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Madheshi Dalit Women’s Access to Citizenship and Livelihood Alternatives in Nepal 尼泊尔马德西贱民妇女获得公民身份和生计的替代办法
IF 0.7 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2024-06-23 DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241258001
Krishna Prasad Pandey
This article delves into the ramifications of Madheshi Dalit Women’s (MDWs) access to citizenship on their strategies for livelihood. Within the context of Nepal, the discourse surrounding citizenship often portrays the MDWs as immigrants or insufficiently authentic citizens. This perception is rooted in historical social hierarchies that have systematically marginalized individuals possessing multiple subordinate identities, such as Madheshis, Dalits, women and the landless. Remarkably, the MDWs embody all of these identities. The prevailing narrative of a hill-based national identity endorsed by the state has prompted inquiries into the loyalty of the MDWs to the nation, consequently undermining their rightful citizenship claims. Drawing upon qualitative field research conducted in Nepal’s central and eastern Tarai districts, where a significant population of Madheshi Dalits resides, this study investigates the intricate interplay between access to citizenship and its implications for livelihood strategies and survival challenges: land ownership and labour participation. The findings underscore the considerable challenges faced by the MDWs, including limited livelihood options, acute landlessness and unorganized wage labour.
本文探讨了马德西贱民妇女(Madheshi Dalit Womens)获得公民身份对其谋生策略的影响。在尼泊尔,围绕公民权的讨论往往将贱民妇女描绘成移民或不够真实的公民。这种观念植根于历史上的社会等级制度,这些制度系统地将拥有多重从属身份的个人边缘化,如马德西人、贱民、妇女和无土地者。值得注意的是,家政工人体现了所有这些身份。国家认可的以山地为基础的民族身份的普遍说法引发了人们对家政工人对国家忠诚度的质疑,从而损害了他们合法的公民权诉求。尼泊尔中部和东部的德赖地区居住着大量马德西达利特人,本研究利用在这些地区开展的定性实地研究,调查了获得公民身份及其对生计策略和生存挑战(土地所有权和劳动参与)的影响之间错综复杂的相互作用。研究结果强调了马德西达利人面临的巨大挑战,包括有限的生计选择、严重的无地状况和无组织的雇佣劳动。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Ali Anwar, Sampoorna Dalit Andolan: Pasmanda Tasavvur 书评:Ali Anwar,《Sampoorna Dalit Andolan》:Pasmanda Tasavvur
IF 0.7 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2024-05-31 DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241233365
Keyoor Pathak, C. Sathish, Deborah Darlianmawii
Ali Anwar, Sampoorna Dalit Andolan: Pasmanda Tasavvur. Rajkamal Publication, 2023, 207 p., ₹199.
Ali Anwar,Sampoorna Dalit Andolan:Pasmanda Tasavvur.Rajkamal Publication, 2023, 207 p., ₹199.
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引用次数: 0
Sexual Politics in Select DNT Autobiographies: A Study 部分 DNT 自传中的性政治:研究
IF 0.7 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2024-05-30 DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241253640
Indranil Acharya, Souparna Roy
The implementation of the Criminal Tribes Act by the British Government in 1871 branded certain nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes in India as born criminals who lived by thieving. Despite the official denotification of such tribes in 1952, the stigma associated with their names still remains and they still continue to face various discriminations and violations of human rights in the society. The sufferings of these communities remain mostly ignored by the government. They also hardly find any place in the books of historical, sociological and literary studies. However, the autobiographical narratives produced by writers themselves belonging to such tribes act as authentic documentation of the historical injustices and various casteist segregations faced by their people. But there is hardly any female writer from the nomadic tribes. As a result, the specific concerns of the women of such marginalized communities are even less known than those of their male counterparts. The predicament of the denotified and nomadic tribes (DNT) women is known only so far as it is represented by the male DNT writers. The present study is an attempt to understand the sexual politics and vulnerabilities of the DNT women as represented in the autobiographies of Laxman Gaikwad and Laxman Mane.
1871 年,英国政府实施了《犯罪部落法》,将印度的某些游牧和半游牧部落打上了以偷盗为生的天生罪犯的烙印。尽管 1952 年对这些部落进行了正式命名,但与这些部落名称相关的污名仍然存在,他们在社会中仍然面临各种歧视和侵犯人权的行为。这些族群的苦难在很大程度上仍然被政府所忽视。他们在历史、社会学和文学研究书籍中也几乎找不到一席之地。然而,属于这些部落的作家自己创作的自传体叙事却真实地记录了他们的人民所面临的历史不公和各种种姓隔离。但游牧部落几乎没有女作家。因此,与男性作家相比,游牧部落妇女所关注的具体问题更是鲜为人知。被剥夺领地的游牧部落(DNT)妇女所处的困境只有通过游牧部落男性作家的作品才为人所知。本研究试图从 Laxman Gaikwad 和 Laxman Mane 的自传中了解变性游牧部落妇女的性政治和脆弱性。
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引用次数: 0
Inter-caste/Community Marriages: Contestations and Negotiations in the Family 种姓/族群间婚姻:家庭中的争议与协商
IF 0.7 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2024-05-30 DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241253356
Shahana Rafiq, Rukmini Sen
In India, caste and religious customs have long guided marriage decisions. Even today, inter-caste and inter-religious marriages are viewed as a deviation. Though the Constitution of India had legalized inter-religious marriage through the Special Marriage Act, 1954 in most of the instances, it is socially unacceptable. There has also been an increase in love marriages; however, such relationships are not always acknowledged. In this context, this article discusses inter-caste and inter-religious marriage occurrences in this environment, emphasizing the significance of the mother in these unions. A mother plays a ‘key’ role in the upbringing of a child and is held responsible for his or her overall development. Therefore, this article focuses on how the blame for not following the customs and norms by an individual (son or daughter) rests with the mother. Drawing on the in-depth personal interviews and a few observations from the fieldwork, this article talks about how a mother negotiates between the strict patriarchal and caste conventions of her community and the love she has for her child.
在印度,种姓和宗教习俗长期以来一直指导着婚姻决定。即使在今天,种姓间和宗教间婚姻仍被视为一种偏差。虽然《印度宪法》通过 1954 年的《特别婚姻法》使跨宗教婚姻合法化,但在大多数情况下,这种婚姻是不被社会接受的。恋爱婚姻也在增加,但这种关系并不总是得到承认。在这种情况下,本文讨论了在这种环境下发生的种姓间和宗教间婚姻,强调了母亲在这些婚姻中的重要性。母亲在孩子的成长过程中扮演着 "关键 "角色,对孩子的全面发展负有责任。因此,本文重点探讨了个人(儿子或女儿)不遵守习俗和规范的责任如何归咎于母亲。本文通过深入的个人访谈和一些实地观察,讲述了母亲如何在严格的父权和种姓制度与她对孩子的爱之间进行协商。
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引用次数: 0
A Step Towards Dalit–Bahujan Unity? Reading the Alliance Between ‘Jat Party’ and ‘Dalit Party’ in Rajasthan 实现达利特人-巴胡扬人团结的一步?解读拉贾斯坦邦 "贾特党 "与 "贱民党 "之间的联盟
IF 0.7 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2024-05-27 DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241249243
Krishan Takhar
As the Rajasthan elections were hardly a month away, the Rashtriya Loktantrik Party and Azad Samaj Party, popular among Jats and Dalits, respectively, entered into an alliance. What is the meaning of this alliance between the two parties whose major voting communities are in relations of domination and subjugation? The leaders, Chandrashekhar Azad and Hanuman Beniwal, invoked Ambedkar and Chhotu Ram and used the term parivaar for this alliance of jawan, kissan and Dalits. This article argues that for any meaningful alliance to work beyond electoral jugaad, the party holding influence over the dominant community must engage in structural work beyond the confines of symbols. The first step in the same direction is to acknowledge the power relations between the communities.
距离拉贾斯坦邦大选还有不到一个月的时间,分别在贾特人和达利特人中颇受欢迎的拉什特里亚人民党和阿扎德-萨马吉党结成了联盟。这两个党派的主要选民群体都处于被统治和被奴役的关系之中,它们之间的联盟有何意义?领导人钱德拉谢卡尔-阿扎德(Chandrashekhar Azad)和哈努曼-贝尼瓦尔(Hanuman Beniwal)援引了安贝德卡尔(Ambedkar)和乔图-拉姆(Chhotu Ram),并用 "parivaar "一词来形容这个由贾特人、基桑人和达利特人组成的联盟。本文认为,要使任何有意义的联盟在选举之外发挥作用,对主导社区有影响力的政党必须在符号的限制之外开展结构性工作。朝着同一方向迈出的第一步是承认各社区之间的权力关系。
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引用次数: 0
Teaching Social Justice: A Pedagogic Turn Necessary in India 社会正义教学:印度有必要进行教学转向
IF 0.7 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2024-05-27 DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241251527
Arjun S. Mohan
Drawing on two distinct works written in diverse contexts, this write-up problematizes the stigmatization of caste-based reservations in India. Paulo Freire’s visions in his influential text, ‘Pedagogy of the Oppressed,’ particularly his concept of dialogical teaching, serves as an analytical framework to develop a perspective aimed at destigmatizing reservations. Instead of delving into educational strategies and techniques, the commentary attempts to unravel the political dimension of teaching social justice. I argue for a pedagogic shift in India to legitimize affirmative actions in policy and practice.
这篇文章借鉴了在不同背景下撰写的两部不同作品,对印度基于种姓的保留意见的污名化提出了质疑。保罗-弗莱雷(Paulo Freire)在其影响深远的著作《被压迫者的教育学》中提出的观点,尤其是他的对话式教学概念,可作为一个分析框架,用于发展旨在消除保留意见污名化的观点。这篇评论没有深入探讨教育策略和技巧,而是试图揭示社会正义教学的政治维度。我主张在印度进行教学转变,使政策和实践中的平权行动合法化。
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引用次数: 0
Impact of Urban Migration on Caste: Rohinton Mistry’s A Fine Balance and Rural-to-Urban Caste Migrationin India 城市迁移对种姓的影响:罗辛顿-米斯特的《微妙的平衡》与印度从农村到城市的种姓迁移
IF 0.7 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2024-05-27 DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241245887
Mohua Dutta, Sayan Chattopadhyay
This study investigates the impact of urban migration on the caste system by thoroughly examining Rohinton Mistry’s A Fine Balance. The primary research questions are why rural-to-urban caste migration occurs, how urban migration affects the caste system and whether it fulfils the aspirations of Dalit migrants. The research reveals that the promise of mobility and emancipation provided by class operations drives rural-to-urban caste migration in India, but it also emphasizes the limitations of urban migration in emancipating Dalit migrants, as they not only remain trapped within the caste capital and family networks that existed in rural areas, but because the caste system persists in urban areas as well, it results in the double marginalization and discrimination of Dalit migrants in urban areas. Moreover, the study explains how caste marginalization in rural areas is linked to class marginalization and other forms of subalternity in urban areas. Overall, this study highlights the complexities of rural-to-urban caste migration and its impact on the lives of India’s marginalized communities. This article contributes to the field of migration studies by shedding light on the frequently overlooked issue of Dalit migration.
本研究通过对罗辛顿-米斯特(Rohinton Mistry)的《微妙的平衡》(A Fine Balance)进行深入研究,探讨城市移民对种姓制度的影响。主要研究问题包括:为什么会发生农村向城市的种姓迁移,城市迁移如何影响种姓制度,以及城市迁移是否满足了达利特移民的愿望。研究揭示了阶级运作所带来的流动性和解放的希望推动了印度农村向城市的种姓迁移,但同时也强调了城市迁移在解放达利特移民方面的局限性,因为他们不仅仍然被困在农村地区的种姓资本和家庭网络中,而且由于种姓制度在城市地区也持续存在,这导致了达利特移民在城市地区的双重边缘化和歧视。此外,本研究还解释了农村地区的种姓边缘化是如何与城市地区的阶级边缘化和其他形式的次等地位联系在一起的。总之,本研究强调了农村向城市种姓迁移的复杂性及其对印度边缘化群体生活的影响。本文通过揭示经常被忽视的达利特人移徙问题,为移徙研究领域做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Reservation, Rage and Resentment: In Light of the Politics of De-reservation 保留、愤怒和怨恨:从 "去保留地政治 "的角度看问题
IF 0.7 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2024-05-27 DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241249245
Kajal Kalsi
The debates around reservations have intensified yet again, with various modifications suggested, one of which is de-reservation. The backlog of vacancies in the reserved seats is a concerning trend, highlighting the failure of the ‘equality of opportunity’ approach in ensuring ‘equality of outcome’ as envisaged by the constitution. Reservation was a method strategically designed on the lines of substantive equality to correct historical injustice. However, based on the notion of formal rationality, the recent proposal of de-reservation reflects an illiberal understanding of the idea of substantive justice. The author contends that the idea of de-reservation will set a dangerous precedent that will have implications for the collective upliftment of the oppressed groups, rendering reservation for the oppressed almost ineffectual. Instead of safeguarding systemic mechanisms to empower marginalized groups to access the promised ‘equality of opportunity’, de-reservation will prove counterproductive to the constitutional guarantee of social equity.
围绕保留席位的争论再次激化,提出了各种修改意见,其中之一就是取消保留席位。保留席位的空缺积压是一个令人担忧的趋势,凸显了 "机会平等 "方法在确保宪法所设想的 "结果平等 "方面的失败。保留席位是根据实质平等的原则战略性地设计的一种方法,旨在纠正历史上的不公正。然而,基于形式合理性的理念,最近提出的取消保留意见反映了对实质正义理念的非自由主义理解。作者认为,取消保留意见将开创一个危险的先例,对集体提高被压迫群体的地位产生影响,使为被压迫群体保留意见的做法几乎失效。取消保留意见非但不能保障系统机制,使边缘化群体有能力获得所承诺的 "机会平等", 反而会对宪法对社会公平的保障产生反作用。
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引用次数: 0
Health Beliefs and Practices Among Subaltern Women: An Ethnographic Account From Rural Telangana, India 底层妇女的健康观念与实践:印度特兰加纳农村地区的人种学描述
IF 0.7 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2024-04-29 DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241240813
Ram Shepherd Bheenaveni, Chandaneshwari Punyamurthy, Shireesha Methri
Apart from biological factors, social determinants play a major role in shaping health beliefs and paving the way for various behaviours. Subaltern women, being the lowest strata of the caste hierarchy, have additional barriers to accessing modern healthcare and may be more likely to experience poor health outcomes due to a combination of social, economic and cultural factors. Structural violence represents a dynamic process that impedes an individual’s social, economic and biological potential, affecting both socially excluded, economically disadvantaged and historically marginalized subaltern communities. Social justice significantly influences individuals’ life prospects and health outcomes, with health disparities stemming from social disadvantage and inequality. Addressing disparities in health, the Health Gap underscores the importance of acknowledging the role of social determinants of health. Health equity entails enhancing the well-being of marginalized social groups and tackling the broader social determinants of health. The current qualitative study was conducted in three villages in the Nalgonda district of Telangana, India. In addition to focus group discussions and one-on-one interviews, the ethnography method was employed to capture subaltern women’s health beliefs and practices regarding food habits, puberty, menstruation, sexuality and sexual life, childbearing and childbirth, breastfeeding and the role of primary healthcare centres in promoting healthcare. Subaltern women experience double discrimination as members of a lower caste and a weaker gender, and access to healthcare, like other fundamental human rights, is a recurring issue. Many of them are impoverished and unable to afford contemporary medical care, forcing them to rely on the more cost-effective traditional model of healthcare. Despite being forbidden from accomplishing many things owing to a range of societal and age-old customary sanctions, modernization and state-owned institutional mechanisms are bringing about a good shift towards better health.
除生物因素外,社会决定因素在形成健康观念和为各种行为铺平道路方面也发挥着重要作用。作为种姓等级制度中最底层的次等妇女,在获得现代医疗保健服务方面面临更多障碍,而且由于社会、经济和文化因素的综合影响,她们更有可能出现不良的健康后果。结构性暴力是一个动态过程,它阻碍了个人的社会、经济和生物潜能的发挥,影响到被社会排斥、经济上处于不利地位和历史上被边缘化的次等群体。社会公正在很大程度上影响着个人的生活前景和健康结果,而健康差距源于社会劣势和不平等。为解决健康差距问题,"健康差距 "强调了承认健康的社会决定因素的作用的重要性。健康公平需要提高边缘化社会群体的福祉,并解决更广泛的健康社会决定因素。本定性研究在印度特兰加纳邦纳尔贡达区的三个村庄进行。除了焦点小组讨论和一对一访谈外,研究还采用了人种学方法,以了解次等妇女在饮食习惯、青春期、月经、性和性生活、生育和分娩、母乳喂养以及初级医疗保健中心在促进医疗保健方面的作用等方面的健康观念和做法。作为低等种姓和弱势性别的成员,次等阶层妇女遭受着双重歧视,与其他基本人权一样,获得医疗保健服务也是一个经常性问题。她们中的许多人生活贫困,无力负担现代医疗费用,不得不依赖成本效益更高的传统医疗模式。尽管由于一系列社会和古老习俗的制裁,她们被禁止做许多事情,但现代化和国有体制机制正在为改善健康状况带来良好的转变。
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引用次数: 0
Peer Interaction, Exclusion and School Participation: Issues of Schooling in a Tribal Village of Odisha 同伴互动、排斥和学校参与:奥迪沙部落村庄的就学问题
IF 0.7 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2024-04-16 DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241236648
Sukanta Kumar Mahapatra
In India, drop-outs and out-of-school children in school education are dominant educational discourses even after seven decades of independence. No doubt, various policies and programmes were devised to challenge these issues in education, but still the issues of drop-outs are rampant both in rural and urban areas. The inequality in educational attainment between Scheduled Tribes and the rest of the population has widened throughout the years. Various social aspects of why children leave school before they complete the secondary level of school are understudied in India. Aspects of cultural and social practices and patterns of socialization of tribal children have received little attention in the research on tribal children in India. By specially focussing on friendship networks/peer interaction, the article reflects on how it affects educational participation of tribal and non-tribal children in a village located in the tribal areas of Odisha, one of the eastern states of India.
在印度,辍学和失学儿童在学校教育中占主导地位,即使在印度独立七十年之后也是如此。毫无疑问,印度制定了各种政策和计划来应对这些教育问题,但辍学问题在农村和城市地区仍然十分严重。多年来,在册部落与其他人口在受教育程度上的不平等不断扩大。在印度,对儿童为何在完成中学学业之前辍学的各种社会因素研究不足。在对印度部落儿童的研究中,部落儿童的文化和社会习俗以及社会化模式很少受到关注。通过特别关注友谊网络/同伴互动,文章反思了友谊网络/同伴互动如何影响印度东部邦之一奥迪沙部落地区一个村庄的部落儿童和非部落儿童的教育参与。
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引用次数: 0
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Contemporary Voice of Dalit
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