Iheonu, C.O., Okwoche, P.U. and Agbutun, S.A. 2024. The Impact of Democracy on Peace in Africa: Empirical Evidence. Politics & Policy 52(5): 1038–1058. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12632.
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The literature has established that the politics of the welfare state are often shaped by perceptions of deservingness based on the behaviors and characteristics of target populations as well as their race and ethnicity. How are public attitudes affected when confronted with target populations along these two dimensions simultaneously? We fielded an online survey (N = 4077) that included an experiment that exposed respondents to four scenarios including a woman with disabilities, a single mother, a healthy single woman, and a woman with opioid addiction as well as racially/ethnically identifiable names (White, Black, Asian, Hispanic). We found evidence that respondents favored eligibility for groups generally considered to be deserving over those considered undeserving based on their behaviors and characteristics. This finding held across all four races/ethnicities as well as in various subgroup analyses. Race and ethnicity did not affect respondents' attitudes. Welfare politics continue to be shaped by long-held perceptions of deservingness.
Luypaert, Anouk, and Peter Thijssen. 2024. “The comparative politics of solidarity: Political party discourse across three welfare state regimes.” Politics & Policy 52(5): 935–962. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12625.
König, Pascal D. 2015. “Moral Societal Renewal or Getting the Country Back to Work: Welfare State Culture as a Resource and a Constraint for Policy Discourse.” Politics & Policy 43(5): 647–78. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12130.
Van Doorn, Bas W. 2015. “Pre- and Post-Welfare Reform Media Portrayals of Poverty in the United States: The Continuing Importance of Race and Ethnicity.” Politics & Policy 43(1): 142–162. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12107.
Using the theory of incremental autocratization, I illustrate in this commentary that recent developments in the United States perfectly align with this theory. In the analytical framework I use, incremental autocratization consists of six distinct step: (1) societal turmoil, (2) a proposition of radical change, (3) an electoral victory as point of departure, (4) the reconfiguration of the balance of power as well as the neutralization of checks and balances (5) securing power, and (6) limiting civil rights. I argue that as of March 2025, we are at stage 4. Mass firing in the bureaucracy, the excessive use of illegal or semi-illegal executive orders, infringements of minority rights, attacks on academic freedom and the press, imperialism, and trade wars are all signs that Donald Trump is trying to crack down on the institutions and procedures of democracies. Of course, it is too early to say if this tendencies will succeed, but there is all reason for concern, even more so because Donald Trump has started to think about “loopholes” to stay in power beyond 2029, and has started to limit civil rights of some citizens residents.
Deep fakes can be used for political advertising, enabling politicians to change their characteristic features or minimize deficits of their performances. Such a strategy may meet with great interest, which in some circumstances increases participation and might influence deliberation. It was applied in South Korea, and its variations appeared in the USA, Argentina, India, Indonesia, Sweden, or Pakistan, differing in scale and context of use. We argue that deep fakes in political advertising, due to multidimensional manipulation, can undermine the epistemic and ethical value of democratic debate, although it has the potential to increase citizens' involvement in political processes, in particular by overcoming linguistic exclusion. The aim of this commentary is to put registered campaigns in the context of the systemic approach to deliberative democracy by Mansbridge et al. (2012) that comprises three basic functions of deliberative systems: epistemic, ethical, and democratic, and assess their influence on standards of deliberation.
Due to less settled securities exchanges, the main source of risk of the financial system in Africa is characterized by its most significant aspects being the banking sector in particular. Consequently, the overall stability of the financial system can be ensured by the stability of the banking sector. Furthermore, the greatest number of nations in Africa has historically been viewed as weak democracies. Thus, the purpose of this article is to examine the impact of democracy on banking stability in Africa. The approach includes data for 34 African countries from 2004 to 2019, and OLS and IV-Tobit estimation techniques. Our diagnosis shows that democracy harms banking stability in Africa, with the results robust across different types of democracy, levels of political stability, proximity to the sea, and alternative indicators of banking stability. This affirms that democracy is not good for every sector's stability, especially for the banking sector. Policy implications are discussed.
Aideyan, Osaore. 2016. “Political and Institutional Prerequisites for Monetary Union: Assessing Progress in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).” Politics & Policy 44(6): 1192–212. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12183.
Asongu, Simplice A., Joseph Nnanna, and Vanessa S. Tchamyou. 2021. “Finance, Institutions, and Private Investment in Africa.” Politics & Policy 49(2): 309–51. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12395.
Scarlato, Margherita, and Giorgio d'Agostino. 2019. “The Political Dimension of Cash Transfers in Latin America and Sub-Saharan Africa: A Comparative Perspective.” Politics & Policy 47(6): 1125–55. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12332.
Religious and political conservatism are the strongest predictors of opposition to same-sex marriage (SSM) in the West. As marriage equality increasingly becomes a political issue in parts of the world where evangelical Christianity is less common and political parties have not taken clear positions, it is less clear whether the same factors influence public opinion elsewhere. We focus on Taiwan, which reinforced its international reputation as a beacon of liberal values by becoming the first Asian country to legalize SSM, even though the public had just voted against marriage equality in a referendum. Although Christian churches led the opposition to SSM, surveys from before and after the policy change indicate that traditional cultural norms presented greater obstacles to marriage equality than religion. Age and education also had strong impacts on public support for marriage equality, but gender and partisan differences were relatively weak.
Gover, Daniel. 2023. “Religious Lobbying and Policy Influence: Christian Interest Group Impacts Around the Legalization of Same-Sex Marriage in England and Wales.” Politics & Policy 51, no. 6: 1097–1116. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12559.
Bramlett, Brittany H. 2012. “The Cross-Pressures of Religion and Contact with Gays and Lesbians, and Their Impact on Same-Sex Marriage Opinion.” Politics & Policy, 40, no. 1, 13–42. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2011.00337.x.
Lewis, Gregory B., and Craig W. Gossett. 2008. “Changing Public Opinion on Same-Sex Marriage: The Case of California.” Politics & Policy, 36, no. 1, 4–30. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2007.00092.x.
This article aims to introduce the structural and instrumental power of real estate companies in China, using Evergrande as an example, and provide possible regulation designs that can modify the Three Red Lines regulation policy. China's real estate sector has played a significant role in the country's development, and Evergrande is a prominent real estate corporation in China. The real estate sector in China possesses robust structural and instrumental dynamics. To eliminate the financial crisis in the real estate industry, the Chinese government has introduced three red line policies to increase supervision of real estate companies. Evergrande has experienced serious financial difficulties due to regulatory upgrades, which have had numerous detrimental effects on society. This article discusses the impact of the Three Red Lines policy introduced by the Chinese government on the real estate industry. Additionally, it suggests many solutions that could help with monitoring in this regard.
Shen, Y., Ieong, M. U., and Zhu, Z. 2021. “The Function of Expert Involvement in China's Local Policy Making.” Politics & Policy 50, no. 1: 59–76. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12450.
Li, W., Pierce, J. J., Chen, F., and Wang, F. 2024. “The Politics of China's Policy Processes: A Comparative Review of the Advocacy Coalition Framework's Applications to Mainland China.” Politics & Policy 52, no. 4: 728–756. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12574.
Nam, A., and Weible, C. M. 2023. “Examining Experts' Discourse in South Korea's Nuclear Power Policy Making: An Advocacy Coalition Framework Approach to Policy Knowledge.” Politics & Policy 51, no. 2: 201–221. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12522.
This study examined the demographic characteristics that drive crime and recidivism in Ecuador using the first National Penitentiary Census (2022) that covers prisoners over 18 years nationwide. In descriptive statistics and econometric analysis, education was found to be the main predictor of recidivism. In the case of having a job out of prison, on average, they are most likely to be under-employed and earn less than the minimum wage. More past arrests were associated with a lower probability of attending rehabilitation programs. We found age-crime curves for robbery, drug trafficking, and gun possession. In terms of recidivism, murder, robbery, theft, and weapon possession were the crimes with the highest recidivism rates within the same crime. The highest recidivism rates between crimes were weapon possession-robbery and weapon possession-drug trafficking.
Aguiar Aguilar, A. A. 2023. “Courts and the Judicial Erosion of Democracy in Latin America.” Politics & Policy 51, no. 1: 7–25. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12516.
Basabe-Serrano, S. 2012. “Presidential Power and the Judicialization of Politics as Determinants of Institutional Change in the Judiciary: The Supreme Court of Ecuador (1979–2009).” Politics & Policy 40, no. 2: 339–361. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00348.x.
Maag, Daniela. 2025. “One State Under Multiple Nations? The Challenge of Building a Plurinational State in Ecuador and Bolivia (2007–2018).” Politics & Policy 53, no. 1: e70017. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70017.
Does race/ethnicity or qualifications matter more in White evaluations of U.S. House Democratic Members of Congress (MC) and their opposing Republican candidates? This study examines White perceptions of competence and integrity as a function of the race/ethnicity of the Democratic MC and the prior experience of the Republican challenger utilizing the 2010 CCES “Common Content” survey, after controlling for the propensity to evaluate the perceived competence and integrity of both the Democrat MC and the Republican opposition. The findings indicate in-group favoritism and outgroup bias toward MCs facing challengers with prior office-holding experience conditioned on one's partisan affiliation, but no statistically consistent difference for pairings with a non-experienced challenger. These findings suggest future research should consider not only the race/ethnicity of the MC, but also the experience of the opponent and the partisanship of the respondent to gain a better understanding of how the electorate views candidates.
Knuckey, J. 2010. “Beyond the Politics of Race? Explaining the Vote in Recent Louisiana Gubernatorial Elections.” Politics & Policy 38, no. 2: 285–305. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00238.x.
Slocum, F. 2008. “White Racial Attitudes and Implicit Racial Appeals: An Experimental Study of ‘Race Coding’ in Political Discourse.” Politics & Policy 29, no. 4: 650-669. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2001.tb00609.x.
van Doorn, B. W. 2015. “Pre- and Post-Welfare Reform Media Portrayals of Poverty in the United States: The Continuing Importance of Race and Ethnicity.” Politics & Policy 43, no. 1: 142–162. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12107.
This article examines the impact of government lifestyles on economic growth in sub-Saharan Africa and the role of political will. Using data from WDI (2023) and IIAG (2023) from 2000 to 2023, the FMOLS estimate shows that current government expenditure is a significant drag on economic growth. Conversely, political will, driven by improved government efficiency, has a positive impact on growth. To improve economic performance, we recommend establishing strong transparency and accountability in public financial management, investing in quality public services, including education, health, and infrastructure, and adopting sound financial practices to optimize the use of resources. Implementing these recommendations requires the mobilization of all stakeholders, including political leaders, civil servants, and civil society. Strengthening institutional capacity and promoting citizen participation in governance are essential. Finally, effective monitoring and evaluation mechanisms should be put in place to assess the effectiveness of policies and make necessary adjustments.
Ali, H. E., and S. Bhuiyan. 2022. “Governance, Natural Resources Rent, and Infrastructure Development: Evidence from the Middle East and North Africa.” Politics & Policy 50, no. 2: 408–440. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12451.
Asiegbu, M. F., O. M. Ikeanyibe, P. O. Abang, O. C. Nwosu, and C. E. Ugwu. 2024. “Natural Resource Fund Governance and the Institutionalization of Rent Seeking in Nigeria's Oil Sector.” Politics & Policy 52, no. 1: 169–195. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12579.
Asongu, S. A., S. Diop, E. T. G. Emeka, and A. O. Ogbonna. 2024. “The Role of Governance and Infrastructure in Moderating the Effect of Resource Rents on Economic Growth.” Politics & Policy 52, no. 5: 1059–1080. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12623.
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