Abstract:In this paper, I want to present evidence for a Kaili–Wolio subbranch of the Celebic branch of the Malayo–Polynesian subgroup. This proposal unites languages that were assigned to two subbranches of Celebic in previous classifications, viz. Kaili–Pamona and Wotu–Wolio. An outline of the phonological history from Proto Malayo–Polynesian to Proto Kaili–Wolio and its daughter languages is presented, together with an initial corpus of Proto Kaili–Wolio reconstructions.
{"title":"The Kaili–Wolio Branch of the Celebic Languages","authors":"E. Zobel","doi":"10.1353/OL.2020.0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/OL.2020.0014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In this paper, I want to present evidence for a Kaili–Wolio subbranch of the Celebic branch of the Malayo–Polynesian subgroup. This proposal unites languages that were assigned to two subbranches of Celebic in previous classifications, viz. Kaili–Pamona and Wotu–Wolio. An outline of the phonological history from Proto Malayo–Polynesian to Proto Kaili–Wolio and its daughter languages is presented, together with an initial corpus of Proto Kaili–Wolio reconstructions.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"59 1","pages":"297 - 346"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/OL.2020.0014","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49629328","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This paper examines the true nature of the reduplicant vowels in the two major types of reduplication in Truku, Cə- reduplication and CəCə- reduplication, which have been previously assumed to involve monosyllabic and disyllabic copying, respectively. The reduplicants of the two patterns (i.e., Cə- and CəCə-) contain schwas that are always considered as reduced vowels derived from the pretonic vowel reduction rule. Drawing evidence from three types of reduplication forms that have not been previously noticed/documented, that is, reduplication forms showing CəC- ∼CəCə- variation, as well as reduplication taking place on monosyllabic words and on CV.ʔ- initial words, this paper argues that the schwas in the reduplicants of the two reduplication patterns do not always come from vowel reduction. Although the first schwa in the CəCə-reduplicant does come from vowel reduction, the final schwas in the CəCə- and Cə- reduplicant are actually inserted vowels that function to break up CC clusters. The findings also show that Cə- reduplication only copies consonants from the Base. Therefore, Truku, just as Squliq Atayal, also involves bare consonant copying.
{"title":"Reduplicant Vowels in Truku Reduplication","authors":"Hui-Shan Lin","doi":"10.1353/OL.2020.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/OL.2020.0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper examines the true nature of the reduplicant vowels in the two major types of reduplication in Truku, Cə- reduplication and CəCə- reduplication, which have been previously assumed to involve monosyllabic and disyllabic copying, respectively. The reduplicants of the two patterns (i.e., Cə- and CəCə-) contain schwas that are always considered as reduced vowels derived from the pretonic vowel reduction rule. Drawing evidence from three types of reduplication forms that have not been previously noticed/documented, that is, reduplication forms showing CəC- ∼CəCə- variation, as well as reduplication taking place on monosyllabic words and on CV.ʔ- initial words, this paper argues that the schwas in the reduplicants of the two reduplication patterns do not always come from vowel reduction. Although the first schwa in the CəCə-reduplicant does come from vowel reduction, the final schwas in the CəCə- and Cə- reduplicant are actually inserted vowels that function to break up CC clusters. The findings also show that Cə- reduplication only copies consonants from the Base. Therefore, Truku, just as Squliq Atayal, also involves bare consonant copying.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"59 1","pages":"148 - 189"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/OL.2020.0009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44322343","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article describes and compares give-constructions in three languages of eastern Indonesia, Lamaholot (Austronesian), Alorese (Austronesian), and Adang (Papuan), with the aim of detecting structural convergence in Alorese. Lamaholot and Alorese are closely related, while Alorese has undergone contact-induced change due to contact with Papuan languages spoken in close proximity, such as Adang. To investigate structural convergence, we systematically compare the types and frequencies of give-constructions in these three languages. The data were obtained by using a common set of eight visual stimuli. The results show that Alorese and Adang share a preference for encoding 'give' events in serial verb constructions, while Lamaholot uses prepositional object constructions or multiverb constructions. We conclude that, in the domain of give-constructions, there is a higher degree of structural isomorphism between Alorese and Adang than there is between Alorese and its sister language Lamaholot. Such structural isomorphism is the outcome of contact-induced convergence; more specifically, we propose that convergence took place by a process of grammatical calquing carried out by children and preadolescents who were bilingual in Alorese and one or more Papuan languages.
{"title":"Contact-Induced Change in Alorese Give-Constructions","authors":"F. Moro, H.L.A. Fricke","doi":"10.1353/OL.2020.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/OL.2020.0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article describes and compares give-constructions in three languages of eastern Indonesia, Lamaholot (Austronesian), Alorese (Austronesian), and Adang (Papuan), with the aim of detecting structural convergence in Alorese. Lamaholot and Alorese are closely related, while Alorese has undergone contact-induced change due to contact with Papuan languages spoken in close proximity, such as Adang. To investigate structural convergence, we systematically compare the types and frequencies of give-constructions in these three languages. The data were obtained by using a common set of eight visual stimuli. The results show that Alorese and Adang share a preference for encoding 'give' events in serial verb constructions, while Lamaholot uses prepositional object constructions or multiverb constructions. We conclude that, in the domain of give-constructions, there is a higher degree of structural isomorphism between Alorese and Adang than there is between Alorese and its sister language Lamaholot. Such structural isomorphism is the outcome of contact-induced convergence; more specifically, we propose that convergence took place by a process of grammatical calquing carried out by children and preadolescents who were bilingual in Alorese and one or more Papuan languages.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"48 22","pages":"116 - 147"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/OL.2020.0008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41245873","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Text analysis of Favorlang by Paul Jen-kuei Li (review)","authors":"Chia-jung Pan","doi":"10.1353/OL.2020.0021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/OL.2020.0021","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"59 1","pages":"480 - 485"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/OL.2020.0021","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48310705","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Blust has secured the position of PPH by raising the number of country-wide innovations to at least 600 etymologies (out of the 1286 proposed). Unlike PMP or PAN, at the phonological level, accent contrasts must be a significant innovation for PPH (although not explicitly stated by Blust, nine minimal pairs are well-established within his survey). An initial *y- and a clear-cut contrast between glottal stop (*ʔ) as opposed to *q can also be reconstructed for PPH. Axis-relationships (areal contact phenomena) have arisen which blur genetic boundaries, but not to any great extent; discreet macro- and microgroups can be substantiated throughout the Philippines, all descended from one proto-language.
{"title":"Reactions to Blust's \"The Resurrection of Proto-Philippines\"","authors":"R. Zorc","doi":"10.1353/OL.2020.0018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/OL.2020.0018","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Blust has secured the position of PPH by raising the number of country-wide innovations to at least 600 etymologies (out of the 1286 proposed). Unlike PMP or PAN, at the phonological level, accent contrasts must be a significant innovation for PPH (although not explicitly stated by Blust, nine minimal pairs are well-established within his survey). An initial *y- and a clear-cut contrast between glottal stop (*ʔ) as opposed to *q can also be reconstructed for PPH. Axis-relationships (areal contact phenomena) have arisen which blur genetic boundaries, but not to any great extent; discreet macro- and microgroups can be substantiated throughout the Philippines, all descended from one proto-language.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"59 1","pages":"394 - 425"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/OL.2020.0018","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48344602","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:In Amsterdam in 1661, the Dutch missionary Daniël Gravius published a volume comprising his translations of the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. John in a Formosan language, Siraya. Until recently, it was thought that only the translation of the Gospel of St. Matthew had survived. However, a copy of the 1661 publication has now been identified, which contains both Gospel translations. This article aims to provide details of how this discovery was made, to assess its significance, to offer some preliminary comments concerning the language of the translation, and to suggest what future research should be undertaken on the translation. The article makes a start by providing a brief history of the Dutch presence in Taiwan in the seventeenth century and the work of missionaries in translating Christian texts into Siraya and another Formosan language, Favorlang, in order to provide the necessary historical context. The article then analyzes the reception of texts in Siraya since the nineteenth century to assess the value to scholarship of the identification of the translation of the Gospel of St. John by Gravius. Next, it makes some preliminary remarks on the language of the translation, above all the lexis and the lexical category of numerals, using Adelaar's monograph on the translation of the Gospel of St. Matthew into Siraya as a reference point. Several lexical items including 'water jar', 'mud', 'cave', and 'to spit' are identified and analyzed. Where possible, reconstructed Proto-Austronesian forms of which the Siraya words are reflexes are provided, as are cognates in other Formosan languages. Furthermore, the article analyzes Siraya noun phrases that occur only in the Gospel of St. John. In short, this contribution is the first attempt to analyze how this recently discovered text contributes to our knowledge of Siraya.
{"title":"A Recently Discovered Copy of a Translation of the Gospel of St. John in Siraya","authors":"C. Joby","doi":"10.1353/OL.2020.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/OL.2020.0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In Amsterdam in 1661, the Dutch missionary Daniël Gravius published a volume comprising his translations of the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. John in a Formosan language, Siraya. Until recently, it was thought that only the translation of the Gospel of St. Matthew had survived. However, a copy of the 1661 publication has now been identified, which contains both Gospel translations. This article aims to provide details of how this discovery was made, to assess its significance, to offer some preliminary comments concerning the language of the translation, and to suggest what future research should be undertaken on the translation. The article makes a start by providing a brief history of the Dutch presence in Taiwan in the seventeenth century and the work of missionaries in translating Christian texts into Siraya and another Formosan language, Favorlang, in order to provide the necessary historical context. The article then analyzes the reception of texts in Siraya since the nineteenth century to assess the value to scholarship of the identification of the translation of the Gospel of St. John by Gravius. Next, it makes some preliminary remarks on the language of the translation, above all the lexis and the lexical category of numerals, using Adelaar's monograph on the translation of the Gospel of St. Matthew into Siraya as a reference point. Several lexical items including 'water jar', 'mud', 'cave', and 'to spit' are identified and analyzed. Where possible, reconstructed Proto-Austronesian forms of which the Siraya words are reflexes are provided, as are cognates in other Formosan languages. Furthermore, the article analyzes Siraya noun phrases that occur only in the Gospel of St. John. In short, this contribution is the first attempt to analyze how this recently discovered text contributes to our knowledge of Siraya.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"59 1","pages":"212 - 231"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/OL.2020.0011","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49628647","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article is a response to Blust's lengthy article in Oceanic Linguistics 58(2): 153–256 in which he begins by critiquing an old paper (Reid 1982) that he knows I no longer believe in, but Blust continues to discuss it as though it is still my current position. His article is an attempt to establish his Proto-Philippines (PPh) primarily by reconstructing a large body of lexical items that he assumes are only found in the Philippines. I do not believe a PPh existed. I discuss multiple problems in phonology that are apparent in his reconstructions, both in the article and his online Austronesian Comparative Dictionary from which he has drawn his reconstructions. This includes the issue of prenasalization, its direction, and loss. Much of the discussion is involved with borrowing, or Blust'sterm "leakage," which assumes the reality of a PPh. His discussion of borrowing rejects what is known and discussed by other researchers. There is discussion of relying on negative evidence for assuming the reality of a hypothesis that Blust claims I was guilty of, and of which he is also guilty. The Blust article does not discuss the position of the languages of many Negrito groups in relation to his PPh, where his earlier articles do. The problems with his PPh are summarized in the conclusion.
{"title":"Response to Blust \"The Resurrection of Proto-Philippines\"","authors":"L. A. Reid","doi":"10.1353/OL.2020.0017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/OL.2020.0017","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article is a response to Blust's lengthy article in Oceanic Linguistics 58(2): 153–256 in which he begins by critiquing an old paper (Reid 1982) that he knows I no longer believe in, but Blust continues to discuss it as though it is still my current position. His article is an attempt to establish his Proto-Philippines (PPh) primarily by reconstructing a large body of lexical items that he assumes are only found in the Philippines. I do not believe a PPh existed. I discuss multiple problems in phonology that are apparent in his reconstructions, both in the article and his online Austronesian Comparative Dictionary from which he has drawn his reconstructions. This includes the issue of prenasalization, its direction, and loss. Much of the discussion is involved with borrowing, or Blust'sterm \"leakage,\" which assumes the reality of a PPh. His discussion of borrowing rejects what is known and discussed by other researchers. There is discussion of relying on negative evidence for assuming the reality of a hypothesis that Blust claims I was guilty of, and of which he is also guilty. The Blust article does not discuss the position of the languages of many Negrito groups in relation to his PPh, where his earlier articles do. The problems with his PPh are summarized in the conclusion.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"59 1","pages":"374 - 393"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/OL.2020.0017","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46684565","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Enggano, spoken on an island of the same name off the southern coast of Sumatra, Indonesia, has long puzzled historical linguists. Its high rate of lexical replacement and sometimes-obscure reflexes of reconstructed Proto-Malayo-Polynesian vocabulary have led many to question its status as an Austronesian language. Recent work on Enggano historical phonology and subgrouping has formed a strong argument for its inclusion in Malayo-Polynesian, but certain aspects of its historical phonology remain a mystery. This paper is concerned with word-level nasality, an innovation in Enggano that remains unexplained and has been described as an unconditioned split. The paper begins with the hypothesis that word-level nasality in Enggano spread from sonorant codas that first merged as nasals, then deleted. The only major condition on this change is that sonorant codas in syllables with a schwa nucleus did not trigger nasalization. Finally, the paper investigates several cases where, because of the large number of mergers in Enggano, the modern Enggano words cannot be unambiguously assigned to only one of multiple possible reconstructed words. The result is a hypothesis that can accurately explain the majority of cases of word-level nasality in Enggano, but with four exceptions where nasality is present with no apparent historical trigger. These four exceptions prevent a confident defense of the present hypothesis but may hold clues to Enggano's turbulent recent history and irregular intergenerational transmission due to a dramatic loss in the Enggano population.
{"title":"Nasalization in Enggano Historical Phonology","authors":"Alexander D. Smith","doi":"10.1353/OL.2020.0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/OL.2020.0015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Enggano, spoken on an island of the same name off the southern coast of Sumatra, Indonesia, has long puzzled historical linguists. Its high rate of lexical replacement and sometimes-obscure reflexes of reconstructed Proto-Malayo-Polynesian vocabulary have led many to question its status as an Austronesian language. Recent work on Enggano historical phonology and subgrouping has formed a strong argument for its inclusion in Malayo-Polynesian, but certain aspects of its historical phonology remain a mystery. This paper is concerned with word-level nasality, an innovation in Enggano that remains unexplained and has been described as an unconditioned split. The paper begins with the hypothesis that word-level nasality in Enggano spread from sonorant codas that first merged as nasals, then deleted. The only major condition on this change is that sonorant codas in syllables with a schwa nucleus did not trigger nasalization. Finally, the paper investigates several cases where, because of the large number of mergers in Enggano, the modern Enggano words cannot be unambiguously assigned to only one of multiple possible reconstructed words. The result is a hypothesis that can accurately explain the majority of cases of word-level nasality in Enggano, but with four exceptions where nasality is present with no apparent historical trigger. These four exceptions prevent a confident defense of the present hypothesis but may hold clues to Enggano's turbulent recent history and irregular intergenerational transmission due to a dramatic loss in the Enggano population.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"59 1","pages":"347 - 365"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/OL.2020.0015","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45604632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article focuses on the development of kan, a "say" verb in Central Cordilleran languages. The article deals with the possible historical development of this verb, and then discusses the unusual development of the locative voice suffix -an that it requires, which loses its final consonant only when singular pronouns are added, but not when plural pronouns are added. This is true for all locative and patient voice suffixes in Central Cordilleran languages. When a noun is the agent of the verb, there is a genitive enclitic before it, but only when the preceding word ends in a vowel, otherwise there is no genitive marking. This is discussed with reference to quotative indexes and the claim is made that the historical change of quotative index nominals to verbs results in the unusual development of "say" verbs and other verbs with locative and patient voice suffixes.
{"title":"The Development of the Verb SAY in Central Cordilleran Languages, Northern Philippines","authors":"L. A. Reid","doi":"10.1353/OL.2020.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/OL.2020.0013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article focuses on the development of kan, a \"say\" verb in Central Cordilleran languages. The article deals with the possible historical development of this verb, and then discusses the unusual development of the locative voice suffix -an that it requires, which loses its final consonant only when singular pronouns are added, but not when plural pronouns are added. This is true for all locative and patient voice suffixes in Central Cordilleran languages. When a noun is the agent of the verb, there is a genitive enclitic before it, but only when the preceding word ends in a vowel, otherwise there is no genitive marking. This is discussed with reference to quotative indexes and the claim is made that the historical change of quotative index nominals to verbs results in the unusual development of \"say\" verbs and other verbs with locative and patient voice suffixes.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"59 1","pages":"269 - 296"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/OL.2020.0013","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46214800","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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