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The Dalit Panthers: A Voice From the Below 贱民黑豹来自底层的声音
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-20 DOI: 10.1177/2455328x231209180
Masha Hassan
This article investigates the process of the domestication of ideas by the Dalit intellectuals leading to its radical assertion of ‘Dalit Consciousness’. A chance encounter with an article about the US Black Panthers in the Time magazine proved to be a wake-up call for the subalterns in India. The present paper centres around the ideologies adopted by the Dalit Panthers, the syncretism of ideas of B. R. Ambedkar, Jyotirao Phule and Karl Marx. Delving deeper into Ambedkar’s American academic background and his intellectual odyssey at Columbia University during the Harlem Renaissance, the article will look into the politics of emancipation, exchanges and similarities of both the intellectuals, W. E. B. Du Bois and B. R. Ambedkar as well as the influence of the Black Power movement on the Dalit movement and its literature. Tracing the trajectory of intersectional political and ideological diffusion between the two movements, this article, in addition to the above observations, will draw parallels by underlining the texts and themes of oppression present in both caste and race.
本文探讨了达利特知识分子将思想驯化并最终激进地提出 "达利特意识 "的过程。一次偶然的机会,在《时代》杂志上看到了一篇关于美国黑豹党的文章,这为印度的次贱民敲响了警钟。本文围绕 "贱民黑豹 "所采用的意识形态,即 B. R. Ambedkar、Jyotirao Phule 和卡尔-马克思思想的融合。文章将深入探讨安贝德卡的美国学术背景和他在哈莱姆文艺复兴时期在哥伦比亚大学的思想历程,研究解放政治、W. E. B. Du Bois 和 B. R. Ambedkar 这两位知识分子之间的交流和相似之处,以及黑人力量运动对贱民运动及其文学的影响。本文将追溯这两个运动之间政治和意识形态交叉传播的轨迹,除上述观点外,还将通过强调种姓和种族中存在的压迫文本和主题,得出相似之处。
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引用次数: 0
Ritualizing Politics and Politicizing Ritual: A Study of Kullu Dussehra 政治仪式化与仪式政治化:库尔勒 Dussehra 节研究
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-13 DOI: 10.1177/2455328x231205396
Dolon Sarkar
The study explores the modus operandi of the communities, kingship and modern nation-state in the spatial distribution of power in the ritual space. Kullu Dussehra is celebrated as a performative idiom of kingship, symbolically legitimizing royal or political power. It has consistently been appearing as a political phenomenon of burning Ravana’s effigy by the political leader. This symbolic role associates them with the pan-Indian imagination of ruler or lawmaker as the protector of dharma. In Kullu Dussehra, the share of power is spatially distributed, and the manifestation of royal power is celebrated and transmitted in public. The ritual space manifests the intersectionality of traditional notions of kingship and the modern nation-state. The paper tries to understand the power politics related to caste and social hierarchy in the Kullvi community. An overt caste-based ritual duty is highly practiced and expected to be celebrated by the community. However, there are multiple possibilities for the community to destabilize the ideological orientation of the hegemonic agencies.
本研究探讨了社区、王权和现代民族国家在仪式空间权力分配中的运作方式。库尔勒 Dussehra 节被视为王权的表演性成语,象征着王权或政治权力的合法化。它一直作为政治领袖焚烧拉瓦纳肖像的政治现象出现。这一象征性角色将他们与泛印度人对统治者或立法者作为佛法保护者的想象联系在一起。在库尔勒 Dussehra 节中,权力的份额在空间上得到了分配,王权的体现在公共场合得到了庆祝和传播。仪式空间体现了传统王权观念与现代民族国家的交叉性。本文试图了解库尔维社区中与种姓和社会等级相关的权力政治。以种姓为基础的公开仪式职责在社区中得到了高度实践,并有望得到庆祝。然而,该社区有多种可能来颠覆霸权机构的意识形态导向。
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引用次数: 0
The Gandhamardan Movement of Western Odisha and Its Contemporary Relevance 西奥迪沙的甘达玛尔丹运动及其当代意义
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-12 DOI: 10.1177/2455328x231207667
Baijayanti Rout
In the modern world, the demand for mineral products is significantly increasing, which attracts many investors to invest in mineral extraction. Most of the mineral deposits are in tribal-dominated areas that are being affected by resource extraction activities. Odisha, a mineral-rich state, has become a favourite destination for investors. Most of the local livings are tribals who depend on the hill’s natural resources as their traditional livelihood. The local tribals protested for their rights in religious places near the mine to protect traditional livelihood and to save the natural environment. This article attempts to understand how the local indigenous groups and others are motivated to join the resistance movement and also examines the present status of pushing factors. It also focuses on how the indigenous groups, activists and other organizations made the movement successful. Eventually, the state government had to withdraw the project because of the strong leadership, selfless dedication and sacrifice of local tribals, well-planned strategies of the activists and global–national–local supports to save the environment.
现代世界对矿产品的需求大幅增加,这吸引了许多投资者投资矿产开采。大多数矿藏都位于以部落为主的地区,这些地区正受到资源开采活动的影响。矿产资源丰富的奥迪沙邦已成为投资者青睐的目的地。大多数当地居民都是部落居民,他们依靠山上的自然资源作为传统生计。为了保护传统生计和拯救自然环境,当地部落居民在矿山附近的宗教场所举行抗议活动,以争取自己的权利。本文试图了解当地原住民群体和其他群体是如何被激励加入抵抗运动的,并研究了推动因素的现状。文章还重点介绍了原住民团体、活动家和其他组织如何使运动取得成功。最终,由于当地部落的坚强领导、无私奉献和牺牲精神、活动家精心策划的战略以及全球-国家-地方对拯救环境的支持,州政府不得不撤销该项目。
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引用次数: 0
Impact of Informal Online Learning on the Lives of Tribal Women: An Ethnographic Study from Central India 非正规在线学习对部落妇女生活的影响:印度中部人种学研究
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/2455328x231207515
Ananya Acherjee, E. Kasi, Hariharan R.
Technology has a significant impact on our daily lives. Before the COVID-19 outbreak, we were not adequately aware of the use of technology, either in academia or otherwise. After the pandemic, we have been forced to depend on technology for everything. Tribal women in India are deprived of their social, economic, and political rights. Hence, they are in rampant state of poverty and do not have minimum needs to survive. This prevents them from engaging in traditional learning activities. Despite of these limitations, few of them do possess android phones in order to fulfil their essential need of telephonic engagement with their friends and peers. However, it is through these devices that they can most conveniently engage in informal learning through technology and thus, informal technological learning is highly beneficial to tribal women. The article draws its inferences from both primary and secondary sources of data. The primary data is gathered through a field study among the Gond and Panika tribal women from Lalpur village of Pushprajgarh, Anuppur District of Madhya Pradesh. The village is an adjacent to IGNTU campus. The secondary data is gathered from published and unpublished sources, online materials, and other related literature from magazines, newspapers, and reports of government and non-government agencies. The thrust of the article is to explain the use of technology and its benefits to tribal women in their day-to-day life situations.
科技对我们的日常生活产生了重大影响。在2019冠状病毒病暴发之前,无论是在学术界还是其他领域,我们都没有充分认识到技术的使用。大流行之后,我们被迫在一切方面依赖技术。印度部落妇女被剥夺了社会、经济和政治权利。因此,他们处于猖獗的贫困状态,没有最低的生存需求。这使他们无法参与传统的学习活动。尽管有这些限制,他们中很少有人拥有安卓手机,以满足他们与朋友和同龄人进行电话交流的基本需求。然而,正是通过这些设备,她们可以最方便地通过技术进行非正式学习,因此,非正式技术学习对部落妇女非常有益。这篇文章从第一手和第二手的数据来源中得出推论。主要数据是通过对中央邦阿努普尔区Pushprajgarh的Lalpur村的Gond和Panika部落妇女的实地研究收集的。该村毗邻IGNTU校园。二手数据收集自已发表和未发表的来源、在线材料和其他相关文献,包括杂志、报纸、政府和非政府机构的报告。这篇文章的主旨是解释技术的使用及其对部落妇女在日常生活中的好处。
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引用次数: 0
Situating Injustice in the Frame of Dalit Politics: A Case of Democracy in Nayattu 将不公正置于达利特政治框架中:纳亚图的民主案例
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/2455328x231200741
Jerome Vadackel, C. Romeo
It might not be amiss to observe that, Nayattu, the Malayalam movie by filmmaker Martin Prakkat rides its last lap on the breathtaking suspense of a suspension of justice set in the backdrop of Indian electoral politics. Such suspense or suspension is hardly unanticipated in the writings of Jacques Derrida for whom the reasoning of democracy is of ‘a certain reason to come, as democracy to come’. Rather than eager anticipation ready to bear fruit, the reasoning of democracy is the contrary. It is the impossibility of ever bearing fruit which is portrayed through the executive’s insensitivity and domineeringness towards ordinary man’s justice. Several other characteristics also make the movie a worthwhile analysis in this frame. It is the story of the sheer inadequacy of traditional democratic institutions in fulfilling their role—three police officers who are wrongly accused need to run to the valley/hill outside the walls of the ‘city’ in search of a place of refuge that is never to be found. However, it is the portrayal of Dalits both as the mob and as the victimized that contributes to the tempo of the movie.
导演马丁·普拉卡特(Martin Prakkat)执导的马拉雅拉姆电影《那亚图》(Nayattu)的最后一圈,以印度选举政治为背景,讲述了司法暂停的惊险悬念,这可能不会有什么错。在雅克·德里达的著作中,这种悬念或悬疑几乎是意料之外的,对他来说,民主的推理是“某种理由即将到来,就像民主即将到来一样”。而不是热切的期待准备结果,民主的推理是相反的。这是永远不可能结出果实,这是通过行政人员对普通人的正义的不敏感和霸道来描绘的。其他几个特点也使这部电影在这个框架下值得分析。这是一个关于传统民主机构在履行其职责方面完全不足的故事——三名被错误指控的警察需要跑到“城市”墙外的山谷/山上寻找一个永远找不到的避难所。然而,正是达利特作为暴民和受害者的写照,为电影的节奏做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Digital Dilemmas and Exclusion of Marginals: A Trajectory from Paradox of Privacy to Poverty of Privacy 数字困境与边缘人排斥:从隐私悖论到隐私贫困的轨迹
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/2455328x231206919
Gurram Ashok, Donthagani Veerababu
This article investigates the competing claims over privacy by the state and civil society as the digital dilemmas arise in the implementation of the Aadhaar Act, 2016 that poses a potential challenge to people’s right to privacy guaranteed under the Indian constitution. The objective is to examine how different sections, especially the marginals such as SC, ST, OBCs, minorities, and women perceive and practice privacy in enrolling for Aadhaar in India. This article has adopted a technique of ‘convenient sampling’ in conducting in-depth discussions with ‘open-ended questions’ during fieldwork in the Telangana state of India. The empirical evidence suggests that demographic factors such as class, caste, gender, and religion influence privacy in India. Further, the interpretation of the informants’ responses, on privacy and Aadhaar, indicates the prevailing ‘poverty of privacy’ rather than the ‘privacy paradox’ among the marginalized sections.
本文调查了2016年Aadhaar法案实施过程中出现的数字困境,这对印度宪法保障的人民隐私权构成了潜在的挑战,国家和民间社会对隐私的竞争主张。目的是研究印度不同阶层,特别是边缘群体,如种姓、种姓、边远地区、少数民族和妇女,在注册Aadhaar时如何看待和实践隐私。本文采用了“方便抽样”的技术,在印度特伦甘纳邦的田野调查中与“开放式问题”进行了深入的讨论。经验证据表明,阶级、种姓、性别和宗教等人口因素影响着印度的隐私。此外,对举报人关于隐私和Aadhaar的回答的解释表明,在边缘化群体中,普遍存在的是“隐私的贫困”,而不是“隐私悖论”。
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引用次数: 0
Parental Migration and Education: Lived Experiences of Dalit and Adivasi Children in a Village of Madhya Pradesh 父母的迁移与教育:中央邦一个村庄的达利特和阿迪瓦西儿童的生活经历
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-26 DOI: 10.1177/2455328x231198689
Rajshree Chanchal, Ajit kumar Lenka
The article grapples with the tacit interplay of poverty, caste, and gender and its effects on the education of children in a village. It explores how pandemic-induced school closure impacted the life chances of marginalised children during and after the pandemic in the ‘deprived geography’ of rural Madhya Pradesh. The article offers accounts of rural SC/ST children, which subverts the narratives of affordability, flexibility, and ‘freedom’ online education presented during the pandemic-induced school closure for middle and upper-caste/class city dwellers. The experiences of Dalit and Adivasi children reflect on the disruptions brought in their lives and educational pathways due to pandemic-induced school closure since 2020. The article’s findings suggest that social and educational inequalities are exacerbated due to the pandemic. For SC/ST children, humiliation and stigma are part of daily school life. There is no change in the hidden curriculum which tends to reinforce caste-based hierarchy in pedagogy and the social activity of eating mid-day meals. Children’s welfare is compromised in several ways. Boys and girls have to prioritize the family’s demands. They suffer in multiple ways besides learning loss and socio-emotional stress. Girls are pushed into early marriages while boys are in exploitative labour, which is a clear violation of constitutional laws.
文章探讨了贫困、种姓和性别的默契相互作用及其对一个村庄儿童教育的影响。文章探讨了在大流行期间和之后,在中央邦农村的 "贫困地域",大流行导致的学校关闭是如何影响边缘化儿童的生活机会的。文章介绍了农村在册种姓/在册部落儿童的情况,颠覆了大流行病导致学校关闭期间为城市中上等种姓/阶级居民提供的负担得起、灵活和 "自由 "在线教育的说法。达利特和阿迪瓦西儿童的经历反映了自 2020 年以来大流行病引发的学校关闭给他们的生活和教育途径带来的干扰。文章的研究结果表明,大流行病加剧了社会和教育不平等。对在册种姓/在册部落儿童而言,羞辱和耻辱是日常学校生活的一部分。隐性课程没有改变,在教学法和吃中饭的社会活动中,隐性课程往往会强化基于种姓的等级制度。儿童的福利在多个方面受到损害。男孩和女孩必须优先考虑家庭的需求。除了学习成绩下降和社会情感压力之外,他们还受到多方面的伤害。女童被迫早婚,而男童则从事受剥削的劳动,这显然违反了宪法法律。
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引用次数: 0
Empowering Tribal Women Through MGNREGA: A Study of Keonjhar District of Odisha 通过 MGNREGA 增强部落妇女的能力:对奥迪沙 Keonjhar 地区的研究
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-26 DOI: 10.1177/2455328x231198711
Saraswati Majhi, Iswar Chandra Naik
Keonjhar district is the central integrated tribal district of Odisha. The tribal families in the Keonjhar district, particularly women, were concerned about financial security. In 2006, the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) programme was initiated in the district during its first implementation stage across the country. The effective investment of the tribal people, particularly tribal women in the Keonjhar district. In the tribal area of Keonjhar district, the scheme has become a vital source of income. The system allowed women to earn money independently and find a good livelihood. It has achieved more significant financial freedom for tribal women. On the whole economic situation of the household has enhanced due to the participation in the programme.As a woman, she began to earn money and she was able to gain respect for tribal women and establish a new identity within the family. As a result, the scheme improved the livelihood opportunities for tribal women in the Keonjhar district of Odisha.
基昂贾尔区是奥迪沙邦的中央综合部落区。基昂贾尔县的部落家庭,尤其是妇女,非常关注经济安全问题。2006 年,《圣雄甘地全国农村就业保障法》(MGNREGA)计划在全国范围内的第一个实施阶段在该县启动。部落人民,特别是基昂贾尔地区的部落妇女进行了有效投资。在基昂贾尔县的部落地区,该计划已成为重要的收入来源。该系统使妇女能够独立赚钱,找到良好的生计。它为部落妇女带来了更大的财务自由。作为一名妇女,她开始挣钱,并赢得了部落妇女的尊重,在家庭中建立了新的身份。因此,该计划改善了奥迪沙邦 Keonjhar 地区部落妇女的谋生机会。
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引用次数: 0
Towards a Theoretical and Legal Framework for Dalit Massacre 建立达利特人屠杀的理论和法律框架
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-26 DOI: 10.1177/2455328x231209627
J. Justin, Nirmala Menon
Massacre studies have long been overshadowed by other disciplines, especially genocide studies (the Holocaust being a prominent one). The absence of an accepted definition of the term ‘massacre’ legally and theoretically makes it more difficult to differentiate and establish the field of massacre studies from other disciplines. The lack of consensus among scholars about the classifications and causalities of massacres in turn make understanding the phenomenon arduous. In this article, we attempt a literature review of the field of massacre studies by looking at the existing theoretical and legal frameworks internationally and nationally in India, to understand the gaps in the same. The findings are utilized to develop a working definition of massacre, especially Dalit massacres in India and to propose a legal and theoretical framework for the same. The latter is achieved by building upon the works and thoughts of the stalwarts in Dalit studies as well as the existing laws related to massacres.
长期以来,大屠杀研究一直被其他学科,特别是种族灭绝研究(大屠杀是其中一个突出的学科)所掩盖。由于 "屠杀 "一词在法律上和理论上缺乏公认的定义,屠杀研究领域更难与其他学科区分开来。学者们对大屠杀的分类和因果关系缺乏共识,这反过来又使人们难以理解大屠杀现象。在本文中,我们尝试对屠杀研究领域进行文献综述,研究国际和印度国内现有的理论和法律框架,以了解其中的差距。我们将利用这些研究成果为屠杀,尤其是印度的达利特人屠杀制定一个可行的定义,并为其提出一个法律和理论框架。后者是通过借鉴达利特研究中坚人士的著作和思想以及与屠杀有关的现行法律来实现的。
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引用次数: 0
Field Narratives on ‘Caste’, ‘Casteism’ and Violence: A Study of Everydayness and Gender in Heterogeneous Society of a Rural Uttar Pradesh 关于 "种姓"、"种姓主义 "和暴力的实地叙述:北方邦农村异质社会中的日常性与性别研究
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-26 DOI: 10.1177/2455328x231198662
Birendri
‘Casteism’ and ‘violence’ against women are the two different social evils that are quite evident in Indian society. If we make an ontological inquiry into the aspects of caste and violence, we come to know about certain tensions exists in the structural relationship gender in society and its relationship with caste. Women have been made and push towards becoming the soft target of the violence in any area of society. This article has tried to make a distinction between violence at private places and public place across the geographies of social, political and cultural nature in conceptualizing the larger relationship of the society beyond family relation focusing on ‘casteism’. So, in this article it has been tried to explore the processes of ‘casteism’ leading to cultivate sexual violence against ‘women’, how the ‘casteism’ plays role to victimized women and how do the victimization of women creates a ‘social violence’ has been attempted to answer in this article. Interview method, purposive sampling and focused group discussion have been the important elements of methodology in this article. Also, both the primary and secondary resources have been used to check empirical findings and the claims made by author on the very issue of ‘sexual violence’ against women.
种姓制度 "和对妇女的 "暴力 "是印度社会中非常明显的两种不同的社会弊端。如果我们从本体论的角度来探究种姓和暴力问题,就会发现社会中的性别结构关系及其与种姓的关系存在着某些紧张关系。在社会的任何领域,妇女都会成为暴力的软目标。本文试图从社会、政治和文化性质的角度,区分私人场所和公共场所的暴力,以 "种姓主 义 "为重点,将家庭关系以外的更广泛的社会关系概念化。因此,本文试图探讨 "种姓主义 "导致对 "妇女 "的性暴力的形成过程,"种姓主义 "如何对受害妇女发挥作用,以及受害妇女如何形成 "社会暴力"。访谈法、目的取样法和重点小组讨论法是本文研究方法的重要组成部分。此外,本文还使用了第一手资料和第二手资料来检验作者在对妇女的 "性暴力 "问题上的实证研究结果和主张。
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引用次数: 0
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Contemporary Voice of Dalit
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