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Measuring Chinese economic sanctions 1949–2020: Introducing the China TIES dataset 衡量 1949-2020 年中国经济制裁:中国 TIES 数据集介绍
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-22 DOI: 10.1177/07388942241248274
Jiakun Jack Zhang, Spencer Shanks
Research on China's use of economic sanctions has proliferated in recent decades, yet coverage of Chinese sanctions in existing sanctions datasets is both inconsistent and incomplete. This article introduces both a new dataset on sanctions involving China and a research framework for expanding knowledge about non-Western economic sanctions more generally. The Chinese Economic Sanctions dataset (aka China TIES) includes 135 episodes where China is the sender and 88 episodes where it is the target from 1949 to 2020. Over 70% of our cases were not captured by the existing datasets. We use the Threat and Imposition of Economic Sanctions dataset (TIES v.4) as a baseline for identifying and coding sanctions episodes and provide a set of standardized narratives documenting each episode with secondary sources. The result is a dataset that is interoperable with TIES but also contains new variables that better capture the informal nature of many Chinese sanctions. We describe the dataset, paying special attention to the ways Chinese sanctions differ from other senders, and we present descriptive statistics for some of the key variables, highlighting the evolution of China's sanctions use over time.
近几十年来,有关中国使用经济制裁的研究如雨后春笋般涌现,但现有制裁数据集对中国制裁的覆盖既不一致也不完整。本文既介绍了涉及中国制裁的新数据集,也介绍了扩大对非西方经济制裁总体了解的研究框架。中国经济制裁数据集(又称中国 TIES)包括从 1949 年到 2020 年中国作为制裁方的 135 个案例和作为制裁目标的 88 个案例。超过 70% 的案例没有被现有数据集捕获。我们使用经济制裁威胁与实施数据集(TIES v.4)作为识别和编码制裁事件的基线,并提供了一套标准化的叙述,记录了每一事件的二手资料。该数据集不仅可与 TIES 数据集互操作,还包含了新的变量,能更好地反映许多中国制裁的非正式性质。我们对数据集进行了描述,特别关注了中国制裁与其他制裁方的不同之处,并对一些关键变量进行了描述性统计,突出了中国制裁使用随时间的演变。
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引用次数: 0
Crisis bargaining, domestic politics and Russia's invasion of Ukraine 危机谈判、国内政治和俄罗斯入侵乌克兰
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-22 DOI: 10.1177/07388942241237704
Sasha de Vogel, Jessica S Sun
How do domestic political considerations constrain or enable the initiation of interstate wars? We answer this question in the context of Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022. While prominent theories predict that domestic constraints reduce the likelihood of conflict, we show how structural features of Putin's regime rendered these concerns moot. Fighting was not likely to shift the domestic distribution of power favorably for Putin, although invading stood to enrich certain domestic groups and Putin himself. Instead, the invasion is more consistent with evidence that Putin perceived Ukraine to be bluffing, or expected fighting to yield pro-Russia shifts in Ukrainian domestic politics.
国内政治因素如何制约或促成国家间战争的爆发?我们以 2022 年俄罗斯入侵乌克兰为背景回答了这一问题。虽然著名理论预测国内制约因素会降低冲突发生的可能性,但我们展示了普京政权的结构性特征如何使这些担忧变得毫无意义。虽然入侵会使某些国内团体和普京本人富裕起来,但战争不太可能改变国内的权力分配,从而对普京有利。相反,入侵更符合普京认为乌克兰在虚张声势的证据,或预期战斗会使乌克兰国内政治发生亲俄变化的证据。
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引用次数: 0
Why gendered quantification trends are a problem: Post-traumatic growth arguments and the civil war malestream 为什么性别量化趋势是个问题:创伤后成长论和内战弊病流
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-17 DOI: 10.1177/07388942241244962
Maren Duvendack, Ulrike G Theuerkauf
Feminist scholars have long debated quantification trends in the social sciences. Of particular concern has been the extent to which the prestige assigned to quantitative methods may reinforce ‘malestream’ dynamics in academic knowledge production. ‘Malestream’ dynamics include the (implicit or explicit) privileging of a male-centric lens in the research process and the association of ‘hard’ numerical data with notions of ‘scientifically superior’ masculinity. We build on these discussions by asking how the rise in quantitative writings may affect gender disparities in the civil war literature. Using descriptive data from a newly coded dataset that contains 1,851 articles published in high-ranking journals between 1998 and 2018, we, firstly, illustrate how – in the generally male-dominated field of civil war research – the author gender gap is particularly pronounced among quantitative writings. Secondly, we present an in-depth discussion of three articles that use statistical analysis to test the effects of violence on prospects of post-traumatic growth. A distinct difference between the three articles is that they tend to be more sceptical of arguments on ‘positive change’ following violence the more account they take of gender differentiation in their theoretical framing and/or empirical identification strategy. All in all, our arguments call for greater awareness of gender bias in quantitative research, and for more rigour in currently hegemonic standards of what ‘counts’ as reliable evidence.
长期以来,女性主义学者一直在辩论社会科学中的量化趋势。尤其值得关注的是,赋予量化方法的声望可能会在多大程度上强化学术知识生产中的 "恶流 "动态。弊流 "动态包括在研究过程中以男性为中心的视角(或隐或显)的特权,以及将 "硬 "的数字数据与 "科学优越 "的男性概念联系起来。在这些讨论的基础上,我们将探讨定量写作的兴起会如何影响内战文献中的性别差异。我们使用了一个新编码数据集的描述性数据,该数据集包含 1998 年至 2018 年间发表在高级期刊上的 1851 篇文章,首先,我们说明了在普遍由男性主导的内战研究领域,作者的性别差距如何在定量写作中尤为明显。其次,我们对三篇文章进行了深入讨论,这三篇文章利用统计分析来检验暴力对创伤后成长前景的影响。这三篇文章的一个明显区别是,它们在理论框架和/或经验识别策略中对性别差异的考虑越多,就越倾向于对暴力后 "积极变化 "的论点持怀疑态度。总之,我们的论点要求在定量研究中提高对性别偏见的认识,并要求在目前霸权的可靠证据 "标准 "中更加严格。
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引用次数: 0
Information problems and Russia's invasion of Ukraine 信息问题与俄罗斯入侵乌克兰
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-11 DOI: 10.1177/07388942241238583
Işıl İdrisoğlu, William Spaniel
This paper explores the role of asymmetric information as a cause of Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine. In the classic bargaining model of war, negotiations break down when one side privately believes that it is sufficiently more likely perform better in battle than the other side expects. There is strong evidence that this mechanism was at play on the eve of the invasion. Chronic problems with Russian civil–military institutions created both an army unprepared for the conflict and a lack of awareness of this within the Kremlin. In contrast, Ukraine had reports of these problems and also had private information regarding its own resolve. Consequently, the Kremlin's demands on the eve of the conflict exceeded what Ukraine was willing to concede. Russia invaded as a result.
本文探讨了信息不对称作为俄罗斯 2022 年入侵乌克兰的原因之一的作用。在经典的战争讨价还价模型中,当一方私下认为自己在战斗中的表现比另一方预期的要好时,谈判就会破裂。有确凿证据表明,这一机制在入侵前夕就已发挥作用。俄罗斯军民机构的长期问题导致军队对冲突毫无准备,而克里姆林宫内部对此也缺乏认识。相比之下,乌克兰有关于这些问题的报告,也有关于其自身决心的私人信息。因此,克里姆林宫在冲突前夕提出的要求超出了乌克兰愿意让步的范围。俄罗斯因此入侵。
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引用次数: 0
UN peacekeeping presence and local food security outcomes 联合国维和存在与当地粮食安全成果
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-29 DOI: 10.1177/07388942241237727
Sara Lindberg Bromley, Nina von Uexkull
A now extensive literature examines effects of international peacekeeping on conflict-affected countries’ war-to-peace transitions. Still, we know little about how impactful peacekeeping is in stemming a wider set of hardships affecting host communities, such as hunger. Addressing this gap, we theorize and empirically examine the relationship between local UN peacekeeping deployment and food security in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mali, and Liberia. The results suggest an overall positive but substantively modest association between peacekeeping presence and more food secure communities—proxied by stunting rates in children—and point to context-specific variation. We conclude by discussing implications for future research.
目前有大量文献研究了国际维和行动对受冲突影响国家从战争向和平过渡的影响。然而,我们对维和行动在遏制影响东道国社区的一系列更广泛的困难(如饥饿)方面的影响知之甚少。为了弥补这一不足,我们对刚果民主共和国、马里和利比里亚当地的联合国维和部署与粮食安全之间的关系进行了理论和实证研究。结果表明,维和行动的存在与更有粮食安全的社区--以儿童发育迟缓率为衡量标准--之间存在总体上积极但实质上适度的联系,并指出了具体情况的差异。最后,我们讨论了未来研究的意义。
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引用次数: 0
Nuclear weapons and interstate conflict behavior: The moderating influence of civil–military relations 核武器与国家间冲突行为:军民关系的调节作用
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-25 DOI: 10.1177/07388942241238649
Rizwan Asghar
Do nuclear weapons deter aggression or make states more likely to engage in conflict? I argue that we can explain whether and when nuclear capabilities increase state belligerence by examining the role of domestic institutions that shape state security policy. This study provides evidence that nuclear weapons have an emboldening effect on conflict initiation by elevating state capacity but that whether this emboldening translates into higher levels of belligerence depends on the extent to which civilians (relative to the military) control the state, an important dimension of state decision-making. Results provide suggestive evidence in support of my argument. I illustrate this mechanism using the case of Pakistan (1972–2010).
核武器是阻止侵略还是使国家更有可能参与冲突?我认为,我们可以通过研究塑造国家安全政策的国内机构的作用来解释核能力是否以及何时会增强国家的好战性。本研究提供的证据表明,核武器通过提升国家能力对冲突的发起具有壮胆作用,但这种壮胆作用是否会转化为更高水平的好战性取决于平民(相对于军队)控制国家的程度,这是国家决策的一个重要维度。研究结果为支持我的论点提供了提示性证据。我以巴基斯坦(1972-2010 年)为例说明了这一机制。
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引用次数: 0
Peacekeeping operations and shadow economy growth in host countries 维持和平行动与东道国影子经济的增长
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-08 DOI: 10.1177/07388942241235478
Robert G Blanton, Dursun Peksen
While a great deal of scholarship has been devoted to peacekeeping operations (PKOs), relatively few works have examined their economic effects. Toward better understanding this area of inquiry, we examine the impact of PKOs on the growth of the shadow economies of host countries. We posit that the conflict cessation brought about by peacekeeping missions, as well as their stimulative economic effects, will reduce the growth of the shadow sector. However, these impacts may not be sustainable after the conclusion of the mission. Testing these linkages across 145 countries for over 40 years, we find significant support for these dynamics.
尽管有大量的学术研究致力于维和行动(PKOs),但研究其经济影响的著作却相对较少。为了更好地理解这一研究领域,我们研究了维和行动对东道国影子经济增长的影响。我们认为,维和特派团带来的冲突停止及其刺激经济的效果将减少影子部门的增长。然而,这些影响在特派团结束后可能无法持续。通过对 145 个国家 40 多年来的这些联系进行测试,我们发现这些动态得到了极大的支持。
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引用次数: 0
The importance of immigrants on American intervention in international crises 移民对美国干预国际危机的重要性
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-04 DOI: 10.1177/07388942241234559
Tyler Kustra, Patrick James
Immigrants have a substantial impact on US foreign policy: doubling the proportion of the American voters who were born in a country yields a 4% increase in the probability that the United States will intervene in a crisis involving that country. This result is significant at the 1% level. Moreover, the immigrants’ level of education and income do not affect this result. Apart from unemployment and real gross domestic product growth, other quantifiable domestic and international variables, from presidential approval to trade dependency and defense pacts, do not have a statistically significant impact on American intervention.
移民对美国外交政策有重大影响:在某国出生的美国选民比例增加一倍,美国干预该国危机的概率就会增加 4%。这一结果在 1%的水平上是显著的。此外,移民的教育水平和收入也不会影响这一结果。除了失业率和实际国内生产总值增长之外,其他可量化的国内和国际变量,从总统批准到贸易依赖性和国防条约,在统计上对美国的干预都没有显著影响。
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引用次数: 0
International virtue signaling: How female combatants shape state support for armed rebellion 国际美德信号:女性战斗人员如何影响国家对武装叛乱的支持
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-04 DOI: 10.1177/07388942241234224
Lindsey A Goldberg
International audiences view rebel groups with female combatants as more virtuous and legitimate because of gender norms regarding women and war. As actors who care about their international reputation, states often virtue-signal their support for popular humanitarian norms—norms such as promoting gender inclusivity in political processes. I argue that this performative dynamic motivates states to signal support for rebellions that include female combatants because doing so offers these states a pathway for signaling support for this international norm without requiring stronger commitments to gender equality and women's rights. I thus hypothesize that the inclusion of female combatants in rebel organizations positively corresponds with the quantity of external state support rebels receive. Specifically, I expect that these virtue-signaling motives render less costly forms of external state support more common for these groups. I statistically evaluate these claims and contribute new insights on gendered, transnational civil war dynamics.
由于有关妇女和战争的性别规范,国际受众认为拥有女性战斗人员的反叛团体更加良善和合法。作为关心其国际声誉的行为者,国家通常会以美德为信号支持流行的人道主义规范--例如在政治进程中促进性别包容。我认为,这种表演性的动力促使国家表示支持有女性战斗人员参加的叛乱,因为这样做为这些国家提供了一个途径,在不要求对性别平等和妇女权利做出更有力承诺的情况下,表示对这一国际规范的支持。因此,我假设反叛组织中女性战斗人员的加入与反叛者获得的外部国家支持数量成正比。具体来说,我预计这些美德信号动机会使这些组织更普遍地获得成本较低的外部国家支持。我将对这些观点进行统计评估,并就性别化的跨国内战动态提出新的见解。
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引用次数: 0
The implementation of truth commission recommendations: Exploring the ‘beyond words’ database for Latin America 真相委员会建议的落实情况:探索拉丁美洲 "超越文字 "数据库
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-12 DOI: 10.1177/07388942241229283
E. Skaar, Adriana Rudling, Lisa-Marie Måseidvåg Selvik, Eric Wiebelhaus-Brahm, Jemima García-Godos
We know little about the processes surrounding the formulation and implementation of truth commission recommendations (TCRs). This article introduces the Beyond Words database, which systematically identifies and tracks the formulation and implementation processes behind 960 recommendations from 13 truth commissions established across Latin America between 1983 and 2012. The database offers information on factors shaping TCR formulation, identifies important characteristics of recommendations and assesses the level of implementation for each. We describe our methodology and the resultant database and examine findings linking TCR characteristics and contextual factors to levels of implementation. Overall, the implementation record is better than those previously considered.
我们对真相委员会建议(TCR)的制定和实施过程知之甚少。本文介绍了 "言外之意"(Beyond Words)数据库,该数据库系统地识别和跟踪了 1983 年至 2012 年期间拉丁美洲成立的 13 个真相委员会提出的 960 项建议的制定和实施过程。该数据库提供了有关影响真相委员会建议制定的因素的信息,确定了建议的重要特征,并评估了每项建议的实施水平。我们介绍了我们的方法和由此产生的数据库,并研究了将真相委员会的特点和背景因素与实施水平联系起来的发现。总体而言,实施情况要好于以往的记录。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Conflict Management and Peace Science
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