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英文 中文
Middle East 中东
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2261268
Ray Takeyh
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引用次数: 0
The Meaning of ‘Strategic’ in US National-security Policy “战略性”在美国国家安全政策中的意义
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2261249
Jeffrey A. Larsen, James J. Wirtz
AbstractHow is the term ‘strategic’ used today within the US Department of Defense? To address this question, the article explores the evolution of the term ‘strategic’ from the interwar period to the end of the Cold War era, when Strategic Air Command was responsible for anything deemed strategic. The contemporary use of the term is a manifestation of a growing need to integrate the activities of various commands, capabilities and operations across the Defense Department that can produce significant military or political effects. Several problems could emerge due to a lack of clarity, integration and synchronisation across the US defence establishment. The Pentagon should and could establish greater clarity in defining strategic threats, operations, systems, command relationships and deterrence.Key words: Able ArcherCold Warcyber operationsintegrated deterrencenuclear deterrencespacestrategic deterrencestrategic effectsUS Strategic Command Notes1 Colin S. Gray, The Future of Strategy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2015), p. 26, emphasis in original.2 See White House, ‘National Security Strategy’, October 2022, https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/8-November-Combined-PDF-for-Upload.pdf; and US Department of Defense, ‘2022 National Defense Strategy’, 27 October 2022, https://media.defense.gov/2022/Oct/27/2003103845/-1/-1/1/2022-NATIONAL-DEFENSE-STRATEGY-NPR-MDR.PDF.3 See Gray, The Future of Strategy, p. 22.4 See Lawrence Freedman, The Evolution of Nuclear Strategy, 4th ed. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019), pp. 1–15; and Lawrence Freedman, Strategy: A History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), pp. 3–9.5 See Giulio Douhet, Command of the Air (Maxwell AFB, AL: Air University Press, 2019).6 See Michael E. Brown, Flying Blind: The Politics of the US Strategic Bomber Program (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), pp. 35–62; and John T. Correll, ‘Daylight Precision Bombing’, Air & Space Forces Magazine, 1 October 2008, https://www.airandspaceforces.com/article/1008daylight/.7 See George Quester, Deterrence Before Hiroshima: The Influence of Airpower on Modern Strategy (New York: John Wiley, 1966), p. 52.8 See Brown, Flying Blind, pp. 61–5.9 This paradox is known to undergraduates from the ‘Sagan–Waltz Debate’. See Scott D. Sagan and Kenneth N. Waltz, The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: An Enduring Debate, 3rd ed. (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 2012).10 See Robert Jervis, The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989).11 Jonathan Schell, The Fate of the Earth (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1982).12 See Thomas C. Schelling, Arms and Influence (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1966), pp. 1–34.13 See Gregory S. Gilmour, ‘From SAC to STRATCOM: The Origins of Unified Command Over Nuclear Forces’, MA Thesis, Naval Postgraduate School, June 1993, pp. 60–2, https://apps.dtic.mil/sti/pdfs/ADA268609.pdf.14 Some theatre commanders also retained the authority for
摘要:“战略”一词今天在美国国防部内是如何使用的?为了解决这个问题,本文探讨了“战略”一词从两次世界大战之间到冷战末期的演变,当时战略空军司令部负责任何被视为战略的事情。这一术语的当代使用表明,越来越需要整合国防部各种指挥、能力和行动的活动,这些活动可以产生重大的军事或政治影响。由于美国国防体系缺乏明确性、一体化和同步性,可能会出现几个问题。五角大楼应该而且能够更加明确地定义战略威胁、作战、系统、指挥关系和威慑。关键词:Able archers冷战网络作战综合威慑核威慑空间战略威慑战略效果战略司令部注1科林·s·格雷:《战略的未来》(剑桥:政治出版社,2015),第26页,重点为原文参见白宫,《国家安全战略》,2022年10月,https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/8-November-Combined-PDF-for-Upload.pdf;和美国国防部,“2022年国防战略”,2022年10月27日,https://media.defense.gov/2022/Oct/27/2003103845/-1/-1/1/2022-NATIONAL-DEFENSE-STRATEGY-NPR-MDR.PDF.3见格雷,战略的未来,第22.4页见劳伦斯·弗里德曼,核战略的演变,第4版(纽约:帕尔格雷夫·麦克米伦,2019),第1-15页;劳伦斯·弗里德曼,《战略:历史》(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2013年),第3-9.5页。参见朱利奥·杜赫,《空军司令部》(麦克斯韦空军基地,AL:航空大学出版社,2019年)参见迈克尔·e·布朗,《盲目飞行:美国战略轰炸机计划的政治》(伊萨卡,纽约:康奈尔大学出版社,1992),第35-62页;和John T. Correll,“日光精确轰炸”,航空与太空部队杂志,2008年10月1日,https://www.airandspaceforces.com/article/1008daylight/.7见George Quester,广岛之前的威慑:空中力量对现代战略的影响(纽约:John Wiley, 1966),第52.8页见Brown, Flying Blind,第61-5.9页这个悖论是本科生从“萨根-华尔兹辩论”中知道的。参见斯科特·d·萨根和肯尼斯·n·瓦尔兹:《核武器的扩散:一场持久的辩论》,第3版(纽约:w.w.诺顿出版社,2012)见罗伯特·杰维斯,《核革命的意义:治国之道与世界末日的前景》(伊萨卡,纽约:康奈尔大学出版社,1989)乔纳森·谢尔,《地球的命运》(纽约:阿尔弗雷德·a·克诺夫出版社,1982)参见Thomas C. Schelling,《武器与影响》(纽黑文,康涅狄格州:耶鲁大学出版社,1966),第1-34.13页。参见Gregory S. Gilmour,《从战略司令部到战略司令部:核力量统一指挥的起源》,硕士论文,海军研究生院,1993年6月,第60-2页,https://apps.dtic.mil/sti/pdfs/ADA268609.pdf.14一些战区指挥官也保留了在其职责范围内进行战术核武器规划的权力参见美国战略司令部,“历史”,https://www.stratcom.mil/About/History/.16参见詹姆斯·j·维尔茨,“网络珍珠港:有用的类比还是网络炒作?”《情报与国家安全》,第33卷,第33期。见Harald m<e:1>勒和Annette Schaper,“冷战后的美国核政策”,PRIF报告第69期,法兰克福和平研究所,2004年,https://www.hsfk.de/fileadmin/HSFK/hsfk_downloads/prif69.pdf.19作者采访澳大利亚和英国高级官员,2022.10参见David Hackett Fischer, Paul Revere的Ride(牛津:牛津大学出版社,1995),p. 402.24 Barry Posen,无意的升级:常规战争和核风险(伊萨卡,纽约州:康奈尔大学出版社,1991)见布鲁斯·g·布莱尔,《意外核战争的逻辑》(华盛顿特区:布鲁金斯学会,1993年)参见戈登·巴拉斯,《能手83:苏联人在想什么?》,《生存》,第58卷,第1期。6、2016年12月- 2017年1月,第7-30页;和Nate Jones(编),《能手83:差点引发核战争的北约演习的秘史》(纽约:新出版社,2016).27有关统一指挥计划的更多信息,请参见Andrew Feickert,“统一指挥计划和战斗指挥:国会的背景和问题”,CRS报告R42077,国会研究处,2013年1月3日,https://sgp.fas.org/crs/natsec/R42077.pdf.28白宫,“统一指挥计划”,2021年1月13日,第3页,第10a.29段引用自Justin Katz,“Berger:改变战斗指挥结构的时间”,Breaking Defense, 2023年5月24日,https://breakingdefense。
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引用次数: 0
Economy 经济
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2261267
Erik Jones
Maarten Prak and Jan Luiten van Zanden. Ian Cressie, trans. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2022. £35.00/$39.95. 280 pp.
Maarten Prak和Jan Luiten van Zanden。伊恩·克雷西,变性人。普林斯顿,新泽西州:普林斯顿大学出版社,2022。£35.00 / 39.95美元。280页。
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引用次数: 0
The Consequences of Generative AI for Democracy, Governance and War 生成式人工智能对民主、治理和战争的影响
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2261260
Steven Feldstein
AbstractThe potential impact of generative AI across politics, governance and war is enormous, and is the subject of considerable speculation informed by few hard facts. Yet it is possible to identify some major challenges. They include threats to democracies by privately controlled models that gain tremendous power to shape discourse and affect democratic deliberation; enhanced surveillance and propaganda dissemination by authoritarian regimes; new capacities for criminal and terrorist actors to carry out cyber attacks and related disruptions; and transformed war planning and military operations reflecting the accelerated dehumanisation of lethal force. While new innovations historically require time to take root, generative AI is likely to be adopted swiftly. Stakeholders must formulate pragmatic approaches to manage oncoming risks.Key words: Artificial intelligence (AI)chatbotsChatGPTcyber attackslarge language model (LLM)military planningpropagandasurveillance AcknowledgementsI would like to thank Tom Carothers, Matt O’Shaughnessy and Gavin Wilde for their valuable comments and feedback, and Brian (Chun Hey) Kot for his research assistance.Notes1 See Rishi Bommasani et al., ‘On the Opportunities and Risks of Foundation Models’, Center for Research on Foundational Models, Stanford University, 12 July 2022, https://crfm.stanford.edu/assets/report.pdf; and Helen Toner, ‘What Are Generative AI, Large Language Models, and Foundation Models?’, Center for Security and Emerging Technology, Georgetown University, May 2023, https://cset.georgetown.edu/article/what-are-generative-ai-large-language-models-and-foundation-models/.2 See Kevin Roose, ‘How Does ChatGPT Really Work?’, New York Times, 28 March 2023, https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/28/technology/ai-chatbots-chatgpt-bing-bard-llm.html.3 See Jordan Hoffmann et al., ‘An Empirical Analysis of Computeoptimal Large Language Model Training’, Google DeepMind, 12 April 2022, https://www.deepmind.com/blog/an-empirical-analysis-of-compute-optimal-large-language-model-training; and Pranshu Verma and Kevin Schaul, ‘See Why AI Like ChatGPT Has Gotten So Good, So Fast’, Washington Post, 24 May 2023, https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/interactive/2023/artificial-intelligence-tech-rapid-advances/.4 See Tom B. Brown et al., ‘Language Models Are Few-shot Learners’, 34th Conference on Neural Information Processing Systems (Neur IPS 2020), Vancouver, Canada, 22 July 2020, https://proceedings.neurips.cc/paper/2020/file/1457c0d6bfcb4967418bfb8ac142f64a-Paper.pdf.5 See Lukas Esterle, ‘Deep Learning in Multiagent Systems’, in Alexandros Iosifidis and Anastasios Tefas (eds), Deep Learning for Robot Perception and Cognition (Cambridge, MA: Academic Press, 2022), pp. 435–60; and David Nield, ‘Supercharge Your ChatGPT Prompts with Auto-GPT’, Wired, 21 May 2023, https://www.wired.co.uk/article/chatgpt-prompts-auto-gpt. It is worth noting that the autonomy of an AI system sits on a spectrum, rather than being binary. Whi
生成式人工智能在政治、治理和战争方面的潜在影响是巨大的,并且是很少有确凿事实的大量猜测的主题。然而,我们有可能发现一些重大挑战。它们包括私人控制的模式对民主的威胁,这些模式获得了塑造话语和影响民主审议的巨大力量;独裁政权加强监视和宣传传播;犯罪分子和恐怖分子实施网络攻击和相关破坏的新能力;改变了战争计划和军事行动,反映出致命武力的加速非人化。虽然新的创新在历史上需要时间来扎根,但生成式人工智能可能会很快被采用。利益相关者必须制定务实的方法来管理即将到来的风险。关键词:人工智能(AI)聊天机器人网络攻击大语言模型(LLM)军事规划宣传监视感谢Tom Carothers, Matt O 'Shaughnessy和Gavin Wilde的宝贵意见和反馈,以及Brian (Chun Hey) Kot的研究协助。注1参见Rishi Bommasani等人,“On Opportunities and Risks of Foundation Models”,斯坦福大学基础模型研究中心,2022年7月12日,https://crfm.stanford.edu/assets/report.pdf;Helen Toner,“什么是生成式人工智能,大型语言模型和基础模型?”,乔治城大学安全与新兴技术中心,2023年5月,https://cset.georgetown.edu/article/what-are-generative-ai-large-language-models-and-foundation-models/.2参见Kevin Roose,“ChatGPT如何真正工作?”,《纽约时报》,2023年3月28日,https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/28/technology/ai-chatbots-chatgpt-bing-bard-llm.html.3见Jordan Hoffmann等人,“计算机最优大型语言模型训练的实证分析”,谷歌DeepMind, 2022年4月12日,https://www.deepmind.com/blog/an-empirical-analysis-of-compute-optimal-large-language-model-training;和Pranshu Verma和Kevin Schaul,“看看为什么像ChatGPT这样的人工智能变得如此好,如此快”,华盛顿邮报,2023年5月24日,https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/interactive/2023/artificial-intelligence-tech-rapid-advances/.4见Tom B. Brown等人,“语言模型是几次学习”,第34届神经信息处理系统会议(Neur IPS 2020),加拿大温哥华,2020年7月22日。https://proceedings.neurips.cc/paper/2020/file/1457c0d6bfcb4967418bfb8ac142f64a-Paper.pdf.5见Lukas Esterle,“多智能体系统中的深度学习”,Alexandros Iosifidis和Anastasios Tefas(主编),机器人感知和认知的深度学习(剑桥,MA:学术出版社,2022),第435-60页;和David Nield,“用Auto-GPT增压您的ChatGPT提示”,Wired, 2023年5月21日,https://www.wired.co.uk/article/chatgpt-prompts-auto-gpt。值得注意的是,人工智能系统的自主性位于一个频谱上,而不是二元的。虽然开发人员的目标是提高人工智能系统完成日益复杂任务的能力,但这将是一个缓慢的进化过程,而不是能力的突然跃升参见Chloe Xiang,“开发人员正在连接多个AI代理以制造更多“自主”AI”,Vice, 2023年4月4日,https://www.vice.com/en/article/epvdme/developers-are-connecting-multiple-ai-agents-to-make-more-autonomous-ai.7参见Mark Sullivan,“Auto-GPT和BabyAGI:“自主代理”如何将生成式人工智能带给大众”,Fast Company, 2023年4月13日,https://www.fastcompany.com/90880294/auto-gpt-and-babyagi-how-autonomous-agents-are-bringing-generative-ai-to-the-masses.8参见Josh Zumbrun,“为什么ChatGPT在基础数学上变得越来越愚蠢”,华尔街日报,2023年8月4日,https://www.wsj.com/articles/chatgpt-openai-math-artificial-intelligence-8aba83f0.9参见,例如,Tristan Bove,《比尔·盖茨说,人工智能革命意味着每个人都将拥有自己的“白领”私人助理》,《财富》,2023年5月6日,https://fortune.com/2023/03/22/bill-gates-ai-work-productivity-personal-assistants-chatgpt/.10加里·马库斯,《参议院证词》,美国参议院司法委员会,隐私、技术和法律小组委员会,第118届国会,2023年5月16日,https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/2023-05-16%20-%20Testimony%20-%20Marcus.pdf.11见戴维·阿尔巴,彭博社,2022年12月8日,https://www.bloomberg.com/news/newsletters/2022-12-08/chatgpt-open-ai-s-chatbot-is-spitting-out-biased-sexist-results.12见Emily M. Bender等人,“关于随机鹦鹉的危险:语言模型会太大吗?, 2021年ACM公平,问责制和透明度会议论文集,2021年3月,第610-23页,https://dl.acm.org/doi/pdf/10.1145/3442188.3445922.13 Hannes Bajohr,“谁控制语言模型就控制政治”,2023年4月8日,https://hannesbajohr。 德/ en / 2023/04/08 / whoever-controls-language-models-controls-politics / .14点同上15参见史蒂文·费尔德斯坦,“评估欧洲制定人工智能法规的努力:这将如何影响全球规范?”民主化,2023年,第1-18.16见凯琳·德夫林和约书亚·奇塔姆,“假特朗普被捕照片:如何发现人工智能生成的图像”,BBC新闻,2023年3月24日,https://ww
{"title":"The Consequences of Generative AI for Democracy, Governance and War","authors":"Steven Feldstein","doi":"10.1080/00396338.2023.2261260","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2023.2261260","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThe potential impact of generative AI across politics, governance and war is enormous, and is the subject of considerable speculation informed by few hard facts. Yet it is possible to identify some major challenges. They include threats to democracies by privately controlled models that gain tremendous power to shape discourse and affect democratic deliberation; enhanced surveillance and propaganda dissemination by authoritarian regimes; new capacities for criminal and terrorist actors to carry out cyber attacks and related disruptions; and transformed war planning and military operations reflecting the accelerated dehumanisation of lethal force. While new innovations historically require time to take root, generative AI is likely to be adopted swiftly. Stakeholders must formulate pragmatic approaches to manage oncoming risks.Key words: Artificial intelligence (AI)chatbotsChatGPTcyber attackslarge language model (LLM)military planningpropagandasurveillance AcknowledgementsI would like to thank Tom Carothers, Matt O’Shaughnessy and Gavin Wilde for their valuable comments and feedback, and Brian (Chun Hey) Kot for his research assistance.Notes1 See Rishi Bommasani et al., ‘On the Opportunities and Risks of Foundation Models’, Center for Research on Foundational Models, Stanford University, 12 July 2022, https://crfm.stanford.edu/assets/report.pdf; and Helen Toner, ‘What Are Generative AI, Large Language Models, and Foundation Models?’, Center for Security and Emerging Technology, Georgetown University, May 2023, https://cset.georgetown.edu/article/what-are-generative-ai-large-language-models-and-foundation-models/.2 See Kevin Roose, ‘How Does ChatGPT Really Work?’, New York Times, 28 March 2023, https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/28/technology/ai-chatbots-chatgpt-bing-bard-llm.html.3 See Jordan Hoffmann et al., ‘An Empirical Analysis of Computeoptimal Large Language Model Training’, Google DeepMind, 12 April 2022, https://www.deepmind.com/blog/an-empirical-analysis-of-compute-optimal-large-language-model-training; and Pranshu Verma and Kevin Schaul, ‘See Why AI Like ChatGPT Has Gotten So Good, So Fast’, Washington Post, 24 May 2023, https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/interactive/2023/artificial-intelligence-tech-rapid-advances/.4 See Tom B. Brown et al., ‘Language Models Are Few-shot Learners’, 34th Conference on Neural Information Processing Systems (Neur IPS 2020), Vancouver, Canada, 22 July 2020, https://proceedings.neurips.cc/paper/2020/file/1457c0d6bfcb4967418bfb8ac142f64a-Paper.pdf.5 See Lukas Esterle, ‘Deep Learning in Multiagent Systems’, in Alexandros Iosifidis and Anastasios Tefas (eds), Deep Learning for Robot Perception and Cognition (Cambridge, MA: Academic Press, 2022), pp. 435–60; and David Nield, ‘Supercharge Your ChatGPT Prompts with Auto-GPT’, Wired, 21 May 2023, https://www.wired.co.uk/article/chatgpt-prompts-auto-gpt. It is worth noting that the autonomy of an AI system sits on a spectrum, rather than being binary. Whi","PeriodicalId":51535,"journal":{"name":"Survival","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134948832","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Not Fade Away: The Children of the 1930s 《永不消逝:1930年代的孩子们
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2261274
Dana H. Allin
A generation of scholars, writers and diplomats, mostly born in the 1930s, who grew up in depression and war but became young adults at the advent of a new era of security and comfort, is fading away. John le Carré, one of the great post-war writers of any genre, rendered in his spy fiction Britain’s post-imperial reckoning, and brought back in 2017 George Smiley, his most acutely realised spy, to lament the folly of Brexit. Five more children of the 1920s, 30s and 40s who were important contributors this journal have died in recent years. Michael Howard (1922–2019), Ronald Steel (1931–2023), Pierre Hassner (1933–2018), David Calleo (1934–2023) and James Dobbins (1942–2023) each reflected shrewdly and profoundly on war and peace, global politics, and the US and Europe. At a time when the world appears to be regressing, we might best honour this generation by holding to the fictional Smiley’s vision ‘of leading Europe out of her darkness towards a new age of reason’.
这一代学者、作家和外交官大多出生于20世纪30年代,他们在大萧条和战争中长大,但在安全舒适的新时代到来时成为年轻人,他们正在消失。战后最伟大的作家之一约翰·勒·卡罗(John le carr)在他的间谍小说中描绘了英国后帝国时代的清算,并在2017年让他最敏锐的间谍乔治·斯迈利(George Smiley)回归,哀叹英国脱欧的愚蠢。另外五个20世纪20年代,30年代和40年代的孩子,他们是这份杂志的重要贡献者,近年来也去世了。迈克尔·霍华德(1922-2019)、罗纳德·斯蒂尔(1931-2023)、皮埃尔·哈斯纳(1933-2018)、大卫·卡列奥(1934-2023)和詹姆斯·多宾斯(1942-2023)都对战争与和平、全球政治以及美国与欧洲进行了敏锐而深刻的反思。在这个世界似乎正在倒退的时代,我们也许应该通过坚持虚构的斯迈利的愿景来纪念这一代人,“带领欧洲走出黑暗,走向理性的新时代”。
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引用次数: 0
South Asia 南亚
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2261269
Teresita C. Schaffer
Adam Michael Auerbach and Tariq Thachil. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2023. £100.00/$120.00. 288 pp.
亚当·迈克尔·奥尔巴赫和塔里克·塔希尔。普林斯顿,新泽西州:普林斯顿大学出版社,2023。£100.00 / 120.00美元。288页。
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引用次数: 0
Challenging Nuclear Bromides 挑战核溴化物
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2261247
Dallas Boyd
AbstractDespite the universal implications of nuclear weapons for humanity, broad knowledge of nuclear policy is curiously absent from the public sphere and even among many senior figures in government. Nuclear strategists have nourished the belief that the principles of nuclear deterrence are so esoteric as to exempt them from non-expert scrutiny, creating an intellectual vacuum within which a number of fallacies about nuclear strategy have taken root. These fallacies in turn find expression in the configuration of several states’ nuclear postures, from the number of warheads posited as necessary for deterrence to the selection of adversary targets. Puncturing the myth of complexity that surrounds nuclear policy is a necessary starting point to assess its more questionable features. This essay evaluates some of the prevailing tenets of nuclear strategy to expose for non-experts the many misconceptions that shape the major powers’ strategic postures.Key words: counterforcecountervaluedeterrenceintercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs)launch-on-warningnuclear deterrencenuclear weaponspre-emptionsubmarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs)‘use or lose’ AcknowledgementsThanks to James Acton, Rick Christensen, James Crabtree, John Maenchen, Jessica Mathews, Aaron Miles, Michael Molino, Joshua Pollack and Alex Wood for helpful comments.Notes1 Douglas Martin, ‘Roger C. Molander, Nuclear Protest Leader, Dies at 71’, New York Times, 31 March 2012, https://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/01/us/roger-c-molander-dies-at-71-stirred-nuclear-protests.html.2 See Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition, Technology, and Logistics, Defense Science Board Task Force, ‘Nuclear Deterrence Skills’, Report of the Defense Science Board Task Force, September 2008, https://dsb.cto.mil/reports/2000s/ADA487983.pdf.3 Ashley J. Tellis, ‘India’s Emerging Nuclear Posture: Between Recessed Deterrent and Ready Arsenal’, RAND Corporation, MR-1127-AF, 2001, p. 19.4 Victor D. Cha, ‘How to Disarm a Nuclear North Korea’, Washington Post, 9 October 2011, https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/how-to-disarm-a-nuclear-north-korea/2011/10/09/gIQAlaZeYL_story.html.5 See Sheena Chestnut, ‘Illicit Activity and Proliferation: North Korean Smuggling Networks’, International Security, vol. 32, no. 1, Summer 2007, pp. 80–111.6 ‘Bush: Don’t Wait for Mushroom Cloud’, CNN, 8 October 2002, https://edition.cnn.com/2002/ALLPOLITICS/10/07/bush.transcript/; and White House, ‘Remarks by President Obama and Prime Minister Rutte at Opening Session of the Nuclear Security Summit’, 1 April 2016, https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2016/04/01/remarks-president-obama-and-prime-minister-rutte-opening-session-nuclear.7 Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, SIPRI Yearbook 2022: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security (Stockholm: SIPRI, 2022), p. 342.8 Fred Kaplan, The Wizards of Armageddon (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1983), pp. 259–61.9 See Austin
摘要尽管核武器对人类有着普遍的影响,但奇怪的是,在公共领域,甚至在政府的许多高级官员中,都缺乏对核政策的广泛了解。核战略家们一直认为,核威慑原则是如此深奥,以至于可以免于非专业人士的审查,从而造成了一个知识真空,在这个真空中,一些关于核战略的谬论扎根了。这些谬论反过来又体现在几个国家的核态势配置中,从为威慑所必需的核弹头数量到对手目标的选择。戳穿围绕核政策的复杂神话,是评估其更多可疑特征的必要起点。本文评估了一些流行的核战略原则,为非专家揭示了塑造大国战略姿态的许多误解。关键词:反作用力反价值威慑洲际弹道导弹(icbm)预警发射核威慑核武器先发制人潜射弹道导弹(slbm)“使用或失去”致谢感谢James Acton, Rick Christensen, James Crabtree, John Maenchen, Jessica Mathews, Aaron Miles, Michael Molino, Joshua Pollack和Alex Wood的有用评论。注1 Douglas Martin,“Roger C. Molander,核抗议领袖,享年71岁”,《纽约时报》,2012年3月31日,https://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/01/us/roger-c-molander-dies-at-71-stirred-nuclear-protests.html.2见美国国防部负责采办、技术和后勤的副部长办公室,国防科学委员会工作组,“核威慑技能”,国防科学委员会工作组报告,2008年9月,https://dsb.cto.mil/reports/2000s/ADA487983.pdf.3 Ashley J. Tellis,“印度正在形成的核态势:在潜伏的威慑力量和准备好的武库之间”,兰德公司,2001年,第19.4页。Victor D. Cha,“如何解除拥有核武器的朝鲜的武装”,华盛顿邮报,2011年10月9日,https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/how-to-disarm-a-nuclear-north-korea/2011/10/09/gIQAlaZeYL_story.html.5见Sheena Chestnut,“非法活动和扩散:朝鲜走私网络”,《国际安全》,第32卷,第19页。1、2007年夏季,第80-111.6页“布什:不要等待蘑菇云”,CNN, 2002年10月8日,https://edition.cnn.com/2002/ALLPOLITICS/10/07/bush.transcript/;和白宫,“奥巴马总统和首相Rutte在核安全峰会开幕式上的讲话”,2016年4月1日,https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2016/04/01/remarks-president-obama-and-prime-minister-rutte-opening-session-nuclear.7斯德哥尔摩国际和平研究所,SIPRI年鉴2022:军备,裁军和国际安全(斯德哥尔摩:SIPRI, 2022),第342.8页。斯坦福大学出版社,1983),第259-61.9页。见Austin Long和Brendan Rittenhouse Green,“跟踪安全的第二次打击:情报、反作用力和核战略”,《战略研究杂志》,第38卷,第1-2期,2015年,第38 - 73.10页Jeffrey A. Larsen等人,“较低数量核力量的定性考虑及其对未来军备控制谈判的影响”,美国空军国家安全研究所,2012年7月,第68页,第xiv页,https://www.usafa.edu/app/uploads/OCP68.pdf.11见Robert S. Norris和Hans M. Kristensen,“1945-2010年全球核武器清单”。《原子科学家公告》,2010年7月1日,https://thebulletin.org/2010/07/global-nuclear-weapons-inventories-1945-2010/.12 George Perkovich,《对他人的行为:走向可防御的核主义》(华盛顿特区:卡内基国际和平基金会,2013),第62.13页,Matthew G. McKinzie等人,《美国核战争计划:“变革的时刻”,自然资源保护委员会,2001年6月,第x页,https://www.nrdc.org/sites/default/files/us-nuclear-war-plan-report.pdf.14 T.C.谢林,“对突袭的相互恐惧”,兰德公司,p -1342, 1958年4月16日(1958年5月28日修订),第3页(强调原文),https://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/papers/2007/P1342.pdf.15斯蒂芬·j·辛巴拉和詹姆斯·斯库拉斯,一个新的核世纪:战略稳定和军备控制(西波特,康涅狄格州):Praeger, 2002),第2-3.16页。见Brad Roberts,“再次辩论不首先使用核武器”,《生存》,61卷,第61期。在拒绝“预警后发射”的同时,美国承认它“在持续的核攻击条件下保持发射核力量的能力”。然而,未能澄清这两种选择之间的实质性区别表明,这种区别是人为的。参见美国国防部,《2020年美国核就业战略报告》,第6页,https://www.esd.whs。 毫升/门户/ 54 /文件/副长石/阅读% 20的房间/ NCB / 21 - f - 0591 _2020_report_of_the_nuclear_employement_strategy_of_the_united_states.pdf.18国防部长办公室,“2021年涉及中华人民共和国的军事和安全发展”,国会年度报告,第93页,https://media.defense.gov/2021/Nov/03/2002885874/-1/-1/0/2021-CMPR-FINAL.PDF.19杰弗里·刘易斯,“我们的核程序比特朗普更疯狂”,外交政策,2016年8月5日,https://foreignpolicy.com/2016/08/05/our-nuclear-procedures-are-crazier-than-trump/.20尼克·加斯,“前中央情报局局长担心特朗普“军民关系危机””,Politico, 2016年8月3日,https://www.politico.com/story/2016/08/michael-hayden-trump-military-226606.21见美国国防部,“核就业战略”,第6.22页,David Wright,“核武器和“重新警报种族”的神话”,等式,2016年9月6日,https://blog.ucsusa.org/david-wright/nuclear-weapons-re-alerting-race/.23 James E. Doyle,“你疯了
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引用次数: 0
Tough Lessons for UN Peacekeeping OperationsThe Political Economy of Civil War and UN Peace Operations, Mats Berdal and Jake Sherman (eds). Abingdon: Routledge, 2023. £34.99/$44.95. 350 pp. 《内战与联合国和平行动的政治经济学》,马茨·伯达尔和杰克·谢尔曼主编。阿宾登:劳特利奇出版社,2023年。£34.99 / 44.95美元。350页。
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2261266
Adrian Johnson
AbstractWith the future of UN peacekeeping once again up for debate, it’s worth reflecting on the lessons of the past 30 years. UN operations in the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mali and elsewhere have had to contend with complex local and regional systems of power and governance that have major influences on missions’ prospects for success. In The Political Economy of Civil War and UN Peace Operations, Mats Berdal and Jake Sherman pull together an excellent set of essays that identify the signal lessons of UN peacekeeping in dealing with these systems, and offer a credible set of policy prescriptions. The book makes a compelling case for a better understanding of the political economy of conflict, and less expansive mission mandates that are attuned to the local context.Key words: Africacounter-insurgencygovernanceorganised-crime networkspolitical economyUN peacekeepingUN reformUnited Nations Notes1 See UN Security Council, ‘Resolution 2666’, 20 December 2022, paras 38–42, https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/S_RES_2666.pdf; and UN Security Council, ‘Resolution 2659’, 14 November 2022, para 58, https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N22/691/48/PDF/N2269148.pdf?OpenElement.2 See Mats Berdal, Building Peace After War (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), pp. 173–5; Christine Cheng, Jonathan Goodhand and Patrick Meehan, ‘Synthesis Paper: Securing and Sustaining Elite Bargains that Reduce Violent Conflict’, UK Stabilisation Unit, April 2018, p. 4, https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/765882/Elite_Bargains_and_Political_Deals_Project_-_Synthesis_Paper.pdf; and Elizabeth Cousens and Chetan Kumar (eds), Peacebuilding as Politics: Cultivating Peace in Fragile Societies (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2001), p. 187.3 See Severine Autesserre, Peaceland: Conflict Resolution and the Everyday Politics of International Intervention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), p. 249.4 See Stathis Kalyvas, The Logic of Violence in Civil War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), pp. 388–91.5 Cheng, Goodhand and Meehan, ‘Synthesis Paper: Securing and Sustaining Elite Bargains that Reduce Violent Conflict’, p. 20.6 See Alex de Waal, The Real Politics of the Horn of Africa: Money, War and the Business of Power (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2015).7 See Sarah von Billerbeck and Oisin Tansey, ‘Enabling Autocracy? Peacebuilding and Post-conflict Authoritarianism in the Democratic Republic of Congo’, European Journal of International Relations, vol. 25, no. 3, 2019, pp. 698–722; and Adam Day and Charlie T. Hunt, ‘A Perturbed Peace: Applying Complexity Theory to UN Peacekeeping’, International Peacekeeping, vol. 30, no. 1, 2023.8 See, for example, ‘One Dead in Fresh Anti-UN Mission Protests in Eastern DR Congo’, Al-Jazeera, 6 September 2022, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/9/6/one-dead-in-fresh-anti-un-mission-protests-in
摘要随着联合国维和行动的未来再次引发争论,我们有必要反思过去30年的经验教训。联合国在中非共和国、刚果民主共和国、马里和其他地方的行动必须应对复杂的地方和区域权力和治理体系,这对特派团的成功前景产生重大影响。在《内战和联合国和平行动的政治经济学》一书中,马茨·伯达尔和杰克·谢尔曼汇集了一组优秀的文章,确定了联合国维和行动在处理这些系统方面的重要经验教训,并提供了一套可靠的政策建议。这本书为更好地理解冲突的政治经济,以及适应当地环境的不那么广泛的任务授权提供了一个令人信服的案例。关键词:非洲反叛乱治理有组织犯罪网络政治经济学维和联合国改革联合国注1见联合国安理会,第2666号决议,2022年12月20日,第38-42段,https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/S_RES_2666.pdf;联合国安理会,“第2659号决议”,2022年11月14日,第58段,https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N22/691/48/PDF/N2269148.pdf?OpenElement.2见Mats Berdal,战后建设和平(阿宾顿:Routledge出版社,2009),第173-5页;Christine Cheng, Jonathan Goodhand和Patrick Meehan,“综合论文:确保和维持精英交易减少暴力冲突”,英国稳定单位,2018年4月,第4页,https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/765882/Elite_Bargains_and_Political_Deals_Project_-_Synthesis_Paper.pdf;Elizabeth Cousens和Chetan Kumar(编),《建设和平作为政治:在脆弱社会中培育和平》(Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2001),第187.3页。参见Severine Autesserre,《和平:冲突解决和国际干预的日常政治》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2014),第249.4页。参见Stathis Kalyvas,《内战中的暴力逻辑》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2006),第388-91.5页。Cheng, Goodhand和Meehan,“综合论文”:6 .参见Alex de Waal,《非洲之角的真实政治:金钱、战争和权力商业》(剑桥:政治出版社,2015)参见莎拉·冯·比勒贝克和奥辛·坦西的《促成专制?》《刚果民主共和国的建设和平与冲突后威权主义》,《欧洲国际关系杂志》,第25卷,第5期。3, 2019, pp. 698-722;亚当·戴和查理·t·亨特,《动荡的和平:将复杂性理论应用于联合国维和》,《国际维和》,第30卷,第30期。参见,例如,“在刚果民主共和国东部新的反联合国特派团抗议活动中有一人死亡”,半岛电视台,2022年9月6日,https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/9/6/one-dead-in-fresh-anti-un-mission-protests-in-eastern-dr-congo#.9见丽莎·霍尔曼,雅各布·卡特曼和梅根·香农,“超越维持和平:联合国在战斗中的有效性”,美国政治科学评论,第108卷,第108期。4, 2014年11月,第737-53页;Barbara F. Walter, Lise Morje Howard和V. Page Fortna,“维和与和平的特殊关系”,《英国政治科学杂志》,第51卷,第51期。参见Mats Berdal和David Shearer,“来自南苏丹的艰难教训”,《生存》,第63卷,第63期。Cedric de Coning,“如何不做联合国维和行动:用有原则和适应性的授权和领导避免稳定困境”,《全球治理》,第29卷,第96期。其中包括莫桑比克北部的SAMIM,冈比亚和几内亚比绍的西非经共体特派团,以及尼日利亚北部的MNJTF。13见Ian Martin,“所有的和平行动都是政治性的:设计特派团和下一次联合国改革的案例”,Richard Gowan(主编),《2010年政治任务评论》(纽约:国际合作中心,2010),第8-14.14页。《政治动荡的兴起》,《国际发展杂志》,第29卷,第2期。参见联合国,“联合国和平行动小组报告”(又称“卜拉希米报告”),A/ 55/305-S /2000/809, 2000年8月21日,第63段起,https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/a_55_305_e_brahimi_report.pdf.16见亚历山德拉·诺沃塞洛夫和丽莎·沙兰,“合作伙伴和竞争对手:《与联合国和平行动并行的部队》,国际和平研究所,2019年11月,https://www.ipinst.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/IPI-Rpt-Partners-and-Competitors.pdf。
{"title":"Tough Lessons for UN Peacekeeping OperationsThe Political Economy of Civil War and UN Peace Operations, Mats Berdal and Jake Sherman (eds). Abingdon: Routledge, 2023. £34.99/$44.95. 350 pp.","authors":"Adrian Johnson","doi":"10.1080/00396338.2023.2261266","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2023.2261266","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractWith the future of UN peacekeeping once again up for debate, it’s worth reflecting on the lessons of the past 30 years. UN operations in the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mali and elsewhere have had to contend with complex local and regional systems of power and governance that have major influences on missions’ prospects for success. In The Political Economy of Civil War and UN Peace Operations, Mats Berdal and Jake Sherman pull together an excellent set of essays that identify the signal lessons of UN peacekeeping in dealing with these systems, and offer a credible set of policy prescriptions. The book makes a compelling case for a better understanding of the political economy of conflict, and less expansive mission mandates that are attuned to the local context.Key words: Africacounter-insurgencygovernanceorganised-crime networkspolitical economyUN peacekeepingUN reformUnited Nations Notes1 See UN Security Council, ‘Resolution 2666’, 20 December 2022, paras 38–42, https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/S_RES_2666.pdf; and UN Security Council, ‘Resolution 2659’, 14 November 2022, para 58, https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N22/691/48/PDF/N2269148.pdf?OpenElement.2 See Mats Berdal, Building Peace After War (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), pp. 173–5; Christine Cheng, Jonathan Goodhand and Patrick Meehan, ‘Synthesis Paper: Securing and Sustaining Elite Bargains that Reduce Violent Conflict’, UK Stabilisation Unit, April 2018, p. 4, https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/765882/Elite_Bargains_and_Political_Deals_Project_-_Synthesis_Paper.pdf; and Elizabeth Cousens and Chetan Kumar (eds), Peacebuilding as Politics: Cultivating Peace in Fragile Societies (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2001), p. 187.3 See Severine Autesserre, Peaceland: Conflict Resolution and the Everyday Politics of International Intervention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), p. 249.4 See Stathis Kalyvas, The Logic of Violence in Civil War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), pp. 388–91.5 Cheng, Goodhand and Meehan, ‘Synthesis Paper: Securing and Sustaining Elite Bargains that Reduce Violent Conflict’, p. 20.6 See Alex de Waal, The Real Politics of the Horn of Africa: Money, War and the Business of Power (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2015).7 See Sarah von Billerbeck and Oisin Tansey, ‘Enabling Autocracy? Peacebuilding and Post-conflict Authoritarianism in the Democratic Republic of Congo’, European Journal of International Relations, vol. 25, no. 3, 2019, pp. 698–722; and Adam Day and Charlie T. Hunt, ‘A Perturbed Peace: Applying Complexity Theory to UN Peacekeeping’, International Peacekeeping, vol. 30, no. 1, 2023.8 See, for example, ‘One Dead in Fresh Anti-UN Mission Protests in Eastern DR Congo’, Al-Jazeera, 6 September 2022, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/9/6/one-dead-in-fresh-anti-un-mission-protests-in","PeriodicalId":51535,"journal":{"name":"Survival","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134948819","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Cyber Security and Emerging Technologies 网络安全和新兴技术
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2261270
Melissa K. Griffith
Underground Empire: How America Weaponized the World Economy Henry Farrell and Abraham Newman. New York: Henry Holt and Co., 2023. $28.99. 288 pp. Chip War: The Fight for the World’s Most Critical Technology Chris Miller. London and New York: Scribner, 2022. £20.00/$30.00. 464 pp. The Ransomware Hunting Team: A Band of Misfits’ Improbable Crusade to Save the World from Cybercrime Renee Dudley and Daniel Golden. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2022. $30.00. 368 pp.
{"title":"Cyber Security and Emerging Technologies","authors":"Melissa K. Griffith","doi":"10.1080/00396338.2023.2261270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2023.2261270","url":null,"abstract":"Underground Empire: How America Weaponized the World Economy Henry Farrell and Abraham Newman. New York: Henry Holt and Co., 2023. $28.99. 288 pp. Chip War: The Fight for the World’s Most Critical Technology Chris Miller. London and New York: Scribner, 2022. £20.00/$30.00. 464 pp. The Ransomware Hunting Team: A Band of Misfits’ Improbable Crusade to Save the World from Cybercrime Renee Dudley and Daniel Golden. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2022. $30.00. 368 pp.","PeriodicalId":51535,"journal":{"name":"Survival","volume":"84 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134948824","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Brief Notices 简短的通知
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2261275
{"title":"Brief Notices","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/00396338.2023.2261275","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2023.2261275","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51535,"journal":{"name":"Survival","volume":"62 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134948837","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
期刊
Survival
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