Pub Date : 2024-06-21DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102574
Joshua Aizenman , Robert Lindahl , David Stenvall , Gazi Salah Uddin
We investigate the event-based geopolitical shocks from the Russian invasion of Ukraine on agricultural and energy commodities using daily event-based structural vector autoregression (SVAR). We find that the geopolitical shock affects the markets of wheat (2%), corn (1%), and European natural gas (7.5%). However, substantial heterogeneity is observed among the agricultural and energy markets. Geopolitical risk stemming from the Russia-Ukraine conflict affects the European natural gas market more strongly than the US and Asian markets. The regional segment of natural gas markets could explain this. Finally, our analysis explores how geopolitical news affects the dynamics of stock, currency, and bond markets.
{"title":"Geopolitical shocks and commodity market dynamics: New evidence from the Russia-Ukraine conflict","authors":"Joshua Aizenman , Robert Lindahl , David Stenvall , Gazi Salah Uddin","doi":"10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102574","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102574","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>We investigate the event-based geopolitical shocks from the Russian invasion of Ukraine on agricultural and energy commodities using daily event-based structural vector autoregression (SVAR). We find that the geopolitical shock affects the markets of wheat (2%), corn (1%), and European natural gas (7.5%). However, substantial heterogeneity is observed among the agricultural and energy markets. Geopolitical risk stemming from the Russia-Ukraine conflict affects the European natural gas market more strongly than the US and Asian markets. The regional segment of natural gas markets could explain this. Finally, our analysis explores how geopolitical news affects the dynamics of stock, currency, and bond markets.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":51439,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Political Economy","volume":"85 ","pages":"Article 102574"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2024-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0176268024000764/pdfft?md5=cf6bc678934a93e3436d99a489f4d4cf&pid=1-s2.0-S0176268024000764-main.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141434298","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-20DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102571
Ablam Estel Apeti , Eyah Denise Edoh
This paper analyzes the effect of US economic sanctions on sovereign debt default across 118 developing countries from 1980 to 2018. We use entropy balancing method, and provide robust evidence that US sanctions increase sovereign debt default in the targeted states. This finding withstands several robustness tests, including alternative specifications and databases, and alternative estimation methods. The results also reveal some heterogeneity depending on the type of sanctions (for example, trade versus financial sanctions), on whether they are imposed unilaterally or multilaterally, on the severity of the sanctions, on the geographical distance from the United States, the time since sanctions were imposed, and some structural characteristics. In addition, we find that the development of cryptocurrencies reduces the effect of sanctions, and that failed sanctions have a greater effect on default. The compositon effect based on the type of debt in default shows that the effect of US sanctions is only observed on the default on external debt and not on that of internal debt. Next, we identify three main channels through which sanctions trigger sovereign risk; namely economic growth contraction, the occurrence of banking crisis and reduced access to international financial market. Finally, we explore the effect of other sanctions, notably those of the European Union and the United Nations, and find that these sanctions also raise the probability of sovereign debt default.
{"title":"Economic sanctions and sovereign debt default","authors":"Ablam Estel Apeti , Eyah Denise Edoh","doi":"10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102571","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102571","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This paper analyzes the effect of US economic sanctions on sovereign debt default across 118 developing countries from 1980 to 2018. We use entropy balancing method, and provide robust evidence that US sanctions increase sovereign debt default in the targeted states. This finding withstands several robustness tests, including alternative specifications and databases, and alternative estimation methods. The results also reveal some heterogeneity depending on the type of sanctions (for example, trade versus financial sanctions), on whether they are imposed unilaterally or multilaterally, on the severity of the sanctions, on the geographical distance from the United States, the time since sanctions were imposed, and some structural characteristics. In addition, we find that the development of cryptocurrencies reduces the effect of sanctions, and that failed sanctions have a greater effect on default. The compositon effect based on the type of debt in default shows that the effect of US sanctions is only observed on the default on external debt and not on that of internal debt. Next, we identify three main channels through which sanctions trigger sovereign risk; namely economic growth contraction, the occurrence of banking crisis and reduced access to international financial market. Finally, we explore the effect of other sanctions, notably those of the European Union and the United Nations, and find that these sanctions also raise the probability of sovereign debt default.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":51439,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Political Economy","volume":"85 ","pages":"Article 102571"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2024-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142150210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-14DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102575
Maarten Allers , Harm Rienks
In a well-functioning democracy, citizens can influence public policy through voting. By voting prospectively, voters may aim to select politicians that make policies in line with their preferences, and, by voting retrospectively, they may reward or punish politicians for their performance. To what extent voters actually influence policy is unclear, especially in local government, where many impediments to policy responsiveness may exist. Moreover, voters may realize that their influence on public policy is negligible and vote expressively instead of instrumentally. We investigate a key area in public policy, tax policy, using panel data on municipalities in the Netherlands in the period 1998–2021. We find that changes in the political color of the municipal council on average do not lead to changes in tax levels or tax distribution. However, incumbents that lower taxes fare better at the polls than incumbents that moderately increase taxes. Interestingly, strong tax increases do not lead to more severe electoral punishment, and punishment does not seem to differ between left-wing and right-wing incumbents. Our results suggest that expressive voting plays an important role. People may vote left-wing and express their identity as charitable persons, and then punish incumbents who actually raise taxes.
{"title":"Voters’ influence on local tax policy","authors":"Maarten Allers , Harm Rienks","doi":"10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102575","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102575","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>In a well-functioning democracy, citizens can influence public policy through voting. By voting prospectively, voters may aim to select politicians that make policies in line with their preferences, and, by voting retrospectively, they may reward or punish politicians for their performance. To what extent voters actually influence policy is unclear, especially in local government, where many impediments to policy responsiveness may exist. Moreover, voters may realize that their influence on public policy is negligible and vote expressively instead of instrumentally. We investigate a key area in public policy, tax policy, using panel data on municipalities in the Netherlands in the period 1998–2021. We find that changes in the political color of the municipal council on average do not lead to changes in tax levels or tax distribution. However, incumbents that lower taxes fare better at the polls than incumbents that moderately increase taxes. Interestingly, strong tax increases do not lead to more severe electoral punishment, and punishment does not seem to differ between left-wing and right-wing incumbents. Our results suggest that expressive voting plays an important role. People may vote left-wing and express their identity as charitable persons, and then punish incumbents who actually raise taxes.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":51439,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Political Economy","volume":"85 ","pages":"Article 102575"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2024-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0176268024000776/pdfft?md5=e7334e8a13c17d9a337919da03a8f46f&pid=1-s2.0-S0176268024000776-main.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141413186","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-04DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102570
Karan Makkar
{"title":"Corrigendum to “Defector politicians and economic growth: Evidence from India” [Eur. J. Polit. Econ. 79 (2023) 102442]","authors":"Karan Makkar","doi":"10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102570","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102570","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51439,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Political Economy","volume":"85 ","pages":"Article 102570"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0176268024000727/pdfft?md5=34d31372cfcadc3f16979c2d82457136&pid=1-s2.0-S0176268024000727-main.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141242783","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-01DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102572
Ridho Al Izzati , Teguh Dartanto , Daniel Suryadarma , Asep Suryahadi
People's trust in state and political institutions is a key foundation of a well-functioning economy. The question of whether direct elections affect trust remains open, especially in developing countries, due to a scarcity of studies with robust identification strategies. We estimate the impact of direct elections on people's trust in state and political institutions, using a major political reform in Indonesia as the source of exogenous variation. Pre-2005, regents, mayors, and governors were elected by the local legislative assembly. Starting in 2005, they must compete in an open election where voters directly choose their preferred leader. The historically and institutionally driven staggered implementation of these local direct elections enables us to identify the causal impact of the reform. We find that direct elections increase trust in all state and political institutions, except for the police and political parties. We find that trust only increased in districts where the elections were held with no or low hostility, implying that trust is strongly influenced by political situations during direct elections. We find that elections did not really improve well-being or satisfaction, implying that the absence of election hostility is a stronger explanation for the higher trust.
{"title":"Direct elections and trust in state and political institutions: Evidence from Indonesia's election reform","authors":"Ridho Al Izzati , Teguh Dartanto , Daniel Suryadarma , Asep Suryahadi","doi":"10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102572","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102572","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>People's trust in state and political institutions is a key foundation of a well-functioning economy. The question of whether direct elections affect trust remains open, especially in developing countries, due to a scarcity of studies with robust identification strategies. We estimate the impact of direct elections on people's trust in state and political institutions, using a major political reform in Indonesia as the source of exogenous variation. Pre-2005, regents, mayors, and governors were elected by the local legislative assembly. Starting in 2005, they must compete in an open election where voters directly choose their preferred leader. The historically and institutionally driven staggered implementation of these local direct elections enables us to identify the causal impact of the reform. We find that direct elections increase trust in all state and political institutions, except for the police and political parties. We find that trust only increased in districts where the elections were held with no or low hostility, implying that trust is strongly influenced by political situations during direct elections. We find that elections did not really improve well-being or satisfaction, implying that the absence of election hostility is a stronger explanation for the higher trust.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":51439,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Political Economy","volume":"85 ","pages":"Article 102572"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0176268024000740/pdfft?md5=79ee49900a3d5f9ead08fdf82569bba2&pid=1-s2.0-S0176268024000740-main.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141291719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-01DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102559
Li Yang , Branko Milanovic , Yaoqi Lin
We create a database of officials who have been found guilty of corruption in China in the period 2012-21 with their personal characteristics and the amount of embezzled funds. We use it to investigate the correlates of corruption, estimate the effects of corruption on inequality, and find the expected increase in officials' income due to corruption and the gain in income distribution ranking. We find that the amount of corruption is positively associated with education, administrative (hierarchical) level of the official, and years of membership in the Communist Party. The sample of corrupt officials belongs to the upper income ranges of Chinese income distribution even without corruption. But corruption allows them to accede to an even higher position in income distribution. While only one-half of the corrupt officials would be in the top 5 percent of China's urban distribution without illegal incomes, practically all are in the top 5 percent when corrupt income is included.
{"title":"Anti-corruption campaign in China: An empirical investigation","authors":"Li Yang , Branko Milanovic , Yaoqi Lin","doi":"10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102559","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102559","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>We create a database of officials who have been found guilty of corruption in China in the period 2012-21 with their personal characteristics and the amount of embezzled funds. We use it to investigate the correlates of corruption, estimate the effects of corruption on inequality, and find the expected increase in officials' income due to corruption and the gain in income distribution ranking. We find that the amount of corruption is positively associated with education, administrative (hierarchical) level of the official, and years of membership in the Communist Party. The sample of corrupt officials belongs to the upper income ranges of Chinese income distribution even without corruption. But corruption allows them to accede to an even higher position in income distribution. While only one-half of the corrupt officials would be in the top 5 percent of China's urban distribution without illegal incomes, practically all are in the top 5 percent when corrupt income is included.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":51439,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Political Economy","volume":"85 ","pages":"Article 102559"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0176268024000612/pdfft?md5=7743b348fce514c5d6a11363554145ca&pid=1-s2.0-S0176268024000612-main.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141231181","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-01DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102553
Hakan Yilmazkuday
This paper investigates the effects of global geopolitical risk on stock prices of 29 economies by using the local projections method for the monthly period between 1985M1-2023M9. The results show that a positive unit shock of global geopolitical risk (normalized to one standard deviation) reduces stock prices (normalized to one standard deviation) in a statistically significant way by 0.80 in Latvia, 0.71 in China, 0.62 in the Euro Area, 0.50 in Sweden, 0.42 in the United Kingdom, 0.39 in the United States, 0.38 in Switzerland, 0.34 in Israel, 0.28 in Canada, and 0.21 in Denmark in a year following the shock, whereas it increases those only in Iceland by 0.28 that can be used to hedge against any geopolitical risk. Subsample analyses further suggest that the negative effects of the same shock exist in several economies (including the United States, China and Euro Area) during the first half of the sample period that coincides with the geopolitical events that the United States is involved with, whereas they only exist in Russia, Poland, Euro Area and the United Kingdom for the second half of the sample period, suggesting that the Russo–Ukrainian War has mostly affected the stock prices in these nearby economies. It is implied that the geographical location of geopolitical events as well as the countries involved are important indicators to understand the effects of any global geopolitical risk on stock prices.
{"title":"Geopolitical risk and stock prices","authors":"Hakan Yilmazkuday","doi":"10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102553","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102553","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This paper investigates the effects of global geopolitical risk on stock prices of 29 economies by using the local projections method for the monthly period between 1985M1-2023M9. The results show that a positive unit shock of global geopolitical risk (normalized to one standard deviation) reduces stock prices (normalized to one standard deviation) in a statistically significant way by 0.80 in Latvia, 0.71 in China, 0.62 in the Euro Area, 0.50 in Sweden, 0.42 in the United Kingdom, 0.39 in the United States, 0.38 in Switzerland, 0.34 in Israel, 0.28 in Canada, and 0.21 in Denmark in a year following the shock, whereas it increases those only in Iceland by 0.28 that can be used to hedge against any geopolitical risk. Subsample analyses further suggest that the negative effects of the same shock exist in several economies (including the United States, China and Euro Area) during the first half of the sample period that coincides with the geopolitical events that the United States is involved with, whereas they only exist in Russia, Poland, Euro Area and the United Kingdom for the second half of the sample period, suggesting that the Russo–Ukrainian War has mostly affected the stock prices in these nearby economies. It is implied that the geographical location of geopolitical events as well as the countries involved are important indicators to understand the effects of any global geopolitical risk on stock prices.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":51439,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Political Economy","volume":"83 ","pages":"Article 102553"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141133253","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-01DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102508
Shekhar Aiyar , Davide Malacrino , Andrea F. Presbitero
Firms and policy makers are increasingly looking at friend-shoring to make supply chains less vulnerable to geopolitical tensions. We test whether these considerations are shaping FDI flows, using investment-level data on over 300,000 instances of greenfield FDI between 2003 and 2022. Estimates from a gravity model, which controls for standard push and pull factors, show an economically significant role for geopolitical alignment in driving the geographical footprint of bilateral investments. This result is robust to the inclusion of standard bilateral drivers of FDI – such as geographic distance and trade flows – and the strength of the effect has increased since 2018, with the resurgence of trade tensions between the U.S. and China. Moreover, our results are not limited to greenfield FDI, but hold also for M&As.
{"title":"Investing in friends: The role of geopolitical alignment in FDI flows","authors":"Shekhar Aiyar , Davide Malacrino , Andrea F. Presbitero","doi":"10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102508","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102508","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>Firms and policy makers are increasingly looking at friend-shoring to make supply chains less vulnerable to geopolitical tensions. We test whether these considerations are shaping FDI flows, using investment-level data on over 300,000 instances of greenfield FDI between 2003 and 2022. Estimates from a gravity model, which controls for standard push and pull factors, show an economically significant role for geopolitical alignment in driving the geographical footprint of bilateral investments. This result is robust to the inclusion of standard bilateral drivers of FDI – such as geographic distance and trade flows – and the strength of the effect has increased since 2018, with the resurgence of trade tensions between the U.S. and China. Moreover, our results are not limited to greenfield FDI, but hold also for M&As.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":51439,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Political Economy","volume":"83 ","pages":"Article 102508"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139921825","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-01DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102533
Evangelos Salachas , Georgios P. Kouretas , Nikiforos T. Laopodis , Prodromos Vlamis
In this paper, we shed light on the linkage between several global risks and stock market returns. We use a dataset including G7, BRICS, MENA, and SAHEL group countries for a period of more than 30 years. We explore the spillover effects on global stock markets fueled by geopolitical, climatic, and global health risks. We provide evidence of a significant negative impact of geopolitical shocks on stock markets across countries. Further, we document that geopolitical shocks contribute to the spillover transmission of stock market volatility We also document that climate change and the global health crisis constitute risks that should be considered as a factor that heightens geopolitical risk. Finally, we identify possible strategies to hedge against geopolitical risk using a specific set of financial assets such as artwork.
{"title":"Stock market spillovers of global risks and hedging opportunities","authors":"Evangelos Salachas , Georgios P. Kouretas , Nikiforos T. Laopodis , Prodromos Vlamis","doi":"10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102533","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102533","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>In this paper, we shed light on the linkage between several global risks and stock market returns. We use a dataset including G7, BRICS, MENA, and SAHEL group countries for a period of more than 30 years. We explore the spillover effects on global stock markets fueled by geopolitical, climatic, and global health risks. We provide evidence of a significant negative impact of geopolitical shocks on stock markets across countries. Further, we document that geopolitical shocks contribute to the spillover transmission of stock market volatility We also document that climate change and the global health crisis constitute risks that should be considered as a factor that heightens geopolitical risk. Finally, we identify possible strategies to hedge against geopolitical risk using a specific set of financial assets such as artwork.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":51439,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Political Economy","volume":"83 ","pages":"Article 102533"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140763468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-28DOI: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102551
Vicente Rios , Izaskun Barba , Lisa Gianmoena , Pedro Pascual
This study explores the impact of female political empowerment on air quality outcomes. Women’s stronger environmental concerns and pro-environmental behaviors may lead to better air quality as they progressively break the glass ceiling in politics. To test this hypothesis, we employ a novel data set on regional air pollutant emissions and women’s political empowerment for a sample of 230 European regions of 27 EU countries. We apply instrumental variables and partial identification methods to ensure that our results are not influenced by confounding variables. We find that female political empowerment is consistently associated with improved air quality.
{"title":"Clearing the smog ceiling: The impact of women’s political empowerment on air quality in European regions","authors":"Vicente Rios , Izaskun Barba , Lisa Gianmoena , Pedro Pascual","doi":"10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102551","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102551","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This study explores the impact of female political empowerment on air quality outcomes. Women’s stronger environmental concerns and pro-environmental behaviors may lead to better air quality as they progressively break the glass ceiling in politics. To test this hypothesis, we employ a novel data set on regional air pollutant emissions and women’s political empowerment for a sample of 230 European regions of 27 EU countries. We apply instrumental variables and partial identification methods to ensure that our results are not influenced by confounding variables. We find that female political empowerment is consistently associated with improved air quality.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":51439,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Political Economy","volume":"85 ","pages":"Article 102551"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0176268024000533/pdfft?md5=ffe5820eea2d86c7ce2a392c3d8647b2&pid=1-s2.0-S0176268024000533-main.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141163846","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}