European Journal of Political Economy最新文献

This paper explores a behavioural mechanism through which income inequality may be associated with population health. We consider a model with heterogeneous agents in which agents' preferences are characterized by income inequality aversion. Our analysis shows that spending on health-producing goods is inversely related to the agents’ degree of inequality aversion. A Veblenesque mechanism drives this relation: inequality averse poor agents wish to enjoy consumption levels closer to the average consumption levels in the economy but can only do so by reducing their expenditures on health. This leads to adverse outcomes for individuals and adverse political economy implications for health. In the political economy context, agents characterized by high inequality aversion vote for lower levels of government health spending. To specifically test this mechanism, we construct empirical measures of inequality aversion. Then, using these measures for a panel of 147 countries spanning 2008–2019, we find a significant negative impact of inequality aversion on allocations of public spending for healthcare. These results remain robust to different model specifications.

This paper shows that adopting fiscal rules (FRs) decreases the use of capital controls and increases cross-border financial integration. This result is robust to alternative measures of fiscal rules, capital controls, and international financial integration — it is also robust to alternative econometric approaches. It also shows that the adoption of fiscal rules increases financial integration. This paper innovatively employs a formal instrumental variables (IV) approach to tackle the endogeneity of the decision to adopt fiscal rules. The adoption of FRs is instrumented using the age dependency ratio (ADR). This strategy is particularly effective because adopting FRs is more likely when the ADR is relatively low, a finding well established in the empirical literature. Governments impose capital controls to channel domestic savings into the public sector, finance their excessive fiscal deficits, and reduce their borrowing costs. However, the uncertainty over the government's future fiscal policies may lead to capital flight. FRs ‘tie the hands’ of governments and induce them to commit themselves to fiscal discipline. Moreover, FRs can also reduce the government's borrowing costs. These effects of FRs render capital controls less necessary and lead policymakers to lift capital controls, resulting in higher cross-border financial integration.

Does inequality undermine support for democracy? While previous research has either focused on macro-level associations or alleged a uniform relationship between inequality and individual democratic support across countries, this paper documents the importance of the current regime type and of the source of inequality for such a linkage. Exploiting differential transition to democracy after the collapse of the Soviet Union allows to investigate the association of democratic support across regimes with differing levels of democracy. Inequality is found to erode democratic support in democracies and to foster democratic beliefs in non-democracies. In other words, inequality always subverts individual-level support for the current regime type. Further, evidence is provided for the relevance of disentangling the sources of economic inequality in line with fairness concerns: While unfair inequality (generated by factors beyond an individual’s control) and total inequality both are significantly correlated to democratic support, unfair inequality appears to be the relevant inequality component driving this association.

This paper examines whether major output collapses are more likely under autocracy. Using data on 123 developing countries over 1971–2016, we model the joint evolution of output growth and political institutions as a finite state Markov chain with a two-dimensional state space. We study how countries move between states. We find that growth is more likely to be sustained under democracy than under autocracy; output collapses are more likely to deepen under autocracy; and stagnation under autocracy can give way to outright collapse. Democratic countries appear to be more resilient.

In the wake of a massive thrust on designing policies to tackle climate change, we study the role of climate policy uncertainty in impacting the presidential approval ratings of the United States (US). We control for other policy related uncertainties and geopolitical risks, over and above macroeconomic and financial predictors used in earlier literature on drivers of approval ratings of the US president. Because we study as many as 19 determinants, and nonlinearity is a well-established observation in this area of research, we utilize random forests, a machine-learning approach, to derive our results over the monthly period of 1987:04 to 2023:12. We find that, though the association of the presidential approval ratings with climate policy uncertainty is moderately negative and nonlinear, this type of uncertainty is in fact relatively more important than other measures of policy-related uncertainties, as well as many of the widely-used macroeconomic and financial indicators associated with presidential approval. More importantly, we also show that the importance of climate policy uncertainty for the approval ratings of the US president has grown in recent years.

The demand for drug legalization is remarkably heterogeneous across countries and over time. A theory is presented to show that ruling politicians can influence this demand by choosing the level of enforcement of drug laws which will influence their exposure to drug use and their views on legalization. If legalization has, overall, expected social benefits, politicians opposed to it will adopt a higher level of law enforcement than politicians in favor. In this case, the level of law enforcement is excessive with respect to the optimal level. If instead, legalizing the drug has overall expected social costs, then the opposite will be the case. The examples of the Netherlands and the US are used to test the model.

The rapid aging of the population has become increasingly challenging for public healthcare systems. To ensure sustainability, governments must persuade their citizens to accept a larger burden, which is a difficult task. This study explored whether informing individuals of self-benefits from the healthcare system could be a solution. We first constructed a two-period overlapping generations model and hypothesized that doing so could facilitate political support for larger healthcare insurance contributions; however, this effect is reduced when people are concerned about fiscal sustainability due to a declining fertility rate. To test these hypotheses, we conducted an online survey experiment in Japan, in which the treatment group was informed of the benefits from the public healthcare system. We found that the treatment had no effect on average but augmented support for a larger burden among respondents who were unaware of fiscal unsustainability. Furthermore, this positive effect on optimistic respondents reduced once they were informed of the fiscal risks. Moreover, we analyzed the heterogeneity of the treatment effects depending on time and risk preferences.

Defense spending accounts for a large share of the budget in many countries, but the value of the resulting public good – national defense – has so far escaped assessment. Much of the literature has instead considered indirect benefits of defense spending in terms of greater economic growth or technological spillovers. In this paper, we assess the direct welfare effects of defense policy, namely an increase in the security of citizens, by means of a survey-based discrete choice experiment. Drawing on a representative sample of the German population, results suggest substantial willingness to pay for an increase in troop numbers, the establishment of a European army and an improved air defense system. The reintroduction of compulsory military service does not enjoy public support. Results further indicate substantial preference heterogeneity across respondents and policy options which we explore. As such, these findings demonstrate how methods of survey-based, non-market valuation can help to refine research in this area of public policy.

Using a comprehensive dataset on Italian municipalities, we test whether investments in road services are affected by political manipulations motivated by the need of targeting a specific group of voters (construction firms). We show that road services investment in the year before election is 26% higher in municipalities with low density of construction firms and 40% higher in municipalities with high density of construction firms than in the electoral year. This result is confirmed by the fact that in the pre-electoral year the probability that public procurement on road services is assigned to a local firm increases by 52 percentage points with respect to the electoral year, for municipalities with high density of construction firms. Finally, we do not detect any relationship between investments in road services and the local road safety. These findings suggest that politicians manipulate investments in road services for re-electoral purposes.

This paper examines how and to what extent spatial interactions among EU national governments affect the stringency of environmental policies (EP). We innovate on the literature along three dimensions: 1) we evaluate the spatial interactions across countries to assess the “interaction dividend” associated with international treaties; 2) we better examine how political and institutional variables shape EP when such interactions are taken into account; 3) we identify the type of EP for which these interactions play a more relevant role by considering for the first time the new EPS21 disaggregated indexes of policy stringency. In a sample of 21 European countries between 2000 and 2018, a benchmark model shows that, among country-specific effects, proxies for the industries' lobbying power, quality of governance, government's ideology, decentralization and the urbanization rate of voters play important roles. When the model consider spatial interactions among countries, the estimates reveal that between 1/3 and more than one-half of a country's commitment to EP can be attributed to positive spillover effects from other countries, depending on the type of policy, with more prominent effects in technology support policies. These results reinforce the need of supranational coordination through international organizations and treaties.