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The Battle for the Internet 互联网之战
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2024.2309076
Edoardo Campanella, John Haigh
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引用次数: 0
The US Navy and the Western PacificU.S. Naval Power in the 21st Century: A New Strategy for Facing the Chinese and Russian Threat, Brent Droste Sadler. Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 2023. $39.95. 400 pp. 美国海军与西太平洋21 世纪的美国海军力量:面对中国和俄罗斯威胁的新战略》,布伦特-德罗斯特-萨德勒。马里兰州安纳波利斯:海军学院出版社,2023 年。$39.95.400 pp.
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2024.2309081
James J. Wirtz
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引用次数: 0
Argentina’s Foreign Policy Under Milei: Limited Disruption? 米莱领导下的阿根廷外交政策:有限的混乱?
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2024.2309073
Irene Mia
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引用次数: 0
From Quad to Quint? Vietnam’s Strategic Potential 从四国到五国?越南的战略潜力
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2024.2309074
James Adams, D. Gompert, Thomas Knudson
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引用次数: 0
Ukraine vs Gaza 乌克兰对加沙
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2024.2309086
John Raine
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引用次数: 0
How to Think About Risks in US Military Innovation 如何看待美国军事创新中的风险
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2024.2309077
Kendrick Kuo
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引用次数: 0
The Gaza War and the Region 加沙战争与该地区
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2285603
Emile Hokayem
Abstract Hamas’s 7 October 2023 attack and the subsequent war in Gaza has forced the Palestinian question back to the top of the Middle Eastern agenda after years of neglect. The crisis has also confirmed Hamas’s identity as an agent of resistance rather than governance and shattered Israel’s perceptions of its own power, the competence of its security services and political leadership, and the manageability of its immediate neighbourhood. Israeli forces may well destroy Hamas’s advanced military capabilities and decapitate its Gaza-based command, but they are unlikely to obliterate Hamas as a social, political and ideological actor, and a determined insurgency. In Arab forums, the Israeli–Palestinian conflict will probably inhibit normalisation with Israel and overshadow other conflicts. Iran does not have an immediate interest in expanding the war and has other options through partners for signalling support for Hamas. The war broadly benefits Tehran by affirming its forward-defence strategy, re-energising its axis of resistance and shaking its regional rivals.
摘要 哈马斯 2023 年 10 月 7 日的袭击和随后的加沙战争迫使巴勒斯坦问题在被忽视多年后重新回到中东议程的首位。这场危机也证实了哈马斯的身份--抵抗者而非治理者,并打破了以色列对其自身力量、安全部门和政治领导层的能力以及近邻可控性的看法。以色列军队很可能摧毁哈马斯先进的军事能力,斩首其驻扎在加沙的指挥部,但不可能消灭作为社会、政治和意识形态行为体的哈马斯以及坚定的叛乱分子。在阿拉伯论坛上,巴以冲突可能会阻碍与以色列关系的正常化,并使其他冲突黯然失色。伊朗对扩大战争并无直接兴趣,它还可以通过其他合作伙伴向哈马斯发出支持信号。这场战争对德黑兰大有裨益,因为它肯定了德黑兰的前沿防御战略,为其抵抗轴心重新注入了活力,并动摇了其地区对手。
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引用次数: 0
Time Is Short: Ukraine, Taiwan and the Echoes of 1941 时不我待:乌克兰、台湾和 1941 年的回声
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2285605
Charlie Laderman
Abstract There are parallels between the run-up to the United States’ entry into the Second World War in 1941 and the contemporary geopolitical environment. Authoritarian aggression has again produced war in Europe and threatens conflict in Asia. While new research on the path to war in December 1941 offers no neatly packaged lessons, it does present five enduring dilemmas. Firstly, it only takes one side to believe war is inevitable for it to materialise. Secondly, a combatant might regard a state’s characterisation of economic-defence aid to an adversary combatant as a measure short of war as a distinction without a difference. Thirdly, underlying but unrealised military primacy might encourage rather than deter war by making time a critical factor. Fourthly, domestic constraints can make it difficult for a government to make deterrence credible. Fifthly, and relatedly, a democratic leader cannot make durable policies that get too far ahead of public opinion.
摘要 1941 年美国加入第二次世界大战之前的情况与当代地缘政治环境有相似之处。专制侵略再次在欧洲引发战争,并威胁到亚洲的冲突。尽管对 1941 年 12 月通往战争之路的新研究并没有提供整齐划一的经验教训,但它确实提出了五个持久的难题。首先,只要有一方认为战争不可避免,战争就会发生。其次,如果一个国家把向敌方作战人员提供经济-国防援助说成是战争前的措施,作战人员可能会认为这是没有区别的区别。第三,潜在但未实现的军事优势可能会使时间成为关键因素,从而鼓励而非阻止战争。第四,国内制约因素可能使政府难以使威慑具有可信度。第五,与此相关的是,民主领导者不可能制定过于超越民意的持久政策。
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引用次数: 0
The Ambivalence of Soft Power 软实力的矛盾性
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2285611
David W. Ellwood
Abstract In Soft Power and the Future of US Foreign Policy, Hendrik W. Ohnesorge has collected interesting and worthwhile essays demonstrating that values, policies and personalities – as well as artists and performers, philanthropic foundations, universities, corporations and churches – are elements of American soft power. These cultural resources add to a nation’s global reputation and influence. Factors afflicting America’s reputation today include the declining quality of life for many sectors of American society, the country’s inept response to the COVID-19 pandemic, recent foreign-policy disasters, and the coercive use of soft power itself. None of the contributors scrutinise the gap between promise and performance in US public diplomacy, but it seems clear that hard power undergirds soft power, and that the ability to call upon a uniquely abundant variety of means to project power is still what distinguishes the United States from all its competitors.
摘要 在《软实力与美国外交政策的未来》一书中,亨德里克-W.-奥内索格(Hendrik W. Ohnesorge)收集了一些有趣而有价值的文章,证明价值观、政策和人物--以及艺术家和表演者、慈善基金会、大学、公司和教会--都是美国软实力的要素。这些文化资源提升了一个国家的全球声誉和影响力。当今影响美国声誉的因素包括美国社会许多阶层生活质量的下降、美国对COVID-19大流行病的应对不力、最近的外交政策灾难以及软实力本身的强制性使用。没有一位撰稿人仔细研究了美国公共外交中承诺与表现之间的差距,但似乎很明显,硬实力是软实力的基础,而利用独特的丰富手段来投射力量的能力仍然是美国区别于所有竞争对手的关键所在。
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引用次数: 0
China’s Legal Diplomacy 中国的法律外交
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2285610
Lynn Kuok
Abstract China is engaging in a broad and systematic effort to align its legal capabilities with its strategic goals in the South China Sea and the Taiwan Strait, and could do so outside of Asia, in places as far afield as the Arctic and Antarctic, in order to reshape and, in some cases, fill gaps in international law. Yet, while China’s assertive ‘wolf-warrior diplomacy’ has received considerable attention, its legal diplomacy has largely gone under the radar. Despite their insistence on the importance of the rules-based international order, the United States and other Western powers have been less proactive and methodical in their use of international law as compared to China. In an age of great-power competition, countries are drawing on a diverse range of tools – military, diplomatic, economic, developmental and intelligence – to gain strategic advantage. Countries that fail to bolster their own legal capabilities and to integrate legal diplomacy into their national-security strategies may surrender the power of legitimacy to China, even if, particularly in the South China Sea, Chinese actions have indubitably contravened international law.
摘要 中国正在进行广泛而系统的努力,使其法律能力与其在南海和台湾海峡的战略目标保持一致,并可能在亚洲以外的北极和南极等遥远地区这样做,以重塑国际法,并在某些情况下填补国际法的空白。然而,尽管中国自信的 "狼性外交 "受到了广泛关注,但其法律外交在很大程度上却鲜为人知。尽管美国和其他西方大国坚持以规则为基础的国际秩序的重要性,但与中国相比,它们在运用国际法方面却不那么积极主动,也不那么有条不紊。在大国竞争的时代,各国都在利用军事、外交、经济、发展和情报等多种手段来获取战略优势。那些未能加强自身法律能力并将法律外交纳入其国家安全战略的国家可能会将合法性的力量拱手让给中国,即使中国的行动(尤其是在南海)无可争议地违反了国际法。
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引用次数: 0
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Survival
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