。具体来说,它不仅在选举前测试政治信贷周期的存在,而且在整个任期内,当高管们在支持率下降期间寻求支持时,也会测试政治信贷周期的存在。从1980年开始,从57个国家的民意调查中编制了一个独特的政府批准数据库,可以从经验上检验这一问责渠道。有强有力的证据表明,政府支持率的下降与未来更大的私人信贷周期有系统的联系。这种政治周期的存在似乎主要针对家庭信贷,增加了不良信贷繁荣的可能性,并且对多种混杂因素的检查很有力。本文并未发现公共借贷存在类似的周期。此外,较高的政府债务水平和财政支出的减少似乎减少了私人信贷出现这种政治周期的可能性,这为私人债务和财政政策之间的相互作用提供了新的视角。
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引用次数: 0
Living to tell the tale: Europeans’ subjective well-being over autocratic and democratic times 活着讲故事:欧洲人在专制和民主时代的主观幸福感
IF 2.4 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-12-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2025.102774
Begoña Álvarez , Fernando Ramos-Palencia
How do individuals assess their past happiness in European countries that experienced dictatorships? Do these patterns differ from those observed in established Western democracies? This paper provides novel evidence on these questions using life-history data from older Europeans in fourteen countries that experienced prolonged authoritarian rule in Southern and Central-Eastern Europe. Relying on individuals’ recalled happiest period in life, we track the probability of experiencing peak happiness over the years 1945–2017. First, we estimate time trends in this probability across autocratic and democratic periods. Second, we adopt an event-study approach to compare these trends with those observed among individuals in long-standing Western European democracies. Our findings reveal that, excluding the first postwar decade, people are at least as likely—and often more likely—to recall years under autocratic rule, rather than democratic ones, as part of their happiest life period, especially in ex-communist countries. Earlier democratic transitions in the Iberian countries appear more gradual and less disruptive in terms of personal happiness than the collapse of communism. We also document that the timing of the happiest period in life differ markedly for residents in Western Europe and their counterparts living in countries with an autocratic past. Consistent with previous research, we document widening happiness gaps in Central and Eastern Europe relative to Western European countries from the early 1990s onward, despite substantial economic and political convergence.
在经历过独裁统治的欧洲国家,人们如何评价他们过去的幸福?这些模式与西方老牌民主国家观察到的不同吗?本文利用来自南欧和中东欧14个经历了长期专制统治的国家的欧洲老年人的生活史数据,为这些问题提供了新的证据。根据个人回忆的人生中最幸福的时期,我们追踪了1945年至2017年间经历幸福高峰的概率。首先,我们估计了专制和民主时期这一概率的时间趋势。其次,我们采用事件研究方法,将这些趋势与西欧长期民主国家中观察到的个人趋势进行比较。我们的研究结果表明,除了战后的第一个十年,尤其是在前共产主义国家,人们至少有可能——而且往往更有可能——回忆起专制统治下的岁月,而不是民主统治下的岁月,这是他们一生中最幸福的时期。就个人幸福感而言,伊比利亚国家早期的民主转型似乎比共产主义的崩溃更渐进,破坏性更小。我们还记录了生活在西欧的居民和生活在专制国家的居民的人生中最幸福时期的时间明显不同。与之前的研究一致,我们记录了自20世纪90年代初以来,中欧和东欧相对于西欧国家的幸福差距不断扩大,尽管经济和政治存在实质性的趋同。
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引用次数: 0
The political economy of government spending: Fiscal rules, sustainability, and political cycles 政府支出的政治经济学:财政规则、可持续性和政治周期
IF 2.4 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-12-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2025.102720
António Afonso, Jan-Egbert Sturm
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引用次数: 0
On the side effects of fiscal policy: Fiscal rules and income inequality 财政政策的副作用:财政规则与收入不平等
IF 2.4 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-12-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102534
Jean-Louis Combes , Xavier Debrun , Alexandru Minea , Pegdéwendé Nestor Sawadogo , Cezara Vinturis
Contributing to an important literature on the side effects of fiscal policy, this paper employs a treatment effect analysis to show that fiscal rules (FR) have significant side effects on income inequality (IQ). Economically meaningful, this favorable causal direct effect is robust to many alternative specifications. Nevertheless, not all FR are alike: balanced budget and debt rules decrease IQ, contrary to expenditure rules that increase it. Finally, the effect of FR on IQ is found to be subject to heterogeneity related to various factors. Given the current upward global IQ trends, our results provide insightful evidence for governments of countries aiming at reducing IQ.
本文对财政政策副作用的重要文献进行了贡献,采用治疗效应分析来表明财政规则(FR)对收入不平等(IQ)有显著的副作用。经济意义上,这种有利的因果直接效应对许多替代规范都是稳健的。然而,并非所有FR都是一样的:平衡预算和债务规则会降低智商,而支出规则则会提高智商。最后,发现FR对智商的影响受各种因素的异质性影响。鉴于目前全球智商上升的趋势,我们的研究结果为旨在降低智商的国家政府提供了有见地的证据。
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引用次数: 0
Preferences for wealth redistribution: The role of social background and merit 财富再分配的偏好:社会背景和优点的作用
IF 2.4 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-19 DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2025.102770
Elisa Stumpf , Silke Uebelmesser
This paper investigates preferences for wealth redistribution using a vignette experiment in which participants evaluate hypothetical taxpayers with a net wealth exceeding one million euros. The design allows us to study attitudes toward taxing the very wealthy. We differentiate between two forms of luck that may affect these preferences: brute luck such as random shocks unrelated to background or effort and circumstantial luck reflected in a privileged social background. Our findings show significantly stronger support for taxing individuals from rich families, particularly among relatively poor participants and those with low trust in official statistics. Attributing wealth to brute luck rather than effort also increases support for taxation, though this effect is weaker than the influence of a privileged background. When both forms of luck are present, i.e. being from a rich family and having experienced brute luck, the joint effect on support for taxation is only marginally larger than either factor alone.
本文通过一个小插曲实验来调查财富再分配的偏好,在这个小插曲实验中,参与者评估净财富超过一百万欧元的假设纳税人。这个设计使我们能够研究人们对向富人征税的态度。我们区分了两种可能影响这些偏好的运气形式:与背景或努力无关的随机冲击等野蛮运气,以及反映在特权社会背景中的环境运气。我们的研究结果显示,对来自富裕家庭的个人征税的支持明显更强,尤其是在相对贫穷的参与者和对官方统计数据信任度较低的参与者中。将财富归因于运气而非努力也会增加对税收的支持,尽管这种影响不如特权背景的影响大。当两种形式的运气都存在时,即来自富裕家庭并经历了残酷的运气,对税收支持的共同影响仅略大于单独的任何一个因素。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
European Journal of Political Economy
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