Pub Date : 2024-09-14DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241266637
Kunal Sinha
The masquerading effect of caste has engulfed the social structure in such a way that the myth associated with it has perked up in the ideas of existence, making it a reality regulating day-to-day affairs of interaction. Most of the time, it is considered a functional prerequisite. The stratification associated with it has conformity emanating from the acceptance of the identity, which is not evading even after migrating to foreign countries to participate and be part of the capitalist mode of production. Artificial Intelligence (AI) is a creation of the human mind. Caste is also a creation of the human mind. Technology has always paved the way for the betterment of society if used properly. Caste practices have always divided society and contaminated the public sphere with divisive manifestations of their stronghold in influencing social processes and policies. Annihilation of caste was the published work of Dr B. R. Ambedkar in the year 1936, and still the content and the context are seen in society.In the backdrop of this, the article engages with the role (if any) of AI in mitigating the divisions in society. The readers are already aware of the repercussions of the caste system since time immemorial. The diffusion of technology has always been trying to be inclusive, depending on the socio-economic aspect of any society. Industrialization along with the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) revolution has rendered several avenues and opportunities for the so-called lower caste people to come forward and amalgamate themselves with the so-called upper caste people in the socio- economic process. The article discusses the prospect of the annihilation of caste by the influence of AI. It also engages in discussing caste as a main component of individual and community identity, which has become immune to any form of change in society. The article is based on available secondary sources.
种姓的伪装效应以这样一种方式席卷了社会结构，使与之相关的神话在人们的观念中复活，成为调节日常交往事务的现实。在大多数情况下，种姓被视为一种功能性的先决条件。与之相关的阶层划分具有源自对身份认同的一致性，即使移民到外国参与资本主义生产方式并成为其中的一员，也不会回避这种认同。人工智能（AI）是人类思维的创造物。种姓也是人类思维的创造。如果使用得当，技术总能为社会的进步铺平道路。种姓习俗总是分裂社会，并以其影响社会进程和政策的据点的分裂表现污染公共领域。消灭种姓 "是 B. R. Ambedkar 博士于 1936 年发表的著作，其内容和背景至今仍在社会上流传。读者已经意识到种姓制度自古以来的影响。技术的传播一直在努力实现包容性，这取决于任何社会的社会经济方面。工业化以及信息和通信技术（ICT）革命为所谓的低种姓人群提供了多种途径和机会，使他们能够挺身而出，在社会经济进程中与所谓的高种姓人群融合在一起。文章讨论了在人工智能的影响下消灭种姓的前景。文章还讨论了种姓作为个人和社区身份认同的主要组成部分，已经无法抵御社会中任何形式的变革。文章以现有的二手资料为基础。
{"title":"Prospects of Artificial Intelligence in the Annihilation of Caste","authors":"Kunal Sinha","doi":"10.1177/2455328x241266637","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2455328x241266637","url":null,"abstract":"The masquerading effect of caste has engulfed the social structure in such a way that the myth associated with it has perked up in the ideas of existence, making it a reality regulating day-to-day affairs of interaction. Most of the time, it is considered a functional prerequisite. The stratification associated with it has conformity emanating from the acceptance of the identity, which is not evading even after migrating to foreign countries to participate and be part of the capitalist mode of production. Artificial Intelligence (AI) is a creation of the human mind. Caste is also a creation of the human mind. Technology has always paved the way for the betterment of society if used properly. Caste practices have always divided society and contaminated the public sphere with divisive manifestations of their stronghold in influencing social processes and policies. Annihilation of caste was the published work of Dr B. R. Ambedkar in the year 1936, and still the content and the context are seen in society.In the backdrop of this, the article engages with the role (if any) of AI in mitigating the divisions in society. The readers are already aware of the repercussions of the caste system since time immemorial. The diffusion of technology has always been trying to be inclusive, depending on the socio-economic aspect of any society. Industrialization along with the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) revolution has rendered several avenues and opportunities for the so-called lower caste people to come forward and amalgamate themselves with the so-called upper caste people in the socio- economic process. The article discusses the prospect of the annihilation of caste by the influence of AI. It also engages in discussing caste as a main component of individual and community identity, which has become immune to any form of change in society. The article is based on available secondary sources.","PeriodicalId":53196,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Voice of Dalit","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142251178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-09-10DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241270311
Subhayu Bhattacharjee, Sinor Lama
In the prefatory remarks to her translation of Mahashweta Devi’s Draupadi, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak writes that the self-fulfilling premise of knowledge regarding the objects of critical discourse colours Western observations on the Other, although the text of Draupadi is potent enough in showing its blatant inadequacies and thus rendering the character of Dopdi Mejhen as neither completely understandable nor ‘translatable’. Translation, in critical discourse, therefore transcends the literal definition of the term as change of diction or language and encapsulates the idea of discursive readjustment as well. Jacinta Kerketta’s poems highlight the politics of ‘translation’ adopted by the modern welfare state in postcolonial India vis-à-vis the plight of Adivasis. While constitutional guarantees and safeguards constitute the benevolently sovereign nature of the postcolonial state, the complexities involved in the execution of these guarantees render them fallible in co-opting the demands and rights of the Adivasi in the narrative of national progress and other statist goals and objectives. On the other hand, Kerketta’s poems serve to offer a literary resistance to the complaisant presumptions of politico-legal discourse and create unprecedented fissures in concepts that are held to be self-explanatory and integral features of the modern welfare state.
{"title":"Reversing Sovereignty: Deconstructing State ‘Rights’ and ‘Welfare’ in Jacinta Kerketta’s Poetry","authors":"Subhayu Bhattacharjee, Sinor Lama","doi":"10.1177/2455328x241270311","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2455328x241270311","url":null,"abstract":"In the prefatory remarks to her translation of Mahashweta Devi’s Draupadi, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak writes that the self-fulfilling premise of knowledge regarding the objects of critical discourse colours Western observations on the Other, although the text of Draupadi is potent enough in showing its blatant inadequacies and thus rendering the character of Dopdi Mejhen as neither completely understandable nor ‘translatable’. Translation, in critical discourse, therefore transcends the literal definition of the term as change of diction or language and encapsulates the idea of discursive readjustment as well. Jacinta Kerketta’s poems highlight the politics of ‘translation’ adopted by the modern welfare state in postcolonial India vis-à-vis the plight of Adivasis. While constitutional guarantees and safeguards constitute the benevolently sovereign nature of the postcolonial state, the complexities involved in the execution of these guarantees render them fallible in co-opting the demands and rights of the Adivasi in the narrative of national progress and other statist goals and objectives. On the other hand, Kerketta’s poems serve to offer a literary resistance to the complaisant presumptions of politico-legal discourse and create unprecedented fissures in concepts that are held to be self-explanatory and integral features of the modern welfare state.","PeriodicalId":53196,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Voice of Dalit","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142216271","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-09-10DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241228638
Mohd. Fahad Khan, Shuchi Kaparwan
Radhika Iyengar, Fire on the Ganges: Life Among the Dead in Banaras. HarperCollins Publishers India. 2023, 347 pp., ₹599 (Hardcover). ISBN: 978-93-5699-467-6.
{"title":"Book review: Radhika Iyengar, Fire on the Ganges: Life Among the Dead in Banaras","authors":"Mohd. Fahad Khan, Shuchi Kaparwan","doi":"10.1177/2455328x241228638","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2455328x241228638","url":null,"abstract":"Radhika Iyengar, Fire on the Ganges: Life Among the Dead in Banaras. HarperCollins Publishers India. 2023, 347 pp., ₹599 (Hardcover). ISBN: 978-93-5699-467-6.","PeriodicalId":53196,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Voice of Dalit","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142216270","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-26DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241260462
Javid Ahmad Moochi
Caste and identity have continued to remain sensitive issues in India for a very long time, and being so, they often get mixed up with other issues of the time. Theorizing the margins needs to go beyond the ‘visible’ Dalits and needs to pursue the inclusion of the cultures of the ‘invisible’ castes and communities. The caste, sub-caste and other castes that are not part of the organized and unorganized institutions need to be taken up as a topic of research by academics. Academic studies on caste and class in the context of the Kashmir Valley are also not free from this limitation. Moreover, there is a common perception among the intellectuals as well as in the academic world that Kashmir as an Islamic society is free from caste violence, which is, of course not true. This study tries to describe the everyday struggle undertaken by the members of the fishermen community, one of the sub-castes among Hanjis (Water Dwellers), who experience discrimination, alienation and exclusion due to their poverty and identity. They have not only been exploited by their fellow beings but also by the state from time to time. This peculiar ethnic group has been closely attached to water instead of land for centuries, and the various facets of their lives demand thorough investigation. This article also endeavours to peep into the socio-economic conditions of this community, with special reference to continuity and change.
{"title":"Voices from Within: A Tale of Caste and Oppression in Kashmir","authors":"Javid Ahmad Moochi","doi":"10.1177/2455328x241260462","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2455328x241260462","url":null,"abstract":"Caste and identity have continued to remain sensitive issues in India for a very long time, and being so, they often get mixed up with other issues of the time. Theorizing the margins needs to go beyond the ‘visible’ Dalits and needs to pursue the inclusion of the cultures of the ‘invisible’ castes and communities. The caste, sub-caste and other castes that are not part of the organized and unorganized institutions need to be taken up as a topic of research by academics. Academic studies on caste and class in the context of the Kashmir Valley are also not free from this limitation. Moreover, there is a common perception among the intellectuals as well as in the academic world that Kashmir as an Islamic society is free from caste violence, which is, of course not true. This study tries to describe the everyday struggle undertaken by the members of the fishermen community, one of the sub-castes among Hanjis (Water Dwellers), who experience discrimination, alienation and exclusion due to their poverty and identity. They have not only been exploited by their fellow beings but also by the state from time to time. This peculiar ethnic group has been closely attached to water instead of land for centuries, and the various facets of their lives demand thorough investigation. This article also endeavours to peep into the socio-economic conditions of this community, with special reference to continuity and change.","PeriodicalId":53196,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Voice of Dalit","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142216274","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Book review: Radhika Iyengar, Fire on the Ganges: Life Among the Dead in Banaras","authors":"Anindita Bhattacharjee","doi":"10.1177/2455328x241258816","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2455328x241258816","url":null,"abstract":"Radhika Iyengar, Fire on the Ganges: Life Among the Dead in Banaras. Fourth Estate, 2023, 352 pp., ₹599 (Hardcover). ISBN: 9789356994676.","PeriodicalId":53196,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Voice of Dalit","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-08-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142216272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-12DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241259822
Jadab Munda, Mihir Adhikary, Amiya Saha
This study explores the association between the untouchability experiences in households and the migration status of India’s Scheduled Caste community. Utilizing descriptive statistics and binary logistic regression models, this study analyses migration determinants that are induced by untouchability. The findings indicate that households experiencing untouchability are twice as likely to migrate (uOR = 2.03, CI = 1.71–2.42). Even after adjusting for socio-economic and regional factors in the regression model, the higher odds persist at 1.5 times higher (aOR = 1.51, CI = 1.15–1.98). Uttar Pradesh (21.94%), Rajasthan (12.61%) and Madhya Pradesh (9.81%) exhibit the highest untouchability rates. Madhya Pradesh (33.65%) records the highest migration rate due to untouchability, followed by Rajasthan (18.01%), Uttar Pradesh (9%) and Bihar (9%). This study underscores a noteworthy disparity in migration patterns between those experiencing untouchability and those who do not. Addressing untouchability is essential for mitigating its profound effects on migration, socio-economic mobility and community dynamics, promoting a more inclusive and equitable society.
{"title":"Untouchability-Induced Migration in India: Exploring the Trajectory of Scheduled Caste Migrants","authors":"Jadab Munda, Mihir Adhikary, Amiya Saha","doi":"10.1177/2455328x241259822","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2455328x241259822","url":null,"abstract":"This study explores the association between the untouchability experiences in households and the migration status of India’s Scheduled Caste community. Utilizing descriptive statistics and binary logistic regression models, this study analyses migration determinants that are induced by untouchability. The findings indicate that households experiencing untouchability are twice as likely to migrate (uOR = 2.03, CI = 1.71–2.42). Even after adjusting for socio-economic and regional factors in the regression model, the higher odds persist at 1.5 times higher (aOR = 1.51, CI = 1.15–1.98). Uttar Pradesh (21.94%), Rajasthan (12.61%) and Madhya Pradesh (9.81%) exhibit the highest untouchability rates. Madhya Pradesh (33.65%) records the highest migration rate due to untouchability, followed by Rajasthan (18.01%), Uttar Pradesh (9%) and Bihar (9%). This study underscores a noteworthy disparity in migration patterns between those experiencing untouchability and those who do not. Addressing untouchability is essential for mitigating its profound effects on migration, socio-economic mobility and community dynamics, promoting a more inclusive and equitable society.","PeriodicalId":53196,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Voice of Dalit","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-08-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142216273","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-07DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241254177
Sewa Lal
The concept of inclusive democracy has gained special attention in the past few decades, as it is a prerequisite for transparent and participatory governance. Also, it promotes decentralization with the open participation of the citizens. In order to attain inclusive governance with a transparent and efficient system, the 73rd Amendment Act has been providing opportunities to promote inclusive democracy in rural India in the form of panchayats since its inception. In Punjab, village democracies are also known as Gram Sabhas. The 73rd Amendment is meant for the inclusion of the marginals, especially the Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs) and women at the grassroot politics. This study examines the status of participation and representation of SCs at the Panchayati level in general and particularly in comparison to the General category (GC) representatives in the Majha region. Moreover, the study locates where the SCs stand against GCs in the process of decision-making at the Panchayati level. The opinions and observations of the study were based upon in-depth interviews of 408 representatives of panchayats, which show that 73rd Amendment increases awareness, consciousness and assertion among the SCs for their rights in the Panchayati Raj. It also leads to the emergence of grassroot leadership among them. Also, the study depicts the frontward representation of SC women in the panchayats. Similarly, the study reflects some regional issues and concerns predominant in the panchayats. Besides, suggestions and recommendations are also made to promote inclusiveness at the grassroots.
{"title":"Inclusive Democracy Through the 73rd Amendment Act: An Empirical Evaluation of Scheduled Castes in Majha Region of Punjab","authors":"Sewa Lal","doi":"10.1177/2455328x241254177","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2455328x241254177","url":null,"abstract":"The concept of inclusive democracy has gained special attention in the past few decades, as it is a prerequisite for transparent and participatory governance. Also, it promotes decentralization with the open participation of the citizens. In order to attain inclusive governance with a transparent and efficient system, the 73rd Amendment Act has been providing opportunities to promote inclusive democracy in rural India in the form of panchayats since its inception. In Punjab, village democracies are also known as Gram Sabhas. The 73rd Amendment is meant for the inclusion of the marginals, especially the Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs) and women at the grassroot politics. This study examines the status of participation and representation of SCs at the Panchayati level in general and particularly in comparison to the General category (GC) representatives in the Majha region. Moreover, the study locates where the SCs stand against GCs in the process of decision-making at the Panchayati level. The opinions and observations of the study were based upon in-depth interviews of 408 representatives of panchayats, which show that 73rd Amendment increases awareness, consciousness and assertion among the SCs for their rights in the Panchayati Raj. It also leads to the emergence of grassroot leadership among them. Also, the study depicts the frontward representation of SC women in the panchayats. Similarly, the study reflects some regional issues and concerns predominant in the panchayats. Besides, suggestions and recommendations are also made to promote inclusiveness at the grassroots.","PeriodicalId":53196,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Voice of Dalit","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141934583","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-06DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241262562
Kavita Dehalwar, Shashikant Nishant Sharma
The discussion highlights concerns regarding gender-based reservations in India, particularly the potential for these policies to disproportionately benefit wealthier and upper-class women, sidelining women from lower socio-economic strata and disadvantaged castes. It proposes solutions such as ‘reservation within reservation’ for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes to ensure equitable distribution of benefits and advocates for a shift towards economic-based reservations, considering financial need rather than gender alone. The importance of education, awareness campaigns and transparent criteria for reservation is emphasized, promoting equal access to opportunities. An intersectional approach that addresses both gender and caste factors is deemed essential to bridge existing disparities. The discussion concludes by emphasizing the need for regular reviews and data-driven policy adjustments to create an inclusive reservation system that empowers individuals from all backgrounds, aligning with the broader goal of fostering a just and balanced society.
{"title":"Politics in the Name of Women’s Reservation","authors":"Kavita Dehalwar, Shashikant Nishant Sharma","doi":"10.1177/2455328x241262562","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2455328x241262562","url":null,"abstract":"The discussion highlights concerns regarding gender-based reservations in India, particularly the potential for these policies to disproportionately benefit wealthier and upper-class women, sidelining women from lower socio-economic strata and disadvantaged castes. It proposes solutions such as ‘reservation within reservation’ for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes to ensure equitable distribution of benefits and advocates for a shift towards economic-based reservations, considering financial need rather than gender alone. The importance of education, awareness campaigns and transparent criteria for reservation is emphasized, promoting equal access to opportunities. An intersectional approach that addresses both gender and caste factors is deemed essential to bridge existing disparities. The discussion concludes by emphasizing the need for regular reviews and data-driven policy adjustments to create an inclusive reservation system that empowers individuals from all backgrounds, aligning with the broader goal of fostering a just and balanced society.","PeriodicalId":53196,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Voice of Dalit","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-08-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141934581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-01DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241262084
Aamir Jamal Khan
Pratinav Anil, Another India: The Making of the World’s Largest Muslim Minority, 1947–77. Hurst, 2023, 432 pp. £25.00 (Hardback). ISBN: 9781787388086.
Pratinav Anil，《另一个印度》：The Making of the World's Largest Muslim Minority, 1947-77.Hurst, 2023, 432 pp.25.00英镑（精装本）。ISBN：9781787388086。
{"title":"Book review: Pratinav Anil, Another India: The Making of the World’s Largest Muslim Minority, 1947–77","authors":"Aamir Jamal Khan","doi":"10.1177/2455328x241262084","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2455328x241262084","url":null,"abstract":"Pratinav Anil, Another India: The Making of the World’s Largest Muslim Minority, 1947–77. Hurst, 2023, 432 pp. £25.00 (Hardback). ISBN: 9781787388086.","PeriodicalId":53196,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Voice of Dalit","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141885105","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-25DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241257999
Surbhi Sharma, Anurag Kumar
Muted group theory has considerably reflected on marginalized groups that remain muted and underrepresented. The distinct standpoint of these marginal groups gives them a voice to represent themselves in the dominant social structure, specifically the men of the marginal groups, forming a co-cultural group. Women, on the other hand, have been placed in a space that neither includes nor completely excludes them. Their voices remain unheard and are often misrepresented by the various interlocutors that have been appointed to present their issues upfront. The article analyses the communication strategies of Dalit women in a dominant public sphere and their oppressed position by delving into the distinct ways in which they communicate with each other as well as the dominant group, sharing experiences of oppressive realities and atrocities. The article contextualizes the arguments in Urmila Pawar’s The Weave of My Life: A Dalit Woman’s Memoirs (2008) and We Also Made History: Women in the Ambedkarite Movement (2008) and Viramma’s Viramma, life of an untouchable (1997). It suggests a co-cultural communication framework as a viable tool for studying Dalit women’s experiences and the various communicative approaches they follow. In addition, it also employs Cheris Kramarae’s strategy approach to critically analyse how co-cultural groups use language as a resistant tool. The study infers that Dalit women follow a co-cultural communicative framework to assert their position and a resistant language that does not adhere to the aesthetics of the dominant literature, rather it disturbs the reader to make them experience the same pain that they have suffered.
缄默群体理论对仍处于缄默和代表性不足的边缘群体进行了大量反思。这些边缘群体的鲜明立场使他们在主流社会结构中拥有了代表自己的发言权，特别是边缘群体中的男性，形成了一个共同的文化群体。另一方面，妇女被置于一个既不包括也不完全排斥她们的空间。她们的声音仍然无人倾听，而且往往被各种对话者歪曲，而这些对话者被指定在前面陈述她们的问题。文章通过深入探讨达利特妇女相互之间以及与主流群体交流的独特方式，分析了达利特妇女在主流公共领域的交流策略及其受压迫的地位，并分享了压迫现实和暴行的经历。文章结合乌尔米拉-帕瓦尔（Urmila Pawar）的《我生命的编织》（The Weave of My Life：一个达利特妇女的回忆录》（2008 年）和《我们也创造了历史：Ambedkarite运动中的妇女》（2008 年）和 Viramma 的《Viramma，贱民的生活》（1997 年）中的论点。它建议将共同文化传播框架作为研究达利特妇女的经历和她们所采用的各种传播方式的可行工具。此外，本研究还采用了 Cheris Kramarae 的策略方法，批判性地分析了共同文化群体如何使用语言作为抵抗工具。研究推断，达利特妇女遵循共同文化的交流框架来坚持自己的立场，并使用一种不遵循主流文学美学的反抗性语言，相反，这种语言会扰乱读者，使他们经历与自己同样的痛苦。
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