Languages encode emotions in a wide variety of ways. The ways often vary between languages or between language areas, but the present paper shows that, even within a single language, different emotions may be obligatorily encoded in quite different ways. Thus, in Kuni, an Oceanic language of Papua New Guinea, certain emotions are encoded exclusively as monolexemic verbs, while others are represented, equally exclusively, by figurative noun–verb predications. Emotions of the latter type tend to be more richly lexicalized than those represented monolexemically, usually with alternative encodings available to speakers. In between these two contrasting categories lie two important emotions, love and anger, which can be encoded in either of the above ways. Using a 4,000-word mission dictionary dated 1937 as my corpus, I identify four sets of emotions on purely formal grounds, illustrating each set in turn. I then discuss the process of lexification (or univerbation) whereby some figurative predications were transformed into compound predicates and nouns. Finally, I speculate as to the sociocultural and interactional implications for speakers of the different possibilities for encoding emotion types.
{"title":"Encoding Emotions in Kuni, an Oceanic Language of Papua New Guinea","authors":"Alan M. Jones","doi":"10.1353/ol.2020.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2020.0000","url":null,"abstract":"Languages encode emotions in a wide variety of ways. The ways often vary between languages or between language areas, but the present paper shows that, even within a single language, different emotions may be obligatorily encoded in quite different ways. Thus, in Kuni, an Oceanic language of Papua New Guinea, certain emotions are encoded exclusively as monolexemic verbs, while others are represented, equally exclusively, by figurative noun–verb predications. Emotions of the latter type tend to be more richly lexicalized than those represented monolexemically, usually with alternative encodings available to speakers. In between these two contrasting categories lie two important emotions, love and anger, which can be encoded in either of the above ways. Using a 4,000-word mission dictionary dated 1937 as my corpus, I identify four sets of emotions on purely formal grounds, illustrating each set in turn. I then discuss the process of lexification (or univerbation) whereby some figurative predications were transformed into compound predicates and nouns. Finally, I speculate as to the sociocultural and interactional implications for speakers of the different possibilities for encoding emotion types.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2020-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ol.2020.0000","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44866861","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Paul Jen-kuei Li. 2019. Text analysis of Favorlang. Language and Linguistics Monograph Series 61. Taipei: Academia Sinica. v \u0001+ 334 pp. ISBN 978-986-05-8008-2 $35, paperback.","authors":"Chia-jung Pan","doi":"10.1353/ol.2020.a765247","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2020.a765247","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"0 1","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43879552","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A grammatical sketch and phonology of Hainan Cham: History, contact and change by Graham Thurgood, Ela Thurgood, and Fengxiang Li (review)","authors":"A. Grant","doi":"10.1353/ol.2019.0017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2019.0017","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"58 1","pages":"434 - 438"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2020-03-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ol.2019.0017","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46384407","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:In this paper, we discuss the properties of negation in the Oceanic language Äiwoo. Like many Melanesian languages, Äiwoo has a bipartite negation construction; more unusually, this construction contrasts with a simple negation construction involving only the first morpheme of the bipartite negation, which typically has the reading 'not yet'. We account for this situation by arguing that the second part of the bipartite negation originates in a morpheme indicating that the verbal action is unachieved; and that the absence of this morpheme, even after the bipartite negation grammaticalized as the standard negation construction, is typically interpreted as meaning that the event, though unachieved at present, may still take place at some later stage. We further discuss scope effects related to the second negative morpheme as a possible explanation for the cases where single negation does not get the reading 'not yet'. Finally, we argue that Äiwoo shows a variation on Jespersen's cycle not previously discussed in the literature, where the original single negation construction is not lost in the process of grammaticalization, but is rather reinterpreted as indicating what we call 'weakened negation' in contrast to the new double-marked construction.
{"title":"Jespersen in the Reef Islands: Single versus Bipartite Negation in Äiwoo","authors":"Giovanni Roversi, Åshild Næss","doi":"10.1353/ol.2019.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2019.0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In this paper, we discuss the properties of negation in the Oceanic language Äiwoo. Like many Melanesian languages, Äiwoo has a bipartite negation construction; more unusually, this construction contrasts with a simple negation construction involving only the first morpheme of the bipartite negation, which typically has the reading 'not yet'. We account for this situation by arguing that the second part of the bipartite negation originates in a morpheme indicating that the verbal action is unachieved; and that the absence of this morpheme, even after the bipartite negation grammaticalized as the standard negation construction, is typically interpreted as meaning that the event, though unachieved at present, may still take place at some later stage. We further discuss scope effects related to the second negative morpheme as a possible explanation for the cases where single negation does not get the reading 'not yet'. Finally, we argue that Äiwoo shows a variation on Jespersen's cycle not previously discussed in the literature, where the original single negation construction is not lost in the process of grammaticalization, but is rather reinterpreted as indicating what we call 'weakened negation' in contrast to the new double-marked construction.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"58 1","pages":"324 - 352"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2020-03-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ol.2019.0011","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45851418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:A highly unusual sound change in around 15 Southern Oceanic languages spoken in Espiritu Santo and Malakula in Vanuatu produced linguolabials from bilabials when before Proto-Oceanic nonback vowels, with those linguolabials further developing as apicals in some of those languages. Despite the development of these extremely rare phonemes, I will show that this phonological shift is not diagnostic of a single subgroup consisting of all the languages that evidence it. Rather, it appears that the linguolabial shift (i) supports a subgrouping of all or nearly all of those Espiritu Santo languages that show it, but (ii) was introduced into the phonological inventory of a number of Malakula languages at a much later date, spreading through contact rather than by inheritance.
{"title":"The Bilabial-to-Linguolabial Shift in Southern Oceanic: A Subgrouping Diagnostic?","authors":"J. Lynch","doi":"10.1353/ol.2019.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2019.0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:A highly unusual sound change in around 15 Southern Oceanic languages spoken in Espiritu Santo and Malakula in Vanuatu produced linguolabials from bilabials when before Proto-Oceanic nonback vowels, with those linguolabials further developing as apicals in some of those languages. Despite the development of these extremely rare phonemes, I will show that this phonological shift is not diagnostic of a single subgroup consisting of all the languages that evidence it. Rather, it appears that the linguolabial shift (i) supports a subgrouping of all or nearly all of those Espiritu Santo languages that show it, but (ii) was introduced into the phonological inventory of a number of Malakula languages at a much later date, spreading through contact rather than by inheritance.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"58 1","pages":"292 - 323"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2020-03-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ol.2019.0010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47897669","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:In Subanon, an underdescribed Philippine language of Mindanao Island, the prefix mo- appears multifunctional, much like its cognate in other languages. Predicates bearing the prefix variously denote accidental action, ability, acts of perception, statives, unaccusatives, locomotion, or properties. By establishing the paradigms in which the mo- prefix appears, I show that these are not disparate functions of this prefix and its paradigmatically related counterparts, but rather that this morphology, which I call "non-volitional," functions consistently to cancel out any entailment of volition by the most agent-like argument of the predicate. I further show that the non-volitional paradigm is paradigmatically related to a volitional paradigm, and I establish that other uses of mo- are either idiosyncratic, in the case of predicates denoting locomotion, or belong to a separate adjectival paradigm, for predicates denoting properties. This analysis highlights problems that can arise from using multiple, potentially conflicting criteria to define a paradigm, and in the case of Subanon, I resolve such conflicts by making reference to argument structure.
{"title":"Functions of the Subanon mo-Prefix: Evidence from Paradigms and Argument Structure","authors":"B. Hauk","doi":"10.1353/ol.2019.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2019.0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In Subanon, an underdescribed Philippine language of Mindanao Island, the prefix mo- appears multifunctional, much like its cognate in other languages. Predicates bearing the prefix variously denote accidental action, ability, acts of perception, statives, unaccusatives, locomotion, or properties. By establishing the paradigms in which the mo- prefix appears, I show that these are not disparate functions of this prefix and its paradigmatically related counterparts, but rather that this morphology, which I call \"non-volitional,\" functions consistently to cancel out any entailment of volition by the most agent-like argument of the predicate. I further show that the non-volitional paradigm is paradigmatically related to a volitional paradigm, and I establish that other uses of mo- are either idiosyncratic, in the case of predicates denoting locomotion, or belong to a separate adjectival paradigm, for predicates denoting properties. This analysis highlights problems that can arise from using multiple, potentially conflicting criteria to define a paradigm, and in the case of Subanon, I resolve such conflicts by making reference to argument structure.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"58 1","pages":"257 - 291"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2020-03-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ol.2019.0009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46903831","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Segai-Modang languages, located primarily in East Kalimantan, Indonesia, and directly descended from Proto-Kayanic (PKay), are of a phonological type far removed from Proto-Malayo-Polynesian and most of its daughter languages. Segai-Modang languages are stress-final and have innovated sesquiand monosyllabic canonical word forms with expanded vowel inventories. They share these characteristics with a few other, individual languages of Borneo (Sa'ban, Merap, certain Bidayuh languages, including Hliboi), and with Chamic languages of mainland Southeast Asia. In Borneo, however, Segai-Modang is the only large subgroup in which every known member has undergone these phonological innovations, and thus provides a unique opportunity for reconstructing an Austronesian proto-language (Proto-Segai-Modang [PSM]) whose daughter languages are entirely sesqui- or monosyllabic and which was not influenced through linguistic contact. The present study provides evidence for a hypothesis that PSM was itself sesquisyllabic, that the penultimate syllable was reduced to schwa, and the features of PKay penultimate vowels were transferred to the onsets of the final syllable. This created distinct regular, palatalized, and labialized consonants in final-syllable onset position at the PSM level. These features were later transferred to the final-syllable vowels resulting in diverse reflexes of PSM vowels in the daughter languages. The reconstruction, therefore, posits that final-syllable onsets were complex but that vowels remained phonemically conservative. The vowels *a, *aː *u, and *i are reconstructed to the final syllable, and *ə to the penultimate sesquisyllable. The reconstruction also posits conditioned allophony for many of the PSM final-syllable vowels, which became distinct only after the breakup of PSM.
{"title":"A Reconstruction of Proto-Segai-Modang","authors":"Alexander D. Smith","doi":"10.1353/ol.2019.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2019.0012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Segai-Modang languages, located primarily in East Kalimantan, Indonesia, and directly descended from Proto-Kayanic (PKay), are of a phonological type far removed from Proto-Malayo-Polynesian and most of its daughter languages. Segai-Modang languages are stress-final and have innovated sesquiand monosyllabic canonical word forms with expanded vowel inventories. They share these characteristics with a few other, individual languages of Borneo (Sa'ban, Merap, certain Bidayuh languages, including Hliboi), and with Chamic languages of mainland Southeast Asia. In Borneo, however, Segai-Modang is the only large subgroup in which every known member has undergone these phonological innovations, and thus provides a unique opportunity for reconstructing an Austronesian proto-language (Proto-Segai-Modang [PSM]) whose daughter languages are entirely sesqui- or monosyllabic and which was not influenced through linguistic contact. The present study provides evidence for a hypothesis that PSM was itself sesquisyllabic, that the penultimate syllable was reduced to schwa, and the features of PKay penultimate vowels were transferred to the onsets of the final syllable. This created distinct regular, palatalized, and labialized consonants in final-syllable onset position at the PSM level. These features were later transferred to the final-syllable vowels resulting in diverse reflexes of PSM vowels in the daughter languages. The reconstruction, therefore, posits that final-syllable onsets were complex but that vowels remained phonemically conservative. The vowels *a, *aː *u, and *i are reconstructed to the final syllable, and *ə to the penultimate sesquisyllable. The reconstruction also posits conditioned allophony for many of the PSM final-syllable vowels, which became distinct only after the breakup of PSM.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"58 1","pages":"353 - 385"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2020-03-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ol.2019.0012","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41471541","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
To expedite the process of finding the sites where corrections are needed I have given search suggestions, all of which have been tested to ensure that they target ONE site only in the entire text unless the search item appears both in a problem and the solution, where it appears TWICE, and should be corrected in both places. If you are not taken to the exact spot where the correction is needed you will be taken to within a line or two of text from it. Note that >> means ‘becomes’ or ‘changes to’.
{"title":"101 problems and solutions in historical linguistics: A workbook by Robert Blust (review)","authors":"Claire Bowern, Rikker Dockum","doi":"10.1353/ol.2019.0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2019.0015","url":null,"abstract":"To expedite the process of finding the sites where corrections are needed I have given search suggestions, all of which have been tested to ensure that they target ONE site only in the entire text unless the search item appears both in a problem and the solution, where it appears TWICE, and should be corrected in both places. If you are not taken to the exact spot where the correction is needed you will be taken to within a line or two of text from it. Note that >> means ‘becomes’ or ‘changes to’.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"58 1","pages":"426 - 430"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2020-03-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ol.2019.0015","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42808901","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The languages and linguistics of the New Guinea area: A comprehensive guide ed. by Bill Palmer (review)","authors":"A. Schapper","doi":"10.1353/ol.2019.0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2019.0016","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"58 1","pages":"430 - 433"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2020-03-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ol.2019.0016","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43006556","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:In this paper, I present an analysis of the discourse particle punya in Colloquial Malay as a modal evidential. I claim that the use of punya indicates that the attitude holder is certain about the truth of the propositional content of the utterance and that the source of the information presented is of the inferential type. I show that the attitude holder may be the speaker or the external argument of verbs of saying and believing. The proposed analysis connects punya with epistemic modal auxiliaries such as English must and Colloquial Malay preverbal modal mesti, both of which mark the attitude holder's certainty as well as the inferential nature of the evidence for the asserted proposition. However, unlike epistemic must/mesti, which may appear in questions under certain aspectual conditions, punya cannot appear in questions. I claim that punya differs from must/mesti in who can be considered the attitude holder of the evidence/knowledge. In particular, while the attitude holder of a must/mesti statement can be a contextually relevant group that is indeterminate, this is not possible for a punya statement. I argue that this difference is the source of the contrasting behaviors of punya versus must/mesti in questions. The current analysis adds to the empirical base on the crosslinguistic patterning of the connection between modality and evidentiality and has implications on the notion of "evidential perspective shift."
{"title":"Colloquial Malay Discourse Particle punya as a Modal Evidential","authors":"Hooi Ling Soh","doi":"10.1353/ol.2019.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2019.0013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In this paper, I present an analysis of the discourse particle punya in Colloquial Malay as a modal evidential. I claim that the use of punya indicates that the attitude holder is certain about the truth of the propositional content of the utterance and that the source of the information presented is of the inferential type. I show that the attitude holder may be the speaker or the external argument of verbs of saying and believing. The proposed analysis connects punya with epistemic modal auxiliaries such as English must and Colloquial Malay preverbal modal mesti, both of which mark the attitude holder's certainty as well as the inferential nature of the evidence for the asserted proposition. However, unlike epistemic must/mesti, which may appear in questions under certain aspectual conditions, punya cannot appear in questions. I claim that punya differs from must/mesti in who can be considered the attitude holder of the evidence/knowledge. In particular, while the attitude holder of a must/mesti statement can be a contextually relevant group that is indeterminate, this is not possible for a punya statement. I argue that this difference is the source of the contrasting behaviors of punya versus must/mesti in questions. The current analysis adds to the empirical base on the crosslinguistic patterning of the connection between modality and evidentiality and has implications on the notion of \"evidential perspective shift.\"","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"58 1","pages":"386 - 413"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2020-03-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ol.2019.0013","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42517780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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