Pub Date : 2024-06-23DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241258001
Krishna Prasad Pandey
This article delves into the ramifications of Madheshi Dalit Women’s (MDWs) access to citizenship on their strategies for livelihood. Within the context of Nepal, the discourse surrounding citizenship often portrays the MDWs as immigrants or insufficiently authentic citizens. This perception is rooted in historical social hierarchies that have systematically marginalized individuals possessing multiple subordinate identities, such as Madheshis, Dalits, women and the landless. Remarkably, the MDWs embody all of these identities. The prevailing narrative of a hill-based national identity endorsed by the state has prompted inquiries into the loyalty of the MDWs to the nation, consequently undermining their rightful citizenship claims. Drawing upon qualitative field research conducted in Nepal’s central and eastern Tarai districts, where a significant population of Madheshi Dalits resides, this study investigates the intricate interplay between access to citizenship and its implications for livelihood strategies and survival challenges: land ownership and labour participation. The findings underscore the considerable challenges faced by the MDWs, including limited livelihood options, acute landlessness and unorganized wage labour.
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Pub Date : 2024-06-10DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241228085
Alok Ranjan
Gautam Pingali, Indigenous Question, Land Appropriation, and Development: Understanding the Conflict in Jharkhand, India. Routledge, 2023, 162 pp., ₹995 (Hardcover). ISBN: 9781032585246.
{"title":"Book review: Gautam Pingali, Indigenous Question, Land Appropriation, and Development: Understanding the Conflict in Jharkhand, India","authors":"Alok Ranjan","doi":"10.1177/2455328x241228085","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2455328x241228085","url":null,"abstract":"Gautam Pingali, Indigenous Question, Land Appropriation, and Development: Understanding the Conflict in Jharkhand, India. Routledge, 2023, 162 pp., ₹995 (Hardcover). ISBN: 9781032585246.","PeriodicalId":53196,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Voice of Dalit","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141364285","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-05DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241245885
Washim Sajjad
It is not new in India to have Dalits and Muslims engage politically for social empowerment. Following the partition of India, their political engagement is largely slackened. Similarly, the unity among Dalits and Muslim peasants in late colonial Bengal was stronger than it is today. Both sections of society used to share a similar political interest. Several historians suggest that Hindu Dalits in late colonial Bengal were associated with Muslim peasants as their social allies. According to multiple historians, the disparity between Muslims and untouchable tenants was potentially less than that between untouchables and upper-class landlords. During the colonial era, untouchables and Muslims formed political alliances to oppose the dominant upper-class Hindu landlords. A River Called Titash portrays a low-caste Hindu fishing community called the Malo in late colonial Bengal and their friendly coexistence with other communities, especially with Muslim peasants. The author, as a member of the Malo community, ethnographically elaborates on the story of their lives, including births, marriages and deaths. In every aspect of their lives, there is a solid anguish against caste discrimination that pervades. By emphasizing the social engagement of the Malo with Muslim peasants, this research article aims to examine the type of social alliance that exists between them and how these two groups view each other as social allies. Additionally, it can serve as an example of the contemporary social position of Dalits in late colonial Bengal and their political alliances with Muslims.
在印度，达利特人和穆斯林参与政治以增强社会权能并非新鲜事。印度分裂后，他们的政治参与在很大程度上有所松懈。同样，在殖民后期的孟加拉，达利特人和穆斯林农民之间的团结也比今天更加紧密。这两个社会阶层曾经有着相似的政治利益。一些历史学家认为，殖民晚期孟加拉的印度教达利特人与穆斯林农民结成了社会同盟。多位历史学家指出，穆斯林与贱民佃户之间的差距可能小于贱民与上层地主之间的差距。在殖民时代，贱民和穆斯林结成政治联盟，反对占统治地位的上层印度教地主。一条叫 Titash 的河》描写了殖民晚期孟加拉一个叫 Malo 的低种姓印度教捕鱼社区，以及他们与其他社区，尤其是穆斯林农民的友好共处。作者作为马洛社区的一员，以民族志的形式详细描述了他们的生活故事，包括出生、婚姻和死亡。在他们生活的方方面面，都弥漫着对种姓歧视的强烈愤懑。通过强调马洛人与穆斯林农民的社会交往，本研究文章旨在探讨他们之间存在的社会联盟类型，以及这两个群体如何将对方视为社会盟友。此外，它还可以作为一个例子，说明达利特人在殖民后期孟加拉的当代社会地位以及他们与穆斯林的政治联盟。
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Pub Date : 2024-06-05DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241228084
Jyoti Biswas
Despite being one of the largest ethnic communities in Bengal delta, the Namasudras have never been acknowledged in the domain of production of knowledge, especially literature. The present article is a maiden attempt to locate the root of their literary heritage and to evaluate their contribution to literature. In this endeavour, the article transcends the Namasudra history that began in 1812, and goes beyond it, especially in the medieval period. It argues that the medieval folk poet Dvija Kanai who composed a folk ballad named Mahua was the first literary representative of this community. In this respect, this article deconstructs the modern literary culture of Namasudras, namely Dalit literature in which they have made a significant contribution. It argues that, unlike the modern Dalit Namasudra writers, the folk poet Dvija Kanai was the pioneer of Namasudra literature. 1
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Pub Date : 2024-05-30DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241253640
Indranil Acharya, Souparna Roy
The implementation of the Criminal Tribes Act by the British Government in 1871 branded certain nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes in India as born criminals who lived by thieving. Despite the official denotification of such tribes in 1952, the stigma associated with their names still remains and they still continue to face various discriminations and violations of human rights in the society. The sufferings of these communities remain mostly ignored by the government. They also hardly find any place in the books of historical, sociological and literary studies. However, the autobiographical narratives produced by writers themselves belonging to such tribes act as authentic documentation of the historical injustices and various casteist segregations faced by their people. But there is hardly any female writer from the nomadic tribes. As a result, the specific concerns of the women of such marginalized communities are even less known than those of their male counterparts. The predicament of the denotified and nomadic tribes (DNT) women is known only so far as it is represented by the male DNT writers. The present study is an attempt to understand the sexual politics and vulnerabilities of the DNT women as represented in the autobiographies of Laxman Gaikwad and Laxman Mane.
1871 年，英国政府实施了《犯罪部落法》，将印度的某些游牧和半游牧部落打上了以偷盗为生的天生罪犯的烙印。尽管 1952 年对这些部落进行了正式命名，但与这些部落名称相关的污名仍然存在，他们在社会中仍然面临各种歧视和侵犯人权的行为。这些族群的苦难在很大程度上仍然被政府所忽视。他们在历史、社会学和文学研究书籍中也几乎找不到一席之地。然而，属于这些部落的作家自己创作的自传体叙事却真实地记录了他们的人民所面临的历史不公和各种种姓隔离。但游牧部落几乎没有女作家。因此，与男性作家相比，游牧部落妇女所关注的具体问题更是鲜为人知。被剥夺领地的游牧部落（DNT）妇女所处的困境只有通过游牧部落男性作家的作品才为人所知。本研究试图从 Laxman Gaikwad 和 Laxman Mane 的自传中了解变性游牧部落妇女的性政治和脆弱性。
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Pub Date : 2024-05-30DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241253356
Shahana Rafiq, Rukmini Sen
In India, caste and religious customs have long guided marriage decisions. Even today, inter-caste and inter-religious marriages are viewed as a deviation. Though the Constitution of India had legalized inter-religious marriage through the Special Marriage Act, 1954 in most of the instances, it is socially unacceptable. There has also been an increase in love marriages; however, such relationships are not always acknowledged. In this context, this article discusses inter-caste and inter-religious marriage occurrences in this environment, emphasizing the significance of the mother in these unions. A mother plays a ‘key’ role in the upbringing of a child and is held responsible for his or her overall development. Therefore, this article focuses on how the blame for not following the customs and norms by an individual (son or daughter) rests with the mother. Drawing on the in-depth personal interviews and a few observations from the fieldwork, this article talks about how a mother negotiates between the strict patriarchal and caste conventions of her community and the love she has for her child.
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Pub Date : 2024-05-27DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241249243
Krishan Takhar
As the Rajasthan elections were hardly a month away, the Rashtriya Loktantrik Party and Azad Samaj Party, popular among Jats and Dalits, respectively, entered into an alliance. What is the meaning of this alliance between the two parties whose major voting communities are in relations of domination and subjugation? The leaders, Chandrashekhar Azad and Hanuman Beniwal, invoked Ambedkar and Chhotu Ram and used the term parivaar for this alliance of jawan, kissan and Dalits. This article argues that for any meaningful alliance to work beyond electoral jugaad, the party holding influence over the dominant community must engage in structural work beyond the confines of symbols. The first step in the same direction is to acknowledge the power relations between the communities.
{"title":"A Step Towards Dalit–Bahujan Unity? Reading the Alliance Between ‘Jat Party’ and ‘Dalit Party’ in Rajasthan","authors":"Krishan Takhar","doi":"10.1177/2455328x241249243","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2455328x241249243","url":null,"abstract":"As the Rajasthan elections were hardly a month away, the Rashtriya Loktantrik Party and Azad Samaj Party, popular among Jats and Dalits, respectively, entered into an alliance. What is the meaning of this alliance between the two parties whose major voting communities are in relations of domination and subjugation? The leaders, Chandrashekhar Azad and Hanuman Beniwal, invoked Ambedkar and Chhotu Ram and used the term parivaar for this alliance of jawan, kissan and Dalits. This article argues that for any meaningful alliance to work beyond electoral jugaad, the party holding influence over the dominant community must engage in structural work beyond the confines of symbols. The first step in the same direction is to acknowledge the power relations between the communities.","PeriodicalId":53196,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Voice of Dalit","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141170250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-27DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241251527
Arjun S. Mohan
Drawing on two distinct works written in diverse contexts, this write-up problematizes the stigmatization of caste-based reservations in India. Paulo Freire’s visions in his influential text, ‘Pedagogy of the Oppressed,’ particularly his concept of dialogical teaching, serves as an analytical framework to develop a perspective aimed at destigmatizing reservations. Instead of delving into educational strategies and techniques, the commentary attempts to unravel the political dimension of teaching social justice. I argue for a pedagogic shift in India to legitimize affirmative actions in policy and practice.
{"title":"Teaching Social Justice: A Pedagogic Turn Necessary in India","authors":"Arjun S. Mohan","doi":"10.1177/2455328x241251527","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2455328x241251527","url":null,"abstract":"Drawing on two distinct works written in diverse contexts, this write-up problematizes the stigmatization of caste-based reservations in India. Paulo Freire’s visions in his influential text, ‘Pedagogy of the Oppressed,’ particularly his concept of dialogical teaching, serves as an analytical framework to develop a perspective aimed at destigmatizing reservations. Instead of delving into educational strategies and techniques, the commentary attempts to unravel the political dimension of teaching social justice. I argue for a pedagogic shift in India to legitimize affirmative actions in policy and practice.","PeriodicalId":53196,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Voice of Dalit","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141170260","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-27DOI: 10.1177/2455328x241245887
Mohua Dutta, Sayan Chattopadhyay
This study investigates the impact of urban migration on the caste system by thoroughly examining Rohinton Mistry’s A Fine Balance. The primary research questions are why rural-to-urban caste migration occurs, how urban migration affects the caste system and whether it fulfils the aspirations of Dalit migrants. The research reveals that the promise of mobility and emancipation provided by class operations drives rural-to-urban caste migration in India, but it also emphasizes the limitations of urban migration in emancipating Dalit migrants, as they not only remain trapped within the caste capital and family networks that existed in rural areas, but because the caste system persists in urban areas as well, it results in the double marginalization and discrimination of Dalit migrants in urban areas. Moreover, the study explains how caste marginalization in rural areas is linked to class marginalization and other forms of subalternity in urban areas. Overall, this study highlights the complexities of rural-to-urban caste migration and its impact on the lives of India’s marginalized communities. This article contributes to the field of migration studies by shedding light on the frequently overlooked issue of Dalit migration.
本研究通过对罗辛顿-米斯特（Rohinton Mistry）的《微妙的平衡》（A Fine Balance）进行深入研究，探讨城市移民对种姓制度的影响。主要研究问题包括：为什么会发生农村向城市的种姓迁移，城市迁移如何影响种姓制度，以及城市迁移是否满足了达利特移民的愿望。研究揭示了阶级运作所带来的流动性和解放的希望推动了印度农村向城市的种姓迁移，但同时也强调了城市迁移在解放达利特移民方面的局限性，因为他们不仅仍然被困在农村地区的种姓资本和家庭网络中，而且由于种姓制度在城市地区也持续存在，这导致了达利特移民在城市地区的双重边缘化和歧视。此外，本研究还解释了农村地区的种姓边缘化是如何与城市地区的阶级边缘化和其他形式的次等地位联系在一起的。总之，本研究强调了农村向城市种姓迁移的复杂性及其对印度边缘化群体生活的影响。本文通过揭示经常被忽视的达利特人移徙问题，为移徙研究领域做出了贡献。
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