Canadian Review of Sociology-Revue Canadienne De Sociologie最新文献

Although the number of students attending university has been steadily increasing over the past 20 years, discrepancies remain across racialized student groups. Students who immigrate to Canada also face a number of barriers to university participation. However, few studies investigate variations in university participation across racialized immigrant student groups. We draw on an intersectional approach to analyze student data from the Toronto District School Board. We employ multilevel logistic regression to examine if there are interactive effects of being both racialized and having an immigrant status on confirming a university enrollment. Looking at self-identified race and immigrant status of students in combination reveals that there are important differences in the likelihood of confirming and offer of university admission between several self-identified racial categories, depending on if they were foreign-born.

This article innovatively combines the analysis of both cultural and outdoor activities in Canada, activities that have been mostly studied separately until now. This study thus feeds into the debate between the distinction framework (focusing on the highbrow/lowbrow opposition) and the omnivorism thesis (distinguishing between omnivorous and univorous groups) in cultural sociology. From Latent Class Analysis (LCA), this study identifies five clusters, which differentiate people practicing either or both cultural and outdoor activities. The clusters are labelled as follow: “tele-univore,” “digital indoor,” “conventional indoor,” “outdoor univore,” and “omnivore.” Binary logistic regressions reveal that education, age and rural/urban identity are the key factors in identifying who practices which activities. The findings are threefold. First, while confirming the omnivore theory, our results show that cultural capital matters more than economic capital in explaining who participates in which activities. Second, rural people tend to be slightly more engaged than urban people in consumptive and motorized outdoor activities and less in all cultural activities. Third, the shift to digitization and the increase in outdoor activities appears to have exacerbated the divide between older and younger generations.

Increasingly, bills and policies prohibit the participation of trans women in competitive sport. The current sociopolitical moment begs the following question: how do interpersonal interactional moments function alongside formal policies and rules to shape trans athletes’ experiences of belonging in sport? Although formal institutional rules govern trans athletes’ ability to compete in sport, informal social sanctioning also denies these athletes equitable, or even de facto, membership in sport. I draw upon two case studies to explore trans athletes’ experiences of membership in elite “women's” sport. I apply Evelyn Nakano Glenn's work on citizenship to consider how trans athletes’ experiences of belonging are influenced by both formal rules imposed by organizations as well as informal social interactions with members of their sporting communities. Inclusion is not synonymous with membership. Trans athletes render visible the ways in which this system functions to contain the diversity of humanity's gender expression.

As the COVID-19 pandemic emerged and spread across Canada in early 2020, there was an urgent need to determine whether and how its health, social, and economic consequences were distributed across population groups in Canada, particularly by race/ethnicity. This proved to be challenging. Although data on COVID-19 infections and deaths were available for Canada and its provinces, high-quality, individual-level data about the race/ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and other characteristics of those infected with COVID-19 was limited (Choi et al., 2021). This data vacuum made it extremely difficult to assess whether there were racial/ethnic disparities in the vulnerability to the pandemic, especially early on.

Even before the pandemic, researchers have pointed out that data on race/ethnicity has been largely unavailable and inaccessible in Canada, which makes it difficult to meaningfully investigate issues of equity, opportunity, and (dis)advantage among racialized groups in Canada (e.g., Robson, 2021). Canada's data landscape stands in stark contrast to the United States and the United Kingdom. For instance, unlike the U.S. census, the Canadian census does not explicitly ask respondents to report their race. Rather, respondents are asked to select their identity from a list of categories that conflate race, ethnicity, and national origin. This means that Canadian research on race/ethnicity is often hamstrung by missing demographic data and by an overreliance on the White v. “visible minority” binary—a broad, rather unhelpful catch-all category that eschews variation in the experiences of different racialized groups.

The lack of race-based information in Canadian data reflects a long history of resistance to or ambivalence about race. Policymakers and researchers have displayed a reluctance to highlight differences among Canadians or to point out the ways in which we fall short of Canada's policy and national identity of multiculturalism. However, refusing to acknowledge the existence of racial inequalities, discrimination, and racism generally has the effect of exacerbating disparities and hindering our ability to address them head on (Thompson, 2008). By not collecting detailed race-based data, we weaken our ability to document the ways in which social, political, and economic institutions in Canada are racialized and the unequal outcomes experienced by racial minorities in the labour market, education, the criminal justice and immigration systems, and elsewhere (Reitz & Banerjee, 2007).

To this end, one of our goals for this themed section of Canadian sociology's flagship journal was to highlight the exciting work being done on the topic—and particularly the innovative ways researchers are marshalling data to tell important stories about racial/ethnic inequality in Canada. The authors in this section responded resoundingly to the call for more, and more granular, research

In light of the growing racialized immigrant population in Canada and advances in dating technologies, this study examines Chinese immigrants’ partner preferences and mate selection processes through the lens of online dating. We draw on in-depth interviews with 31 Chinese immigrants who have used online dating services in Metro Vancouver to search for different-sex partners. Chinese immigrant online daters show strong preferences for dating Chinese. They emphasize permanent residency status and similarity in age at arrival when evaluating potential partners. Given their preferences, Chinese immigrants strategically choose the dating platforms they primarily use. Men exhibit higher selectivity in their preferences and choices of platforms. Notably, platforms catering to Chinese users create “digital ethnic enclaves” where Chinese immigrant daters congregate. The findings illuminate the intersection of race, gender, immigrant status, and age at arrival in shaping divergent experiences of mate selection and immigrant assimilation in the digital era.

This was Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's communiqué to Canadians on Emancipation Day, August 1, 2022. As such, one would expect that hearing such assertion from the Prime Minister, then under his leadership, we would have seen the unsatisfactory social, economic, educational, employment, and health conditions of Black Canadians being addressed knowing the historical “legacy of systemic anti-Black racism.” But it might be that such language is reflective of the current context in which worldwide protests following the murder of George Floyd (May 25, 2020) by a Minneapolis police officer in the US1 and the racial reckoning that it generated, have resulted in a discourse of “Equity, Diversity, Inclusion and Decolonization” (EDID). This discourse espoused by educational institutions, social agencies, business establishments, and government bureaucracies is taken to be an indication of their commitment to addressing the needs, interests, expectations, and aspirations of racialized members of society that they serve or are expected to serve.

Indigenous and Black Canadians are two racialized groups that have been identified as needing special or purposeful measures by which they would be able to gain access to employment, education, social, health and other services. Indeed, data have long shown that Indigenous and Black people continue to experience barriers to their participation in these areas; and as such, tend to be under-represented (Briggs, 2018; James, 2021; Thompson, 2018), even as legislation, policies, reports and programs like Multiculturalism (1971), Employment Equity (1984), Truth and Reconciliation (2015) and other such mechanisms are thought to signal governments’, businesses’, and institutions’ commitment – and that of society generally – to accommodating and responding to the needs, concerns, issues and challenges of minoritized Canadians. But clearly, these mechanisms have failed to change the situation for these Canadians because if they did, there would be no need for today's education and employment initiatives to specifically identify Indigenous and Black people. In other words, if indeed, all minoritized or racialized people were benefitting from the promise of multiculturalism and Employment Equity policies and programs, then today's EDID initiatives would not have had to specially target Black people.

Why only in recent years – particularly during this period of racial reckoning – are Canadians prepared to recruit Black and Indigenous peoples into their establishments through EDID initiatives? A possible answer to this question might be that historically Canadians – socialized by their institutions – have maintained that unlike the United States, it is “culture” (typically attributed to being immigrants) and not “race” that accounts for the differences among ethnoracial group members. Underlying this notion is the colonial discourse of color-blindness structured on the white

In recent decades, a growing number of police services in Canada have stressed commitments to protecting vulnerable communities from violence and intimidation and by combating hate crime. In 2020, the number of hate crimes reported to police in Canada increased by 37% to the highest number ever recorded. While social science research in several national contexts has examined the policing of hate crime, few studies have examined how police investigate hate crimes in Canada. This paper examines the investigative process and police decision-making with respect to racially motivated and anti-Black hate crimes reported in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA). This paper argues that while police claim that the circumstances of a given incident determines how police respond and whether a case is ultimately solved, in fact police decision making and particularly the way police conceive of racism and hate, profoundly shapes investigative processes and outcomes.

In becoming host communities for Francophone immigrants in the early 2000s, Canada's Francophone minority communities (FMCs) are facing the test of moving away from a predominant ethnic nationalism to an inclusive civic nationalism. The reception and integration of Black and Francophone immigrants is therefore a relevant indicator of the success of this test. Drawing on critical race theory and bricolage methodology, we reconstruct the ambiguous relationship between FMCs and their Black francophone immigrants who are both invited into French society and discriminated against.