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Constructions of Multiple Deservingness Frames towards Refugees in Everyday Work Life in İzmir 伊兹密尔日常工作生活中对难民的多重沙漠化框架构建
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1093/jrs/fead035
Selin Siviş, Ayselin Yıldız
This study focuses on the role of justification astrategies in the production and mobilization of multiple deservingness framings towards refugees in everyday work life. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Turkish employers in labour-intensive sectors in İzmir, the article presents a city-centred, evidence supported case which answers on the basis of which criteria Syrian refugee workers are deemed deserving and undeserving. It argues that the production of deservingness frames is not uniform and mutable across time and space, thereby actors can engage in different justification strategies in similar situations since the constitution and mobilization of deservingness frames are context-dependent. This study further argues that Turkish employers’ narratives towards Syrian refugee workers are shaped by not only economic interests but also unique features of historical and socio-cultural dynamics at the local level, resulting in three distinct deservingness frames: established deservingness, fragile deservingness, and established undeservingness.
本研究的重点是合理化战略在日常工作生活中对难民的多重应得性框架的生产和动员中的作用。通过对İzmir劳动密集型行业的土耳其雇主进行深入访谈,本文提出了一个以城市为中心的证据支持案例,该案例根据哪些标准回答了叙利亚难民工人被认为值得和不值得。该研究认为,应得性框架的产生在时间和空间上是不统一和可变的,因此,由于应得性框架的构成和动员依赖于语境,行为者在类似的情况下可以采取不同的辩护策略。本研究进一步认为,土耳其雇主对叙利亚难民工人的叙述不仅受到经济利益的影响,还受到当地历史和社会文化动态的独特特征的影响,从而形成了三种不同的应得性框架:既定应得性、脆弱应得性和既定不应得性。
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引用次数: 0
Fragile Solidarities: Contestation and Ambiguity at European Borderzones 脆弱的团结:欧洲边缘地带的争论与歧义
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.1093/jrs/fead038
Pierre Monforte, Elias Steinhilper
Borders as legal, social, and material aspaces of inclusion/exclusion constantly spark resistance, by both migrants and solidarity actors. In this article, we combine the dual observation of a proliferation of border control policies and of migrant and solidarity activism to analyse how different types of border control policies affect the forms of resistance that emerge in them. We inquire on three different cases: first the Calais region at the territorial border between France and the UK; second the camps and detention centres for refugees and migrants marking borders within Europe; and third the intimate space of encounters between citizens and migrants during practices of migrant support. In our theory oriented qualitative analysis, we carve out how power relations, and thereby notions of inclusion/exclusion, deservingness and (il)legality play out differently on the ambivalent solidarities unfolding in these settings.
边界作为包容/排斥的法律、社会和物质空间,不断引发移民和团结行动者的抵制。在本文中,我们结合对边境管制政策和移民与团结行动主义扩散的双重观察,分析不同类型的边境管制政策如何影响其中出现的抵抗形式。我们调查了三种不同的情况:首先是法国和英国之间领土边界的加莱地区;其次是欧洲境内划定边界的难民和移民营地和拘留中心;第三,在移民支持实践中,公民和移民之间的亲密接触空间。在我们以理论为导向的定性分析中,我们揭示了权力关系,以及由此产生的包容/排斥、应得性和(非)合法性的概念如何在这些背景下展开的矛盾团结中发挥不同的作用。
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引用次数: 1
Understanding the Politics of Refugee Law and Policy Making: Interdisciplinary and Empirical Approaches 理解难民法律和政策制定的政治:跨学科和实证方法
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.1093/jrs/fead039
Daniel Ghezelbash, K. Dorostkar
In this article, we argue that building a stronger empirical understanding of the politics of domestic refugee law and policy making is essential for refugee law scholars to better advocate for protection-orientated reforms. While much of the legal scholarship is aimed at promoting policy change, the best way to achieve this goal has rarely been examined. We identify three key areas of interdisciplinary empirical research that can create a stronger evidence-base for improving domestic policy reform efforts. This includes understanding the institutions and actors involved in policy formulation, measuring the impact of refugee laws and policies in practice, and identifying how to influence public opinion and build support for progressive law and policy change. We showcase existing interdisciplinary research in each of these areas, and highlight topics ripe for further empirical inquiry.
在这篇文章中,我们认为,对国内难民法和政策制定的政治建立更强的实证理解,对于难民法学者更好地倡导以保护为导向的改革至关重要。虽然大部分法律奖学金旨在促进政策变革,但实现这一目标的最佳方式很少被研究。我们确定了跨学科实证研究的三个关键领域,这些领域可以为改善国内政策改革努力创造更有力的证据基础。这包括了解参与政策制定的机构和行为者,衡量难民法和政策在实践中的影响,并确定如何影响公众舆论,为渐进的法律和政策变革争取支持。我们展示了这些领域中现有的跨学科研究,并强调了可以进一步实证研究的成熟话题。
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引用次数: 0
From Refugees to Citizens? How Refugee Youth in the Dadaab Camps of Kenya Use Education to Challenge Their Status as Non-Citizens 从难民到公民?肯尼亚达达布难民营的难民青年如何利用教育挑战他们的非公民身份
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2023-06-26 DOI: 10.1093/jrs/fead036
Hassan Aden, Abdirahman Edle, C. Horst
The Dadaab camps of Kenya have ‘warehoused’ refugees from Somalia and elsewhere since 1991, providing their inhabitants with little hope to (re)gain the legal rights, participation, and membership that citizenship provides. Refugee youth in Dadaab hope that education can enable their access to citizenship rights—in particular, physical mobility and the right to work. Drawing on ethnographic research, semi-structured interviews, and life history interviews conducted in Dadaab and Mogadishu, this article discusses how refugee youth from Dadaab attempt to challenge their status as non-citizens through secondary education. Our study underscores that achieving citizenship rights, as well as civic participation and belonging, are key aspirations for these young people independent of whether they remain in Dadaab or (re)turn to Mogadishu. Yet, their ideas about what these key aspects of citizenship are and how to achieve them shift with their geographical location and in the presence or absence of citizenship rights.
自1991年以来,肯尼亚的达达布难民营一直“收容”来自索马里和其他地方的难民,使他们的居民几乎没有希望(重新)获得公民身份所提供的合法权利、参与和成员资格。达达布的难民青年希望教育能够使他们获得公民权利,特别是身体流动和工作权。本文利用在达达布和摩加迪沙进行的人种学研究、半结构化访谈和生活史访谈,讨论了来自达达布的难民青年如何试图通过中等教育挑战自己的非公民身份。我们的研究强调,实现公民权利以及公民参与和归属感是这些年轻人的主要愿望,无论他们是留在达达布还是(重新)转向摩加迪沙。然而,他们关于公民身份的这些关键方面是什么以及如何实现这些方面的想法随着地理位置以及公民权利的存在与否而发生变化。
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引用次数: 0
Creating Educational Borderlands: Civic Learning in a Syrian School in Lebanon 创造教育边界:黎巴嫩叙利亚学校的公民学习
2区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2023-06-15 DOI: 10.1093/jrs/fead033
Vidur Chopra, Joumana Talhouk, Sarah Dryden-Peterson, Carmen Geha
Abstract Limitations on membership and participation in host societies sharply constrain refugee young people’s civic development. Especially when refugees attend national schools, they find themselves submerged in civic learning that does not include them or represent their experiences and realities. To explore possibilities for civic learning among refugees, we examine the education created by a Syrian community inside the structures of a Lebanese private school in Beirut. We conceive of this school as a ‘borderlands’ and find that it supports civic membership and participation in three ways: through adaptations to the Lebanese structures, curricula, and languages of schooling; through pedagogies focused on pragmatism; and through opening limited spaces for students to practice civic skills. We argue that the borderlands space created by this school holds lessons for both refugee and national teachers and school systems seeking to foster civic learning among refugees.
东道国社会对难民青年成员资格和参与的限制严重制约了难民青年的公民发展。特别是当难民在国立学校上学时,他们发现自己淹没在不包括他们或不代表他们的经验和现实的公民学习中。为了探索难民公民学习的可能性,我们研究了贝鲁特一所黎巴嫩私立学校内的叙利亚社区所创建的教育。我们将这所学校设想为一个“边界地带”,并发现它通过三种方式支持公民成员和参与:通过适应黎巴嫩的结构、课程和学校语言;通过注重实用主义的教学法;通过开放有限的空间让学生练习公民技能。我们认为,这所学校创造的边界空间为难民和国家教师以及寻求促进难民公民学习的学校系统提供了经验教训。
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引用次数: 1
‘On the Border, I Learned How to Advocate’: Borderlands as Political Spaces for Burmese Women’s Activism “在边境,我学会了如何倡导”:边境地区是缅甸妇女激进主义的政治空间
2区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2023-06-15 DOI: 10.1093/jrs/fead030
Elisabeth Olivius, Jenny Hedström
Abstract This article explores the political space of the border through the experiences of women activists from Myanmar, for whom the borderlands in Thailand have provided refuge as well as a conducive environment for political mobilization. At the same time, the border renders refugee activists insecure and precarious. Drawing on life history interviews, our analysis expands conceptualizations of the border as a dynamic political space by illustrating its dual capacity to both facilitate and constrain the political agency of refugee women from Myanmar. In particular, the spatial and temporal fluidity and in-betweenness of the border is shown to foster both repression and resistance. Exploring the character and salience of the border as a space for activism over time, we demonstrate how the political space of the border is relational, constituted in interaction with other political spaces, such as politics and governance in Myanmar, transnational activist networks, and the politics of international aid.
本文通过缅甸女性活动家的经历来探讨边境的政治空间,泰国边境为她们提供了避难所,也为政治动员提供了有利的环境。与此同时,边境使难民活动分子缺乏安全感和危险。根据生活史访谈,我们的分析通过说明其促进和限制缅甸难民妇女政治机构的双重能力,扩展了边界作为一个动态政治空间的概念。特别是,空间和时间的流动性和边界的中间性显示出既压抑又抵抗。随着时间的推移,我们探索了边界作为行动主义空间的特征和突出性,展示了边界的政治空间是如何相互关联的,如何与其他政治空间(如缅甸的政治和治理、跨国活动家网络和国际援助政治)相互作用。
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引用次数: 0
‘Doing’ Legal History in Refugee Law: A Snapshot of Bangladesh’s Engagement with Non-Refoulement “做”难民法的法律历史:孟加拉国参与不驱回的快照
2区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2023-06-14 DOI: 10.1093/jrs/fead025
M Sanjeeb Hossain
Abstract This article advocates for the adoption of legal history in the study of refugee law and associated legal scholarship. It begins by illustrating the meaning and value of legal history by sifting through the texts introducing the inaugural issues of some of the world’s most reputed legal history journals. It asks what makes a good legal historian and highlights the impossibility of attaining total objectivity when producing historical work. The article then sheds light on archival research and oral history as essential tools for doing legal history but cautions against being swayed by arrogant claims that the application of such empiricist and contextualist methods produces impartial legal history. Finally, the article demonstrates the value of doing legal history in refugee law by offering a snapshot of Bangladesh’s engagement with non-refoulement in the late 1970s when mass displacements of the Rohingya people from Myanmar and Indian Muslims from India took place.
摘要本文主张在难民法研究和相关法律学术研究中采用法律史。它首先通过筛选介绍一些世界上最著名的法律史期刊的创刊号的文本来说明法律史的意义和价值。它询问了怎样才能成为一名优秀的法律历史学家,并强调了在制作历史作品时达到完全客观的可能性。然后,文章阐明了档案研究和口述历史作为研究法律史的重要工具,但警告不要被傲慢的说法所左右,即应用这些经验主义和背景主义的方法可以产生公正的法律史。最后,这篇文章通过提供孟加拉国在20世纪70年代末参与不驱回的快照,展示了在难民法中研究法律史的价值,当时来自缅甸的罗兴亚人和来自印度的印度穆斯林发生了大规模流离失所。
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引用次数: 0
Importance of Asylum Status, Support Programmes, and Family Unit Functioning on the Mental Health of Syrian Forced Migrants in Switzerland: A Longitudinal Study 庇护地位、支持方案和家庭单位对瑞士叙利亚强迫移民心理健康的重要性:一项纵向研究
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2023-06-13 DOI: 10.1093/jrs/fead032
J. Darwiche, Nahema El Ghaziri, Jeremie Blaser, D. Spini, J. Suris, J. Antonietti, J. Sanchis Zozaya, R. Marion-Veyron, P. Bodenmann
Due to the Syrian civil war, millions of Syrians have fled the country since 2011. Several issues have inhibited their successful resettlement, but few studies have examined the development of the healthcare needs of Syrian forced migrants in Europe. This study examined Syrian forced migrants’ healthcare needs in Switzerland, and whether migration type and family functioning affect their mental health. Our sample included 108 individuals from 14 families from the usual asylum process and 19 from the Swiss Resettlement Program (SRP). Each family member was surveyed thrice in 1 year. Several participants reported symptoms of major depressive and post-traumatic stress disorder. However, their general mental health was similar to that of the Western populations. Swiss Resettlement Program participants reported higher overall mental health scores than non-SRP participants, while the two groups showed different progression over time. Children and fathers reported similar levels of mental health, whereas mothers’ mental health scores worsened over time. Family functioning was important for mental health in both groups. Overall, considering the structural and family contexts is important when studying forced migrants’ mental health.
由于叙利亚内战,自2011年以来,已有数百万叙利亚人逃离该国。一些问题阻碍了他们的成功重新安置,但很少有研究考察叙利亚被迫移民在欧洲的医疗需求发展。这项研究调查了叙利亚强迫移民在瑞士的医疗需求,以及移民类型和家庭功能是否会影响他们的心理健康。我们的样本包括来自14个通常庇护程序家庭的108人和来自瑞士重新安置计划(SRP)的19人。每个家庭成员在一年内接受了三次调查。一些参与者报告了严重抑郁和创伤后应激障碍的症状。然而,他们的总体心理健康状况与西方人群相似。瑞士移民安置计划参与者的总体心理健康得分高于非SRP参与者,而两组随着时间的推移表现出不同的进展。孩子和父亲的心理健康水平相似,而母亲的心理健康分数随着时间的推移而恶化。家庭功能对两组的心理健康都很重要。总的来说,在研究强迫移民的心理健康时,考虑结构和家庭背景很重要。
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引用次数: 0
(Non-)deport to Discipline: The Daily Life of Afghans in Turkey (非)驱逐纪律:在土耳其的阿富汗人的日常生活
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2023-06-10 DOI: 10.1093/jrs/fead029
Sibel Karadağ, Deniz Ş. Sert
This study contributes to discussions on the politics of (non-)deportability by focusing on the case of Afghans, the largest migrant community without a right to protection in Turkey, itself the country hosting the most refugees. This article examines how the politics of (non-)deportation is shaped and practiced for Afghans and the types of everyday strategies they employ to deal with deportability. We first argue that the politics of deportation in Turkey is predominantly shaped by the needs of the informal labour market, which accounts for one-third of the total labour force. Our findings suggest that forced labour and the hypermobility of Afghans is both tolerated and hidden by the state, while Afghans’ fear of deportability operates as a disciplining apparatus. Second, we argue that, when spectacles of deportation are performed, three crucial factors help Afghans avoid deportation, namely their qawm-based (ethnic or kinship) background, the involvement of Afghan associations, and street-level negotiations with the authorities.
这项研究通过关注阿富汗人的案例,为讨论(非)可驱逐性政治做出了贡献。阿富汗人是土耳其最大的没有保护权的移民社区,而土耳其本身也是收容难民最多的国家。本文探讨了(非)驱逐政治是如何为阿富汗人塑造和实践的,以及他们处理驱逐问题的日常策略类型。我们首先认为,土耳其的驱逐政治主要是由占总劳动力三分之一的非正规劳动力市场的需求决定的。我们的研究结果表明,强迫劳动和阿富汗人的过度流动性都是国家容忍和隐藏的,而阿富汗人对可驱逐出境的恐惧是一种惩罚机制。其次,我们认为,当进行驱逐时,有三个关键因素有助于阿富汗人避免被驱逐,即他们基于qawm的(种族或亲属关系)背景、阿富汗协会的参与以及与当局的街头谈判。
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引用次数: 0
Curriculum Choices for Refugees: What UNRWA’s History Can Tell Us about the Potential of UN Education Programs to Address Refugees’ ‘Unknowable Futures’ 难民课程选择:近东救济工程处的历史可以告诉我们联合国教育项目解决难民“不可知的未来”的潜力
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2023-06-10 DOI: 10.1093/jrs/fead034
Jo Kelcey
Quality education can help refugees navigate their ‘unknowable futures’. Yet, the potential of many education programs to fulfil this promise is shaped by the varied and at times, conflicting interests inherent in aid policy and practice. This article explores these tensions through a historical examination of UNRWA’s education program in the wake of the 1967 Arab-Israeli war. I show how an embedded state-centric approach to policy limited the UN’s influence over the education it provided to Palestine refugees. This manifested through a narrow focus on access to education, and refugees’ ability to get jobs, at the expense of education’s social and political roles. I argue that this case has wider resonance for understanding the institutional dynamics of global refugee education policies and points to the need for a more nuanced understanding of claims by aid agencies that education necessarily helps refugees navigate their unknowable futures.
优质教育可以帮助难民驾驭他们“不可知的未来”。然而,许多教育项目实现这一承诺的潜力受到援助政策和实践中各种各样、有时甚至相互冲突的内在利益的影响。本文通过对1967年阿以战争后近东救济工程处教育项目的历史考察,探讨了这些紧张关系。我展示了一种根深蒂固的以国家为中心的政策方法如何限制了联合国对其向巴勒斯坦难民提供教育的影响。这表现在狭隘地关注受教育的机会和难民的就业能力,而牺牲了教育的社会和政治作用。我认为,这个案例对于理解全球难民教育政策的制度动态具有更广泛的共鸣,并指出有必要更细致地理解援助机构所声称的教育必须帮助难民导航他们不可知的未来。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Refugee Studies
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