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Not Fade Away: The Children of the 1930s 《永不消逝:1930年代的孩子们
3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2261274
Dana H. Allin
A generation of scholars, writers and diplomats, mostly born in the 1930s, who grew up in depression and war but became young adults at the advent of a new era of security and comfort, is fading away. John le Carré, one of the great post-war writers of any genre, rendered in his spy fiction Britain’s post-imperial reckoning, and brought back in 2017 George Smiley, his most acutely realised spy, to lament the folly of Brexit. Five more children of the 1920s, 30s and 40s who were important contributors this journal have died in recent years. Michael Howard (1922–2019), Ronald Steel (1931–2023), Pierre Hassner (1933–2018), David Calleo (1934–2023) and James Dobbins (1942–2023) each reflected shrewdly and profoundly on war and peace, global politics, and the US and Europe. At a time when the world appears to be regressing, we might best honour this generation by holding to the fictional Smiley’s vision ‘of leading Europe out of her darkness towards a new age of reason’.
这一代学者、作家和外交官大多出生于20世纪30年代,他们在大萧条和战争中长大,但在安全舒适的新时代到来时成为年轻人,他们正在消失。战后最伟大的作家之一约翰·勒·卡罗(John le carr)在他的间谍小说中描绘了英国后帝国时代的清算,并在2017年让他最敏锐的间谍乔治·斯迈利(George Smiley)回归,哀叹英国脱欧的愚蠢。另外五个20世纪20年代,30年代和40年代的孩子,他们是这份杂志的重要贡献者,近年来也去世了。迈克尔·霍华德(1922-2019)、罗纳德·斯蒂尔(1931-2023)、皮埃尔·哈斯纳(1933-2018)、大卫·卡列奥(1934-2023)和詹姆斯·多宾斯(1942-2023)都对战争与和平、全球政治以及美国与欧洲进行了敏锐而深刻的反思。在这个世界似乎正在倒退的时代,我们也许应该通过坚持虚构的斯迈利的愿景来纪念这一代人,“带领欧洲走出黑暗,走向理性的新时代”。
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引用次数: 0
South Asia 南亚
3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2261269
Teresita C. Schaffer
Adam Michael Auerbach and Tariq Thachil. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2023. £100.00/$120.00. 288 pp.
亚当·迈克尔·奥尔巴赫和塔里克·塔希尔。普林斯顿,新泽西州:普林斯顿大学出版社,2023。£100.00 / 120.00美元。288页。
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引用次数: 0
Challenging Nuclear Bromides 挑战核溴化物
3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2261247
Dallas Boyd
AbstractDespite the universal implications of nuclear weapons for humanity, broad knowledge of nuclear policy is curiously absent from the public sphere and even among many senior figures in government. Nuclear strategists have nourished the belief that the principles of nuclear deterrence are so esoteric as to exempt them from non-expert scrutiny, creating an intellectual vacuum within which a number of fallacies about nuclear strategy have taken root. These fallacies in turn find expression in the configuration of several states’ nuclear postures, from the number of warheads posited as necessary for deterrence to the selection of adversary targets. Puncturing the myth of complexity that surrounds nuclear policy is a necessary starting point to assess its more questionable features. This essay evaluates some of the prevailing tenets of nuclear strategy to expose for non-experts the many misconceptions that shape the major powers’ strategic postures.Key words: counterforcecountervaluedeterrenceintercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs)launch-on-warningnuclear deterrencenuclear weaponspre-emptionsubmarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs)‘use or lose’ AcknowledgementsThanks to James Acton, Rick Christensen, James Crabtree, John Maenchen, Jessica Mathews, Aaron Miles, Michael Molino, Joshua Pollack and Alex Wood for helpful comments.Notes1 Douglas Martin, ‘Roger C. Molander, Nuclear Protest Leader, Dies at 71’, New York Times, 31 March 2012, https://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/01/us/roger-c-molander-dies-at-71-stirred-nuclear-protests.html.2 See Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition, Technology, and Logistics, Defense Science Board Task Force, ‘Nuclear Deterrence Skills’, Report of the Defense Science Board Task Force, September 2008, https://dsb.cto.mil/reports/2000s/ADA487983.pdf.3 Ashley J. Tellis, ‘India’s Emerging Nuclear Posture: Between Recessed Deterrent and Ready Arsenal’, RAND Corporation, MR-1127-AF, 2001, p. 19.4 Victor D. Cha, ‘How to Disarm a Nuclear North Korea’, Washington Post, 9 October 2011, https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/how-to-disarm-a-nuclear-north-korea/2011/10/09/gIQAlaZeYL_story.html.5 See Sheena Chestnut, ‘Illicit Activity and Proliferation: North Korean Smuggling Networks’, International Security, vol. 32, no. 1, Summer 2007, pp. 80–111.6 ‘Bush: Don’t Wait for Mushroom Cloud’, CNN, 8 October 2002, https://edition.cnn.com/2002/ALLPOLITICS/10/07/bush.transcript/; and White House, ‘Remarks by President Obama and Prime Minister Rutte at Opening Session of the Nuclear Security Summit’, 1 April 2016, https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2016/04/01/remarks-president-obama-and-prime-minister-rutte-opening-session-nuclear.7 Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, SIPRI Yearbook 2022: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security (Stockholm: SIPRI, 2022), p. 342.8 Fred Kaplan, The Wizards of Armageddon (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1983), pp. 259–61.9 See Austin
摘要尽管核武器对人类有着普遍的影响,但奇怪的是,在公共领域,甚至在政府的许多高级官员中,都缺乏对核政策的广泛了解。核战略家们一直认为,核威慑原则是如此深奥,以至于可以免于非专业人士的审查,从而造成了一个知识真空,在这个真空中,一些关于核战略的谬论扎根了。这些谬论反过来又体现在几个国家的核态势配置中,从为威慑所必需的核弹头数量到对手目标的选择。戳穿围绕核政策的复杂神话,是评估其更多可疑特征的必要起点。本文评估了一些流行的核战略原则,为非专家揭示了塑造大国战略姿态的许多误解。关键词:反作用力反价值威慑洲际弹道导弹(icbm)预警发射核威慑核武器先发制人潜射弹道导弹(slbm)“使用或失去”致谢感谢James Acton, Rick Christensen, James Crabtree, John Maenchen, Jessica Mathews, Aaron Miles, Michael Molino, Joshua Pollack和Alex Wood的有用评论。注1 Douglas Martin,“Roger C. Molander,核抗议领袖,享年71岁”,《纽约时报》,2012年3月31日,https://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/01/us/roger-c-molander-dies-at-71-stirred-nuclear-protests.html.2见美国国防部负责采办、技术和后勤的副部长办公室,国防科学委员会工作组,“核威慑技能”,国防科学委员会工作组报告,2008年9月,https://dsb.cto.mil/reports/2000s/ADA487983.pdf.3 Ashley J. Tellis,“印度正在形成的核态势:在潜伏的威慑力量和准备好的武库之间”,兰德公司,2001年,第19.4页。Victor D. Cha,“如何解除拥有核武器的朝鲜的武装”,华盛顿邮报,2011年10月9日,https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/how-to-disarm-a-nuclear-north-korea/2011/10/09/gIQAlaZeYL_story.html.5见Sheena Chestnut,“非法活动和扩散:朝鲜走私网络”,《国际安全》,第32卷,第19页。1、2007年夏季,第80-111.6页“布什:不要等待蘑菇云”,CNN, 2002年10月8日,https://edition.cnn.com/2002/ALLPOLITICS/10/07/bush.transcript/;和白宫,“奥巴马总统和首相Rutte在核安全峰会开幕式上的讲话”,2016年4月1日,https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2016/04/01/remarks-president-obama-and-prime-minister-rutte-opening-session-nuclear.7斯德哥尔摩国际和平研究所,SIPRI年鉴2022:军备,裁军和国际安全(斯德哥尔摩:SIPRI, 2022),第342.8页。斯坦福大学出版社,1983),第259-61.9页。见Austin Long和Brendan Rittenhouse Green,“跟踪安全的第二次打击:情报、反作用力和核战略”,《战略研究杂志》,第38卷,第1-2期,2015年,第38 - 73.10页Jeffrey A. Larsen等人,“较低数量核力量的定性考虑及其对未来军备控制谈判的影响”,美国空军国家安全研究所,2012年7月,第68页,第xiv页,https://www.usafa.edu/app/uploads/OCP68.pdf.11见Robert S. Norris和Hans M. Kristensen,“1945-2010年全球核武器清单”。《原子科学家公告》,2010年7月1日,https://thebulletin.org/2010/07/global-nuclear-weapons-inventories-1945-2010/.12 George Perkovich,《对他人的行为:走向可防御的核主义》(华盛顿特区:卡内基国际和平基金会,2013),第62.13页,Matthew G. McKinzie等人,《美国核战争计划:“变革的时刻”,自然资源保护委员会,2001年6月,第x页,https://www.nrdc.org/sites/default/files/us-nuclear-war-plan-report.pdf.14 T.C.谢林,“对突袭的相互恐惧”,兰德公司,p -1342, 1958年4月16日(1958年5月28日修订),第3页(强调原文),https://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/papers/2007/P1342.pdf.15斯蒂芬·j·辛巴拉和詹姆斯·斯库拉斯,一个新的核世纪:战略稳定和军备控制(西波特,康涅狄格州):Praeger, 2002),第2-3.16页。见Brad Roberts,“再次辩论不首先使用核武器”,《生存》,61卷,第61期。在拒绝“预警后发射”的同时,美国承认它“在持续的核攻击条件下保持发射核力量的能力”。然而,未能澄清这两种选择之间的实质性区别表明,这种区别是人为的。参见美国国防部,《2020年美国核就业战略报告》,第6页,https://www.esd.whs。 毫升/门户/ 54 /文件/副长石/阅读% 20的房间/ NCB / 21 - f - 0591 _2020_report_of_the_nuclear_employement_strategy_of_the_united_states.pdf.18国防部长办公室,“2021年涉及中华人民共和国的军事和安全发展”,国会年度报告,第93页,https://media.defense.gov/2021/Nov/03/2002885874/-1/-1/0/2021-CMPR-FINAL.PDF.19杰弗里·刘易斯,“我们的核程序比特朗普更疯狂”,外交政策,2016年8月5日,https://foreignpolicy.com/2016/08/05/our-nuclear-procedures-are-crazier-than-trump/.20尼克·加斯,“前中央情报局局长担心特朗普“军民关系危机””,Politico, 2016年8月3日,https://www.politico.com/story/2016/08/michael-hayden-trump-military-226606.21见美国国防部,“核就业战略”,第6.22页,David Wright,“核武器和“重新警报种族”的神话”,等式,2016年9月6日,https://blog.ucsusa.org/david-wright/nuclear-weapons-re-alerting-race/.23 James E. Doyle,“你疯了
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引用次数: 0
Tough Lessons for UN Peacekeeping OperationsThe Political Economy of Civil War and UN Peace Operations, Mats Berdal and Jake Sherman (eds). Abingdon: Routledge, 2023. £34.99/$44.95. 350 pp. 《内战与联合国和平行动的政治经济学》,马茨·伯达尔和杰克·谢尔曼主编。阿宾登:劳特利奇出版社,2023年。£34.99 / 44.95美元。350页。
3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2261266
Adrian Johnson
AbstractWith the future of UN peacekeeping once again up for debate, it’s worth reflecting on the lessons of the past 30 years. UN operations in the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mali and elsewhere have had to contend with complex local and regional systems of power and governance that have major influences on missions’ prospects for success. In The Political Economy of Civil War and UN Peace Operations, Mats Berdal and Jake Sherman pull together an excellent set of essays that identify the signal lessons of UN peacekeeping in dealing with these systems, and offer a credible set of policy prescriptions. The book makes a compelling case for a better understanding of the political economy of conflict, and less expansive mission mandates that are attuned to the local context.Key words: Africacounter-insurgencygovernanceorganised-crime networkspolitical economyUN peacekeepingUN reformUnited Nations Notes1 See UN Security Council, ‘Resolution 2666’, 20 December 2022, paras 38–42, https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/S_RES_2666.pdf; and UN Security Council, ‘Resolution 2659’, 14 November 2022, para 58, https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N22/691/48/PDF/N2269148.pdf?OpenElement.2 See Mats Berdal, Building Peace After War (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), pp. 173–5; Christine Cheng, Jonathan Goodhand and Patrick Meehan, ‘Synthesis Paper: Securing and Sustaining Elite Bargains that Reduce Violent Conflict’, UK Stabilisation Unit, April 2018, p. 4, https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/765882/Elite_Bargains_and_Political_Deals_Project_-_Synthesis_Paper.pdf; and Elizabeth Cousens and Chetan Kumar (eds), Peacebuilding as Politics: Cultivating Peace in Fragile Societies (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2001), p. 187.3 See Severine Autesserre, Peaceland: Conflict Resolution and the Everyday Politics of International Intervention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), p. 249.4 See Stathis Kalyvas, The Logic of Violence in Civil War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), pp. 388–91.5 Cheng, Goodhand and Meehan, ‘Synthesis Paper: Securing and Sustaining Elite Bargains that Reduce Violent Conflict’, p. 20.6 See Alex de Waal, The Real Politics of the Horn of Africa: Money, War and the Business of Power (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2015).7 See Sarah von Billerbeck and Oisin Tansey, ‘Enabling Autocracy? Peacebuilding and Post-conflict Authoritarianism in the Democratic Republic of Congo’, European Journal of International Relations, vol. 25, no. 3, 2019, pp. 698–722; and Adam Day and Charlie T. Hunt, ‘A Perturbed Peace: Applying Complexity Theory to UN Peacekeeping’, International Peacekeeping, vol. 30, no. 1, 2023.8 See, for example, ‘One Dead in Fresh Anti-UN Mission Protests in Eastern DR Congo’, Al-Jazeera, 6 September 2022, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/9/6/one-dead-in-fresh-anti-un-mission-protests-in
摘要随着联合国维和行动的未来再次引发争论,我们有必要反思过去30年的经验教训。联合国在中非共和国、刚果民主共和国、马里和其他地方的行动必须应对复杂的地方和区域权力和治理体系,这对特派团的成功前景产生重大影响。在《内战和联合国和平行动的政治经济学》一书中,马茨·伯达尔和杰克·谢尔曼汇集了一组优秀的文章,确定了联合国维和行动在处理这些系统方面的重要经验教训,并提供了一套可靠的政策建议。这本书为更好地理解冲突的政治经济,以及适应当地环境的不那么广泛的任务授权提供了一个令人信服的案例。关键词:非洲反叛乱治理有组织犯罪网络政治经济学维和联合国改革联合国注1见联合国安理会,第2666号决议,2022年12月20日,第38-42段,https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/S_RES_2666.pdf;联合国安理会,“第2659号决议”,2022年11月14日,第58段,https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N22/691/48/PDF/N2269148.pdf?OpenElement.2见Mats Berdal,战后建设和平(阿宾顿:Routledge出版社,2009),第173-5页;Christine Cheng, Jonathan Goodhand和Patrick Meehan,“综合论文:确保和维持精英交易减少暴力冲突”,英国稳定单位,2018年4月,第4页,https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/765882/Elite_Bargains_and_Political_Deals_Project_-_Synthesis_Paper.pdf;Elizabeth Cousens和Chetan Kumar(编),《建设和平作为政治:在脆弱社会中培育和平》(Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2001),第187.3页。参见Severine Autesserre,《和平:冲突解决和国际干预的日常政治》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2014),第249.4页。参见Stathis Kalyvas,《内战中的暴力逻辑》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2006),第388-91.5页。Cheng, Goodhand和Meehan,“综合论文”:6 .参见Alex de Waal,《非洲之角的真实政治:金钱、战争和权力商业》(剑桥:政治出版社,2015)参见莎拉·冯·比勒贝克和奥辛·坦西的《促成专制?》《刚果民主共和国的建设和平与冲突后威权主义》,《欧洲国际关系杂志》,第25卷,第5期。3, 2019, pp. 698-722;亚当·戴和查理·t·亨特,《动荡的和平:将复杂性理论应用于联合国维和》,《国际维和》,第30卷,第30期。参见,例如,“在刚果民主共和国东部新的反联合国特派团抗议活动中有一人死亡”,半岛电视台,2022年9月6日,https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/9/6/one-dead-in-fresh-anti-un-mission-protests-in-eastern-dr-congo#.9见丽莎·霍尔曼,雅各布·卡特曼和梅根·香农,“超越维持和平:联合国在战斗中的有效性”,美国政治科学评论,第108卷,第108期。4, 2014年11月,第737-53页;Barbara F. Walter, Lise Morje Howard和V. Page Fortna,“维和与和平的特殊关系”,《英国政治科学杂志》,第51卷,第51期。参见Mats Berdal和David Shearer,“来自南苏丹的艰难教训”,《生存》,第63卷,第63期。Cedric de Coning,“如何不做联合国维和行动:用有原则和适应性的授权和领导避免稳定困境”,《全球治理》,第29卷,第96期。其中包括莫桑比克北部的SAMIM,冈比亚和几内亚比绍的西非经共体特派团,以及尼日利亚北部的MNJTF。13见Ian Martin,“所有的和平行动都是政治性的:设计特派团和下一次联合国改革的案例”,Richard Gowan(主编),《2010年政治任务评论》(纽约:国际合作中心,2010),第8-14.14页。《政治动荡的兴起》,《国际发展杂志》,第29卷,第2期。参见联合国,“联合国和平行动小组报告”(又称“卜拉希米报告”),A/ 55/305-S /2000/809, 2000年8月21日,第63段起,https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/a_55_305_e_brahimi_report.pdf.16见亚历山德拉·诺沃塞洛夫和丽莎·沙兰,“合作伙伴和竞争对手:《与联合国和平行动并行的部队》,国际和平研究所,2019年11月,https://www.ipinst.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/IPI-Rpt-Partners-and-Competitors.pdf。
{"title":"Tough Lessons for UN Peacekeeping OperationsThe Political Economy of Civil War and UN Peace Operations, Mats Berdal and Jake Sherman (eds). Abingdon: Routledge, 2023. £34.99/$44.95. 350 pp.","authors":"Adrian Johnson","doi":"10.1080/00396338.2023.2261266","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2023.2261266","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractWith the future of UN peacekeeping once again up for debate, it’s worth reflecting on the lessons of the past 30 years. UN operations in the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mali and elsewhere have had to contend with complex local and regional systems of power and governance that have major influences on missions’ prospects for success. In The Political Economy of Civil War and UN Peace Operations, Mats Berdal and Jake Sherman pull together an excellent set of essays that identify the signal lessons of UN peacekeeping in dealing with these systems, and offer a credible set of policy prescriptions. The book makes a compelling case for a better understanding of the political economy of conflict, and less expansive mission mandates that are attuned to the local context.Key words: Africacounter-insurgencygovernanceorganised-crime networkspolitical economyUN peacekeepingUN reformUnited Nations Notes1 See UN Security Council, ‘Resolution 2666’, 20 December 2022, paras 38–42, https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/S_RES_2666.pdf; and UN Security Council, ‘Resolution 2659’, 14 November 2022, para 58, https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N22/691/48/PDF/N2269148.pdf?OpenElement.2 See Mats Berdal, Building Peace After War (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), pp. 173–5; Christine Cheng, Jonathan Goodhand and Patrick Meehan, ‘Synthesis Paper: Securing and Sustaining Elite Bargains that Reduce Violent Conflict’, UK Stabilisation Unit, April 2018, p. 4, https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/765882/Elite_Bargains_and_Political_Deals_Project_-_Synthesis_Paper.pdf; and Elizabeth Cousens and Chetan Kumar (eds), Peacebuilding as Politics: Cultivating Peace in Fragile Societies (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2001), p. 187.3 See Severine Autesserre, Peaceland: Conflict Resolution and the Everyday Politics of International Intervention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), p. 249.4 See Stathis Kalyvas, The Logic of Violence in Civil War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), pp. 388–91.5 Cheng, Goodhand and Meehan, ‘Synthesis Paper: Securing and Sustaining Elite Bargains that Reduce Violent Conflict’, p. 20.6 See Alex de Waal, The Real Politics of the Horn of Africa: Money, War and the Business of Power (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2015).7 See Sarah von Billerbeck and Oisin Tansey, ‘Enabling Autocracy? Peacebuilding and Post-conflict Authoritarianism in the Democratic Republic of Congo’, European Journal of International Relations, vol. 25, no. 3, 2019, pp. 698–722; and Adam Day and Charlie T. Hunt, ‘A Perturbed Peace: Applying Complexity Theory to UN Peacekeeping’, International Peacekeeping, vol. 30, no. 1, 2023.8 See, for example, ‘One Dead in Fresh Anti-UN Mission Protests in Eastern DR Congo’, Al-Jazeera, 6 September 2022, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/9/6/one-dead-in-fresh-anti-un-mission-protests-in","PeriodicalId":51535,"journal":{"name":"Survival","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134948819","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Cyber Security and Emerging Technologies 网络安全和新兴技术
3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2261270
Melissa K. Griffith
Underground Empire: How America Weaponized the World Economy Henry Farrell and Abraham Newman. New York: Henry Holt and Co., 2023. $28.99. 288 pp. Chip War: The Fight for the World’s Most Critical Technology Chris Miller. London and New York: Scribner, 2022. £20.00/$30.00. 464 pp. The Ransomware Hunting Team: A Band of Misfits’ Improbable Crusade to Save the World from Cybercrime Renee Dudley and Daniel Golden. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2022. $30.00. 368 pp.
{"title":"Cyber Security and Emerging Technologies","authors":"Melissa K. Griffith","doi":"10.1080/00396338.2023.2261270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2023.2261270","url":null,"abstract":"Underground Empire: How America Weaponized the World Economy Henry Farrell and Abraham Newman. New York: Henry Holt and Co., 2023. $28.99. 288 pp. Chip War: The Fight for the World’s Most Critical Technology Chris Miller. London and New York: Scribner, 2022. £20.00/$30.00. 464 pp. The Ransomware Hunting Team: A Band of Misfits’ Improbable Crusade to Save the World from Cybercrime Renee Dudley and Daniel Golden. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2022. $30.00. 368 pp.","PeriodicalId":51535,"journal":{"name":"Survival","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134948824","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Brief Notices 简短的通知
3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2261275
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引用次数: 0
A Fragile Convergence: The US–Japan–South Korea Camp David Summit 脆弱的融合:美日韩戴维营峰会
3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2261241
Robert Ward
AbstractThe US–Japan–South Korea summit was historic, not least because it was the first stand-alone summit between the three countries. The severe deterioration in the security environment in East Asia, in particular China’s menacing of Taiwan and North Korea’s continued nuclear-weapons programme, has been a significant driver of the recent rapprochement between Japan and South Korea. The warming of bilateral ties thus helps to buttress the United States’ separate, formal security alliances between Japan on the one hand and South Korea on the other. But previous thaws have failed, reflecting lingering differences between Japan and South Korea in areas such as their shared history and territorial claims. This convergence is therefore a fragile one.Key words: Camp David SummitChina‘comfort women’East China SeaIndo-PacificJapanKishida FumioKorean PeninsulaPhnom Penh StatementSouth KoreaYoon Suk-yeol Notes1 US Embassy and Consulates in Japan, ‘Trilateral Leaders’ Summit of the United States, Japan, and the Republic of Korea’, 19 August 2023, https://jp.usembassy.gov/trilateral-leaders-summit-us-japan-south-korea/#:~:text=President%20Biden%20welcomed%20Japanese%20Prime,David%20during%20the%20Biden%2DHarris.2 Victor D. Cha, ‘Bridging the Gap: The Strategic Context of the 1965 Korea– Japan Normalization Treaty’, Korean Studies, vol. 20, 1996, p. 125.3 White House, ‘Phnom Penh Statement on US–Japan–Republic of Korea Trilateral Partnership for the Indo-Pacific’, 13 November 2022, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/11/13/phnom-penh-statement-on-trilateral-partnership-for-the-indo-pacific/.4 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, ‘Japan–ROK Summit Telephone Call’, 28 December 2015, https://www.mofa.go.jp/a_o/na/kr/page4e_000366.html.5 White House, ‘The Spirit of Camp David: Joint Statement of Japan, the Republic of Korea, and the United States’, 18 August 2023, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2023/08/18/the-spirit-of-camp-david-joint-statement-of-japan-the-republic-of-korea-and-the-united-states/.6 One early example of this was the ‘Korea clause’ in the November 1969 communiqué between US president Richard Nixon and Japan’s prime minister Sato Eisaku. This was the first public recognition by Japan that South Korea’s security ‘was essential to Japan’s own security’, although support for the clause ebbed and flowed with the Japanese governments that followed. The communiqué came at a time of increased security tensions in Asia against the background of the Vietnam War and the threat of a newly nuclear China. See ‘The Nixon–Sato Communique’, New York Times, 22 November 1969, p. 14, https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1969/11/22/issue.html; and Victor D. Cha, Alignment Despite Antagonism: The US–Korea– Japan Security Triangle (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), chapter 1.7 Prime Minister’s Office of Japan, ‘Keynote Address by Prime Minister Kishida Fumio at the IISS Shangri-La Di
摘要美日韩首脑会议具有历史意义,因为这是三国之间首次单独举行的首脑会议。东亚安全环境的严重恶化,特别是中国对台湾的威胁和朝鲜持续的核武器计划,是日本和韩国最近和解的一个重要推动因素。因此,双边关系的升温有助于巩固美国与日本和韩国之间独立的正式安全联盟。但之前的解冻都以失败告终,反映出日韩两国在共同的历史和领土主张等领域存在挥之不去的分歧。因此,这种趋同是脆弱的。关键词:戴维营峰会;中国“慰安妇”;东海太平洋;日本;岸田文雄;朝鲜半岛;金边声明;韩国;尹锡烈注1;美国驻日使领馆;《1965年韩日正常化条约的战略背景》,《韩国学》1996年第20期,第125.3页。白宫:《关于美、日、韩三国印太伙伴关系的金边声明》,2022年11月13日,https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/11/13/phnom-penh-statement-on-trilateral-partnership-for-the-indo-pacific/.4日本外务省:《日韩首脑通话》,2015年12月28日。https://www.mofa.go.jp/a_o/na/kr/page4e_000366.html.5白宫:《戴维营的精神》《日、韩、美联合声明》,2023年8月18日,https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2023/08/18/the-spirit-of-camp-david-joint-statement-of-japan-the-republic-of-korea-and-the-united-states/.6这方面的一个早期例子是1969年11月美国总统理查德·尼克松和日本首相佐藤荣作之间的公报中的“韩国条款”。这是日本第一次公开承认韩国的安全“对日本自身的安全至关重要”,尽管对这一条款的支持在随后的日本政府中时断时续。上述公报发布之际,正值越南战争和中国新核威胁的背景下,亚洲的安全紧张局势加剧。见1969年11月22日《纽约时报》“尼克松-佐藤公报”,第14页,https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1969/11/22/issue.html;Victor D. Cha,《对抗中的结盟:美韩日安全三角》(斯坦福,加州);斯坦福大学出版社,1999年),第1.7章,日本首相办公室,“岸田文雄首相在国际战略研究所香格里拉对话上的主旨演讲”,2022年6月10日,https://japan.kantei.go.jp/101_kishida/statement/202206/_00002.html.8韩国,外交部,“介绍印太战略”,https://www.mofa.go.kr/eng/wpge/m_26382/contents.do.9关于中俄联合巡逻和演习的地图,见小野洋香和罗伯特·沃德,“日本加强:岸田文雄领导下的安全和防务政策”,《2023年亚太地区安全评估:关键发展和趋势》(阿宾顿:劳特利奇研究所,2023年),第119.10页。例如,参见James Politi,“美国称,朝鲜金正日计划访问普京讨论军售”,《金融时报》,2023年9月4日,https://www.ft.com/content/11cc1d36-6783-4ab0-96d1-edd27d06b54d.11白宫,“戴维营的精神”白宫,“承诺咨询”,2023年8月18日,https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2023/08/18/commitment-to-consult/#:~:text=We%2C%20the%20leaders%20of%20Japan,our%20collective%20interests%20and%20security.13白宫,“戴维营的精神”三星已经在该市设立了一个研发中心。看到Kotaro细川”,三星在日本构建芯片开发设施,日经亚洲,2023年5月13日,https://asia.nikkei.com/Business/Tech/Semiconductors/Samsung-to-build-chip-development-facility-in-Japan.15的Chugoku Sei Sentan欣德饥荒谢伊Kakudai 22 Nen Chosa的中国勢,先端品で世界シェア拡大22年調査(中国扩大全球先进的产品,2022年的调查),日本经济新闻,2023年9月5日,https://www.nikkei.com/article/DGKKZO74169420V00C23A9MM8000/.16华夏”,新华社评论:2023年8月20日,新华社,https://english.news.cn/20230820/55275e1196b14b6db7d7a099c91e842c/c.html.17日本外务省,1998年10月8日,《大韩民国联合宣言:面向21世纪的新伙伴关系》,https://www.mofa.go。 jp /地区/ asia-paci /韩国/ joint9810.html.18例如,1973年,金大中因批评朴正熙政权而在东京一家酒店被韩国中央情报局特工绑架。1980年,在郑斗焕掌权的光州起义后,他被判处死刑,不过后来改判为有期徒刑日本外务省,“关于历史的问题,内阁官房长官的谈话”,1993年8月4日,https://www.mofa.go.jp/a_o/rp/page25e_000343.html。关于这一时期双边关系恶化的解释,见Kimiya Tadashi, Nikkan Kankei Shi(东京:岩上新正,2021年),第169-71.20页。Lee Jong Won等人,Sengo Nikkan Kankei Shi(第二次世界大战以来的日韩关系史)(东京:Yuhikaku, 2017年),第252.21页。《关于解决日本和大韩民国财产和索赔问题及经济合作的协定》。签署了在东京,1965年6月22日,条约系列,1966年,p . 260年,https://treaties.un.org/doc/publication/unts/volume%20583/volume - 583 - i - 8473 - english.pdf.22金Han-joo,”尹的支持率英寸33 pct的通讯社,2023年7月21日,https://en.yna.co.kr/view/AEN20230721003000315.23日本外交部的韩国Japan-Republic关系,宣布日本和韩国外长举行的联合记者场合,2015年12月28日,https://www.mofa.go.jp/a_o/na/kr/page4e_000364.html.24清宫亮,西村圭时,稻田清英,日北馆,“真雷奈瑞”de Anpo kyyorku e, Mae Nomeri no Beikoku,日北馆?’,“?面对空
{"title":"A Fragile Convergence: The US–Japan–South Korea Camp David Summit","authors":"Robert Ward","doi":"10.1080/00396338.2023.2261241","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2023.2261241","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThe US–Japan–South Korea summit was historic, not least because it was the first stand-alone summit between the three countries. The severe deterioration in the security environment in East Asia, in particular China’s menacing of Taiwan and North Korea’s continued nuclear-weapons programme, has been a significant driver of the recent rapprochement between Japan and South Korea. The warming of bilateral ties thus helps to buttress the United States’ separate, formal security alliances between Japan on the one hand and South Korea on the other. But previous thaws have failed, reflecting lingering differences between Japan and South Korea in areas such as their shared history and territorial claims. This convergence is therefore a fragile one.Key words: Camp David SummitChina‘comfort women’East China SeaIndo-PacificJapanKishida FumioKorean PeninsulaPhnom Penh StatementSouth KoreaYoon Suk-yeol Notes1 US Embassy and Consulates in Japan, ‘Trilateral Leaders’ Summit of the United States, Japan, and the Republic of Korea’, 19 August 2023, https://jp.usembassy.gov/trilateral-leaders-summit-us-japan-south-korea/#:~:text=President%20Biden%20welcomed%20Japanese%20Prime,David%20during%20the%20Biden%2DHarris.2 Victor D. Cha, ‘Bridging the Gap: The Strategic Context of the 1965 Korea– Japan Normalization Treaty’, Korean Studies, vol. 20, 1996, p. 125.3 White House, ‘Phnom Penh Statement on US–Japan–Republic of Korea Trilateral Partnership for the Indo-Pacific’, 13 November 2022, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/11/13/phnom-penh-statement-on-trilateral-partnership-for-the-indo-pacific/.4 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, ‘Japan–ROK Summit Telephone Call’, 28 December 2015, https://www.mofa.go.jp/a_o/na/kr/page4e_000366.html.5 White House, ‘The Spirit of Camp David: Joint Statement of Japan, the Republic of Korea, and the United States’, 18 August 2023, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2023/08/18/the-spirit-of-camp-david-joint-statement-of-japan-the-republic-of-korea-and-the-united-states/.6 One early example of this was the ‘Korea clause’ in the November 1969 communiqué between US president Richard Nixon and Japan’s prime minister Sato Eisaku. This was the first public recognition by Japan that South Korea’s security ‘was essential to Japan’s own security’, although support for the clause ebbed and flowed with the Japanese governments that followed. The communiqué came at a time of increased security tensions in Asia against the background of the Vietnam War and the threat of a newly nuclear China. See ‘The Nixon–Sato Communique’, New York Times, 22 November 1969, p. 14, https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1969/11/22/issue.html; and Victor D. Cha, Alignment Despite Antagonism: The US–Korea– Japan Security Triangle (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), chapter 1.7 Prime Minister’s Office of Japan, ‘Keynote Address by Prime Minister Kishida Fumio at the IISS Shangri-La Di","PeriodicalId":51535,"journal":{"name":"Survival","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134948836","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Oppenheimer: The Man, the Movie and Nuclear DreadOppenheimer (American film), Christopher Nolan, director and writer. Distributed by Universal Pictures, 2023. 奥本海默(美国电影),克里斯托弗·诺兰,导演兼编剧。环球影业,2023年发行。
3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2261262
Jonathan Stevenson
AbstractChristopher Nolan’s film Oppenheimer, centred on the eponymous American physicist who steered the Manhattan Project to completion of the first nuclear bomb in 1945, captures scientists reaching their own destructive capability at its most terrible. It prompts viewers to wonder why, over the course of nearly 80 years, Oppenheimer’s nuclear dread hasn’t been embraced with greater alarm, and informed praetorian critiques haven’t been entertained more openly. The short answer is that nuclear deterrence has worked. But the movie comes at a moment when it is being tested. With its spectacular suggestions of nuclear destruction and its intense examination of early anxieties about nuclear weapons that have never been satisfactorily addressed, Oppenheimer prompts a crucial question: whether mutual deterrence, shorn of arms control and regular diplomacy and under the pressure of a major war involving nuclear powers, can still work.Key words: Atomic Energy CommissionJ. Robert OppenheimerManhattan ProjectMcCarthyismmutual assured destruction (MAD)nuclear abolitionnuclear deterrencenuclear peaceOppenheimer Notes1 See Kai Bird and Martin J. Sherwin, American Prometheus: The Triumph and Tragedy of J. Robert Oppenheimer (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2005).2 See US Department of Energy, ‘Secretary Granholm Statement on DOE Order Vacating 1954 Atomic Energy Commission Decision in the Matter of J. Robert Oppenheimer’, 16 December 2022, https://www.energy.gov/articles/secretary-granholmstatement-doe-order-vacating-1954-atomic-energy-commission-decision; and Barton J. Bernstein, ‘Christopher Nolan’s Forthcoming “Oppenheimer” Movie: A Historian’s Questions, Worries, and Challenges’, Washington Decoded, 11 July 2023, https://www.washingtondecoded.com/site/2023/07/bernstein.html.3 See, for example, Andy Kifer, ‘The Real History Behind Christopher Nolan’s “Oppenheimer”’, Smithsonian Magazine, 18 July 2023, https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/the-real-history-behind-christopher-nolans-oppenheimer-180982529/.4 See Gar Alperovitz, The Decision to Use the Atomic Bomb and the Architecture of an American Myth (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1995).5 See, for example, Daryl G. Kimball, ‘“Oppenheimer”, the Bomb, and Arms Control, Then and Now’, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, 29 July 2023, https://thebulletin.org/2023/07/oppenheimer-the-bomb-and-arms-control-then-and-now/.6 Quoted in, for example, Richard Rhodes, ‘Robert Oppenheimer: The Myth and the Mystery’, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, 18 December 2018, https://thebulletin.org/2018/12/robert-oppenheimer-the-myth-and-the-mystery/.7 ‘General Advisory Committee’s Majority and Minority Reports on Building the H-Bomb: Majority Annex’, 30 October 1949, available from Atomic Archive, https://www.atomicarchive.com/resources/documents/hydrogen/gac-report.html#Minority.8 See National Security Council, ‘NSC 68: United States Objectives and Programs for National Security’, 14 April 1950, https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/nsc-hst/n
克里斯托弗·诺兰(christopher Nolan)的电影《奥本海默》(Oppenheimer)以1945年指导曼哈顿计划(Manhattan Project)完成第一颗核弹的美国物理学家奥本海默(Oppenheimer)为中心,捕捉到了科学家们在最可怕的时候达到了自己的毁灭能力。它让观众想知道,为什么在近80年的时间里,奥本海默的核恐惧没有得到更大的警惕,而知情的禁卫军批评没有得到更公开的对待。简单地说,核威慑起作用了。但这部电影上映时,它正面临考验。《奥本海默》对核毁灭提出了引人注目的建议,并对从未得到令人满意解决的早期对核武器的担忧进行了深入审视,由此提出了一个关键问题:在失去了军备控制和常规外交、在涉及核大国的重大战争的压力下,相互威慑是否还能起作用?关键词:原子能委员会;罗伯特·奥本海默曼哈顿计划麦卡锡主义相互保证毁灭(MAD)核废除核威慑核和平奥本海默注1参见凯·伯德和马丁·j·舍温:《美国普罗米修斯:j·罗伯特·奥本海默的胜利与悲剧》(纽约:阿尔弗雷德·a·克诺夫出版社,2005)参见美国能源部,“部长格兰霍姆关于能源部命令撤销1954年原子能委员会关于J.罗伯特·奥本海默事件的决定的声明”,2022年12月16日,https://www.energy.gov/articles/secretary-granholmstatement-doe-order-vacating-1954-atomic-energy-commission-decision;巴顿·j·伯恩斯坦,克里斯托弗·诺兰即将上映的《奥本海默》电影;一位历史学家的问题、担忧和挑战”,华盛顿解码,2023年7月11日,https://www.washingtondecoded.com/site/2023/07/bernstein.html.3参见,例如,安迪·基弗,“克里斯托弗·诺兰的“奥本海默”背后的真实历史”,史密森尼杂志,2023年7月18日,https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/the-real-history-behind-christopher-nolans-oppenheimer-180982529/.4参见Gar Alperovitz,使用原子弹的决定和美国神话的架构(纽约:Alfred A. Knopf, 1995).5参见,例如,Daryl G. Kimball,“奥本海默,炸弹和军备控制,过去和现在”,原子科学家公报,2023年7月29日,https://thebulletin.org/2023/07/oppenheimer-the-bomb-and-arms-control-then-and-now/.6引用,例如,理查德·罗兹,“罗伯特·奥本海默:神话与神秘”,原子科学家公报,2018年12月18日,https://thebulletin.org/2018/12/robert-oppenheimer-the-myth-and-the-mystery/.7“一般咨询委员会关于制造氢弹的多数和少数报告:多数附件”,1949年10月30日,原子档案馆提供,https://www.atomicarchive.com/resources/documents/hydrogen/gac-report.html#Minority.8见国家安全委员会,“NSC 68”;《美国的国家安全目标和计划》,1950年4月14日,https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/nsc-hst/nsc-68.htm.9参见劳伦斯·弗里德曼:《核战略的演变》,第三版(贝欣斯托克:帕尔格雷夫·麦克米伦出版社,2003)参见Philip Green,《致命逻辑:核威慑理论》(哥伦布,OH:俄亥俄州立大学出版社,1966)韦斯·安德森(Wes Anderson)执导的《小行星城》(Asteroid City)是2023年的另一部夏季电影,以20世纪50年代的美国西南部为背景,这部电影取笑了美国人的睡意,可能捕捉到了美国人普遍的冷战态度。当地面核弹试验产生的蘑菇云出现在地平线上时,没有人会眨一下眼睛。冷战被揭露为一种玩世不恭的荒诞手法,对科学的行政控制被揭露为一个笑话参见戈登·巴拉斯,《能手83:苏联人在想什么?》,《生存》,第58卷,第1期。参见乔纳森·史蒂文森,《超越想象的思考:利用从冷战到恐怖时代的毁灭》(纽约:维京,2008),第165-6.14页。例如,参见尼古拉·n·索科夫,《俄罗斯军事理论称有限的核打击为“降级”》。这就是为什么”,原子科学家公报,2022年3月8日,https://thebulletin.org/2022/03/russian-military-doctrine-calls-a-limited-nuclear-strike-de-escalation-heres-why/;和戴夫·约翰逊,“俄罗斯的欺骗性核政策”,《生存》,第63卷,no。3, 2021年6月- 7月,第123-42页。乔纳森·史蒂文森乔纳森·史蒂文森是国际战略研究所的高级研究员,《生存》杂志的执行主编,著有《超越想象》(维京出版社,2008年)和《一滴叛逆》(芝加哥大学出版社,2021年)。本文改编自作者2023年7月28日发表在《美国展望》上的《为什么奥本海默很重要》,以及2023年8月/ 9月出版的《Aufbau》德文版的早期版本。
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引用次数: 0
War, Conflict and the Military 战争、冲突和军队
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2239070
Franz-Stefan Gady
The Fortress: The Great Siege of Przemyśl Alexander Watson. London: Allen Lane, 2019. £12.99. 368 pp. Four Battlegrounds: Power in the Age of Artificial Intelligence Paul Scharre. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 2023. $32.50. 496 pp. Information in War: Military Innovation, Battle Networks, and the Future of Artificial Intelligence Benjamin M. Jensen, Christopher Whyte and Scott Cuomo. Washington DC: Georgetown University Press, 2022. $49.95. 252 pp. The Origins of Victory: How Disruptive Military Innovation Determines the Fates of Great Powers Andrew F. Krepinevich, Jr. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2023. £35.00/$40.00. 549 pp. Other People’s Wars: The US Military and the Challenge of Learning from Foreign Conflicts Brent L. Sterling. Washington DC: Georgetown University Press, 2021. $39.95. 336 pp.
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引用次数: 0
Australia’s Archipelagic Deterrence 澳大利亚的群岛威慑
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2239058
A. Carr
Abstract Australia’s 2023 Defence Strategic Review has inaugurated a new era of ‘archipelagic deterrence’. Despite Australia’s often forward-leaning rhetoric, it has turned away from making significant military contributions in Northeast Asia or globally, and instead is building a secure bastion across its northern approaches while inviting the United States to radically expand its military presence on Australian soil. The aim of archipelagic deterrence is to deter and deny China from a coercive maritime presence in the zone from the eastern Indian Ocean, through maritime Southeast Asia and into the South Pacific. It is hoped this will help stabilise the regional balance of power. This new model of alliance cooperation better reflects enduring differences in size and interests between Washington and Canberra, and should provide a stable and effective foundation for the United States’ presence and activity in the southern Indo-Pacific.
澳大利亚《2023年国防战略评估报告》开启了“群岛威慑”的新时代。尽管澳大利亚经常发表前瞻性的言论,但它已经放弃了在东北亚或全球范围内做出重大军事贡献,而是在其北部通道上建立一个安全堡垒,同时邀请美国从根本上扩大其在澳大利亚领土上的军事存在。群岛威慑的目的是阻止和阻止中国在东印度洋、东南亚海域和南太平洋地区的强制性海上存在。人们希望这将有助于稳定地区力量平衡。这种新的联盟合作模式更好地反映了华盛顿和堪培拉之间长期存在的规模和利益差异,并应为美国在南印度太平洋的存在和活动提供稳定有效的基础。
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引用次数: 0
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Survival
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