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Drivers of Loneliness among Older Refugees 老年难民孤独感的驱动因素
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2023-05-24 DOI: 10.1093/jrs/fead027
Vincent Horn, T. Fokkema
Although older refugees can be seen as particularly vulnerable to social isolation and loneliness, they are often overlooked by ageing and migration scholars. This article addresses this research gap by identifying and examining potential drivers of loneliness among older refugees. The study analysed data from the first two waves of the IAB-BAMF-SOEP Survey of Refugees, focusing on 958 individuals aged 45 and older who arrived in Germany between 2013 and 2016. Nearly half of the participants reported symptoms of loneliness. The major contributing factors included poor health, financial strain, lack of family ties in Germany, limited contact with Germans, insecure residence status, and perceived hostility towards them. The study highlights the need for a range of interventions at multiple levels targeting not only the older refugees themselves but also institutional arrangements and the people of the host country.
尽管老年难民被视为特别容易受到社会孤立和孤独的影响,但他们经常被老龄化和移民学者忽视。本文通过识别和检查老年难民孤独感的潜在驱动因素来解决这一研究空白。该研究分析了IAB-BAMF-SOEP难民调查前两波的数据,重点关注2013年至2016年间抵达德国的958名45岁及以上的人。近一半的参与者报告了孤独的症状。主要的促成因素包括健康状况不佳、经济紧张、在德国缺乏家庭关系、与德国人的接触有限、居住状况不安全以及对他们的敌意。该研究强调,需要在多个层面采取一系列干预措施,不仅针对老年难民本身,还针对收容国的体制安排和人民。
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引用次数: 0
National Inclusion Policy Openings/Barriers for Refugee Teachers: Critical Reflections from Kenya 国家包容政策对难民教师的开放/障碍:来自肯尼亚的批判性反思
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2023-05-23 DOI: 10.1093/jrs/fead026
Mary Mendenhall, Danielle Falk
Many refugee teachers toil for years with little support, inadequate working conditions, and unliveable wages, all while facing ‘unknowable futures’ (Dryden-Peterson 2017) about their ability to continue working as teachers. The current push for inclusion of refugees into national education systems has created policy openings for the inclusion of refugee teachers. Drawing on interviews with refugee teachers in Kakuma refugee camp and critical policy analysis of refugee education policies across global, regional, and national levels, our study examines what refugee teachers identify as policy barriers influencing their work and how policies that purport to include refugees into national systems address the needs of refugee teachers. We argue that policies that recognize refugee teachers either fail to address their specific professional needs for recognized teaching certification, adequate teacher compensation, and future career pathways or are inadequately implemented, leaving teachers and the countries hosting them without adequate support to improve teacher management.
许多难民教师多年来在几乎没有支持、工作条件不足和无法生活的工资的情况下辛勤工作,同时面临着关于他们继续从事教师工作能力的“未知未来”(Dryden Peterson 2017)。目前推动将难民纳入国家教育系统,为难民教师的融入创造了政策机会。根据对卡库马难民营难民教师的采访,以及对全球、区域和国家各级难民教育政策的批判性政策分析,我们的研究考察了难民教师认为哪些政策障碍影响了他们的工作,以及旨在将难民纳入国家系统的政策如何满足难民教师的需求。我们认为,承认难民教师的政策要么未能满足他们对公认教学认证、适当教师薪酬和未来职业道路的具体专业需求,要么实施不力,导致教师和收容国得不到改善教师管理的充分支持。
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引用次数: 0
Who Owns the Future of Syrians in Lebanon? Intimate Family Explorations of Refugees’ Own Search for Durable Solutions 谁拥有黎巴嫩叙利亚人的未来?难民寻求持久解决办法的亲密家庭探索
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2023-05-19 DOI: 10.1093/jrs/fead020
M. J. Alpes, Kwamou Eva Feukeu, Marieke van Houte, Shahed Kseibi, Belal Shukair
For both political and ideological reasons, return is the most favoured future imagined for refugees by policy makers and protection actors. This article analyses how humanitarian migrants in a context of limited durable solutions can be supported to reclaim ownership of their futures, as well as how this can result in deeper insights for social scientists and policy makers. For the case of Syrians, this study deploys futures literacy labs as a participatory and capability-based research methodology that allows participants to become researchers of their own lives. Based on two futures literacy labs with two Syrian families in Lebanon in 2020 and 2021, the article demonstrates that a futures capability-based approach provides humanitarian migrants with the cognitive space and agency needed to go beyond foreclosed decision-making processes. The research methodology allows researchers to become witnesses to intimate reappropriation and learning processes by humanitarian migrants themselves. As a result, we are able to argue that ‘returns’ as a durable solution are essentially about a return to a state of well-being and possibilities, which may or not entail a spatial return.
出于政治和意识形态两方面的原因,决策者和保护行为者最希望难民的未来是返回家园。本文分析了在有限的持久解决方案的背景下,如何支持人道主义移民重新获得对未来的所有权,以及这如何为社会科学家和政策制定者带来更深入的见解。就叙利亚人而言,本研究将未来扫盲实验室作为一种参与性和基于能力的研究方法,使参与者成为自己生活的研究人员。基于2020年和2021年在黎巴嫩的两个叙利亚家庭开展的两个未来扫盲实验室,本文表明,基于未来能力的方法为人道主义移民提供了超越丧失赎回权的决策过程所需的认知空间和机构。研究方法使研究人员能够亲眼目睹人道主义移徙者自己的亲密挪用和学习过程。因此,我们可以认为,“回归”作为一种持久的解决方案,本质上是关于回归到一种幸福和可能性的状态,这可能需要或不需要空间的回归。
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引用次数: 0
Academics in Exile: Networks, Knowledge Exchange, and New Forms of Internationalization. By Vera Axyonova, Florian Kohstall, and Carola Richter 流亡学者:网络、知识交流与国际化新形式。维拉·阿克斯约诺娃、弗洛里安·科斯托尔和卡罗拉·里希特著
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2023-05-16 DOI: 10.1093/jrs/fead028
Ahmad Akkad
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引用次数: 0
‘The Great and Miserable Flight’: The Experiences of Refugees in Newsprint during the Thirty Years’ War “伟大而悲惨的逃亡”:三十年战争期间报纸上难民的经历
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2023-05-16 DOI: 10.1093/jrs/fead022
T. Pert
As the Thirty Years’ War was the greatest demographic crisis in Europe between the Black Death and the two World Wars, it is unsurprising that the conflict created the greatest number of refugees in the continent’s history prior to the twentieth century. However, the limited scholarship on displaced persons between 1618 and 1648 has been exclusively based on micro-level eyewitness accounts, diaries, and memoirs. This article broadens the scope of studies on refugees during the Thirty Years’ War beyond such individualistic sources through an examination of their treatment in newsprint, a source base which has hitherto been entirely overlooked. A case study based on over 200 newspaper reports allows this article to examine how the frequency of appearances of refugees in newsprint, as well as the language and vocabulary used to describe them, can provide a valuable insight into the experiences of displaced persons and the attitudes of contemporaries in mid-seventeenth century Europe.
三十年战争是黑死病和两次世界大战之间欧洲最大的人口危机,这场冲突造成了20世纪之前欧洲大陆历史上最多的难民,这不足为奇。然而,关于1618年至1648年间流离失所者的有限学术研究完全基于微观层面的目击者描述、日记和回忆录。本文通过研究三十年战争期间难民在新闻纸中的待遇,拓宽了对难民的研究范围,超越了这些个人主义的来源,而新闻纸是迄今为止完全被忽视的来源。一项基于200多份报纸报道的案例研究使本文能够研究难民在新闻纸上出现的频率,以及描述他们的语言和词汇,如何对17世纪中期欧洲流离失所者的经历和同时代人的态度提供有价值的见解。
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引用次数: 0
What Kind of Weapon Is Education? Teleological Violence, Local Integration, and Refugee Education in Northern Ethiopia 教育是什么武器?埃塞俄比亚北部的电视暴力、地方融合和难民教育
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2023-05-16 DOI: 10.1093/jrs/fead018
A. Poole, J. Riggan
Why does education damage refugees? To understand this, we need to ask how education frames refugees’ thinking about their future, specifically related to questions of waiting in the camp or migrating through dangerous, irregular channels. Between 2016 and 2019, Ethiopia was at the forefront of trends in migration policy that prioritized education as part of a global strategy to prevent irregular, northward migration. However, despite increased educational opportunities, refugees rejected schooling as they weighed the decision to migrate onwards, citing a sharp disconnect between aspirations connected to schooling and the constraints on professional and personal progress that they face in hosting states. Drawing on long-term, multi-sited, ethnographic research on temporal violence, and temporal agency among Eritrean refugees in Ethiopia, we develop the concept of teleological violence to describe the harm generated by this disconnect, as risky secondary migration may come to seem like the only path toward a desired future.
为什么教育会损害难民?为了理解这一点,我们需要了解教育是如何影响难民对自己未来的思考的,特别是与在难民营等待或通过危险、非正常渠道移民的问题有关。2016年至2019年间,埃塞俄比亚处于移民政策的前沿,将教育作为防止非正常向北移民的全球战略的一部分。然而,尽管教育机会增加了,但难民在权衡继续移民的决定时拒绝了上学,理由是与上学有关的愿望与他们在收容国面临的职业和个人进步限制之间存在严重脱节。根据对埃塞俄比亚厄立特里亚难民的时间暴力和时间代理的长期、多地点、民族志研究,我们提出了目的暴力的概念,以描述这种脱节所造成的伤害,因为危险的二次移民似乎是通往理想未来的唯一途径。
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引用次数: 0
Borderland Porosities: Migratory Journeys and Migrant Politics in Lebanon and Turkey 边境色情:黎巴嫩和土耳其的移民之旅与移民政治
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1093/jrs/fead017
Suzan Ilcan, Seçil Dağtaș, Lana Gonzalez Balyk
This article focuses on displaced peoples’ migratory journeys to the borderlands of Lebanon and Turkey. Building on a selection of ethnographic, interview, policy, and programme materials, it advances the argument that Syrian encounters with these borderlands encompass multidirectional movements and context-specific and fluid processes imbricated in relations of power that often stimulate migrant politics, processes that involve, what we term, borderland porosities. Contributing to critical migration and border studies, the analysis emphasizes how displaced people negotiate the permeabilities of borderlands, engage intermediaries to assist in their perilous journeys, and employ their pre- and post-war transnational networks during their movements. This perspective places borderland porosities front and centre. It illuminates how these dynamic and penetrable spaces shape peoples’ movements, foster a diverse web of actors and encounters in migratory journey and resettlement processes, and cultivate a migrant politics of presence and invisibility.
这篇文章的重点是流离失所者前往黎巴嫩和土耳其边境的移民之旅。在精选的人种学、访谈、政策和节目材料的基础上,它提出了这样一种论点,即叙利亚与这些边境地区的接触包括多方向的运动,以及在权力关系中叠加的特定背景和流动的过程,这些过程往往会刺激移民政治,我们所说的过程涉及边境地区的孔隙。该分析为关键的移民和边境研究做出了贡献,强调了流离失所者如何谈判边境地区的通行性,如何让中间人协助他们的危险旅程,以及如何在他们的行动中利用他们战前和战后的跨国网络。这种视角将边界和孔隙置于前面和中间。它阐明了这些动态和可渗透的空间如何塑造人们的运动,在移民之旅和重新安置过程中培养一个多样化的行动者和遭遇网络,并培养一种存在和不可见的移民政治。
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引用次数: 0
Boundary-Making and Political Activism in Protracted Exile: Second-Generation Tibetan Refugees in India 长期流亡中的边界划定与政治行动:印度的第二代西藏难民
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2023-04-20 DOI: 10.1093/jrs/fead013
Natalia Bloch
For over six decades the Tibetan diaspora in India has followed a strategy of ‘non-assimilation’ towards Indian society. A majority of Tibetans still reside in self-governed settlements and maintain their self-imposed statelessness. Tibetan refugees have constructed boundaries that—according to the diaspora leaders—enable them to continue their political struggle for a free Tibet while in a state of protracted exile and imposed waiting. In this article, based on long-term ethnographic research, I discuss the mechanisms and rationale of this boundary-making by exploring its spatial, educational, and political dimensions. I then analyse the political activism which takes place within those boundaries, with a special focus on second-generation Tibetan refugees. I scrutinize the internal divisions in the Tibetan freedom movement, the radicalization of struggle, and the everyday patriotism practiced by generations born in exile, demonstrating that waiting has the potential to produce resistance.
60多年来,散居印度的藏人一直对印度社会采取“不同化”的策略。大多数西藏人仍然居住在自治定居点,并保持着自我强加的无国籍状态。 在这篇文章中,基于长期的民族志研究,我通过探索其空间、教育和政治维度,讨论了这种边界形成的机制和原理。然后,我分析了在这些边界内发生的政治激进主义,特别关注第二代西藏难民。我仔细观察了西藏自由运动的内部分歧、斗争的激进化,以及流亡海外的几代人每天践行的爱国主义,表明等待有可能产生抵抗。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review—The Right to Research: Historical Narratives by Refugee and Global South Researchers 书评——研究权:难民和全球南方研究人员的历史叙述
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2023-04-13 DOI: 10.1093/jrs/fead021
J. Liew
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引用次数: 2
Contesting the Universality of the Refugee Convention: Decolonization and the Additional Protocol 质疑《难民公约:非殖民化和附加议定书》的普遍性
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2023-04-05 DOI: 10.1093/jrs/fead008
Itty Abraham
Recent scholarship has insightfully explored the colonial roots of the UN Refugee Convention of 1951. In this work I seek to extend this line of argument by situating the adoption of the Additional Protocol of the Refugee Convention (1967) in relation to the transformations of international order following the Second World War. Contra the conventional account, this article shows that the Additional Protocol was created in no small part due to fears that the UN Refugee Convention would be unable to claim universal status due to competing ‘regional’ refugee conventions. Breaking down four meanings of ‘universal’ and drawing on archival documents of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the Asian-African Legal Consultative Committee and the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, I explore efforts by newly independent African and Asian countries to find voice in an exclusionary international order. Reading the Bangkok Principles and OAU Convention as collective subaltern resistance against efforts to discipline newly independent states offers new insights into contemporary international struggles and brings refugee studies into productive dialogue with critical international relations.
最近的学术研究深刻地探讨了1951年联合国难民公约的殖民根源。在本书中,我试图通过将《难民公约附加议定书》(1967年)的通过与第二次世界大战后国际秩序的变化联系起来来扩展这一论点。与传统的说法相反,这篇文章表明,附加议定书的创建在很大程度上是由于担心联合国难民公约由于竞争的“区域”难民公约而无法获得普遍地位。我分解了“普遍”的四种含义,并借鉴了非洲统一组织(非统组织)、亚非法律协商委员会和联合国难民事务高级专员公署的档案文件,探讨了新独立的非洲和亚洲国家在排他性的国际秩序中寻找声音的努力。将《曼谷原则》和《非统组织公约》解读为对新独立国家进行纪律约束的集体次等抵抗,为当代国际斗争提供了新的见解,并将难民研究与关键的国际关系带入富有成效的对话。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Refugee Studies
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