Canadian Review of Sociology-Revue Canadienne De Sociologie最新文献

Recently, there is increasing awareness of the magnitude of anti-Black racism. As a consequence, several school administrations reiterated their commitment to foster an inclusive school climate and to challenge discrimination, including anti-Black racism. Critical hope is a theoretical concept that is considered essential to accomplish in-depth transformations to fight social injustices. Duncan-Andrade (2009) distinguishes three elements that produce critical hope in school settings: material hope, Socratic hope, and audacious hope. This article draws from data collected during a bilingual qualitative study conducted with African Canadians in Nova Scotia, including immigrants and African Nova-Scotians. The analysis of semi-structured interviews and focus groups conducted with 60 participants revealed the role of critical hope within critical pedagogy frameworks, including an anti-racist approach, to promote the development of concrete actions and critical consciousness among school personnel, while avoiding false hopes, cynicism, discouragement, or fatalism.

The essay discusses the importance of political sociology for the study of race in the settler state of Canada, and proposes directions for future research.

The criminalization of Black people in Canada, and their relative distrust of systems of criminal justice, are well-established realities. Here, we problematize the monolithic construction of Blackness implied in this statement. Interrogating differences in African-born immigrants’ responses on the General Social Survey, we build on existing theories regarding the 1.5 generation of immigrants in order to demonstrate that those Black immigrants who arrived as children, grew up in Canada, and participated in Canadian education, labour markets, and other institutions of socialization, are the most likely to distrust police, systems of criminal justice and Canadian institutions more generally. We theorize that, contrary to prevailing opinions regarding the ways in which distrust in Black communities stems from wariness of law enforcement in home countries, Canadian system avoidance is led by Black people who are from Canada.

Beauty is not race neutral. It is a racialized category/ perception which emerged through centuries of European colonization, Indigenous genocide, African/Black enslavement and indenture resulting in an aesthetic hierarchy with Blackness at the bottom. The coloniality of aesthetics means that still today hair perceived as Black in texture and styling and darker skin on African descent bodies are the repositories of anti-Blackness. However, Black women, children and men continue to fight back by (re)creating Black antiracist aesthetics focused on valorizing Black skin and hair.

Antiblackness, anti-Black racism and other oppressions work within systems such as capitalism, white supremacy and globalization. As a system, Canadian higher education institutions are complicit with the oppression of Black, Indigenous and racialized peoples. Anti-oppressive and antiracist pedagogies attempt to challenge institutional power and oppression but face resistance within the academy and wider society. This paper articulates Black Affirming Pedagogy as an additional anticolonial, antiracist, pro-Black teaching praxis aimed at furthering educators’ resiliencies and capacities for cultivating transformations and social change. Pro-Black affirmations of Blackness, allyship/solidarity, humanity, diverse knowledge, and action are discussed alongside strategies for praxis. Risks of engaging in Black Affirming Pedagogy and suggestions for overcoming them are also highlighted.

Scholars have often characterized the city as the epicenter of social inequality. The city has largely been argued to be the product of capitalistic endeavors resulting in deep pockets of conflicting class interests and racial tensions. However, any attempt to understand the city as a function of a broader urban process must consider the ways in which class and racial struggles constitutively restructure power dynamics that are lived out among people and places. In this article, I briefly engage Black Loves Matter (BLM) and their policy efforts to think about the ways in which Black people create imaginaries about their own urban futures.

In the early years of the 20th century, African-American steelworkers were recruited to Cape Breton, Nova Scotia. This short article examines experiences of raciam and antiblackness in housing and employment.

Extending recent developments in the neo-Durkheimian analysis of suicidality as an indicator of social pathology, this paper analyses individual level survey data on suicidal ideation, perceptions of social support, and the sense of belonging from three Canadian provinces drawn from the Canadian Community Health Survey (2015–16). We ask whether or not social support and a sense of belonging affect suicide ideation differently. In answering this question, we pay attention to both subjective and objective indicators of integration, and how subjective indicators independently affect suicide ideation. Results show that a higher level of social support had the largest effect on suicidal ideation and that the effect of a sense of belonging disappeared when measures of social support are accounted for. These findings are consistent with Durkheim's general theory of suicide and previous studies on mental health, highlighting the importance of regular, proximate social interaction as a prophylactic against suicidality.

This essay identifies Canada's recognition of the United Nations Declaration for People of African Descent (UNDPAD) as a multiculturalist iteration. In this scope, the essay discusses the Community Support, Multiculturalism and Anti-Racism Initiatives (CSMARI) program as a central element of state multiculturalism, through which Canada plans to meet commitments to Black Canadians—and by extension, the UNDPAD. Although the CSMARI program is well intended, it causes harm to Black Canadians by reinscribing stereotyped material lack and other forms of racialized scarcity. Rather than address longstanding social-economic histories that sustain racialized poverty, state multiculturalism policy inadvertently reinforces these. The CSMARI program's focus on material lack as opposed to the systemic aspects that underpin these, amplifies Canada's multicultural myth of inclusivity while leaving unquestioned the cultural barriers that block Black citizens. State multiculturalism policy maintains the status quo by commodifying and depoliticizing anti-racism, while also neutralizing the language of naming experiences of exclusion. This essay adapts an anti-Black racism feminist theory to recast state multiculturalism as, implicitly, a cause of harm. The paper questions ‘good intentions’ that ‘do harm’ as a critical reflection that speaks to the dissonance expressed by Black Canadians, despite state multiculturalism policy.

Based on a correspondence experiment, this article examines if the size of population of foreign background in a city exerts any significant effect on the extent of labour-market discrimination faced by job applicants of migrant origin. The study results find neither any statistically significant relationship between the two, nor do they lend support to the group threat and group contact conceptual frameworks. Rather, they appear to corroborate the pure discrimination model, as discrimination seems to be uniformly spread over all cities and all types of jobs with different characteristics. However, the findings of this study do not exclude the possibility that there could be a threshold value in the share of foreign population after which the picture of discrimination would become richer in nuances and some of the theories would gain more explanatory power.