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Desire, a Crooked Yearning, and the Plants of Endymion 欲望,扭曲的渴望,和恩底弥翁的植物
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/685941
S. Kelley
two print forms that located desire in the disabled body began to appear onstage with far different consequences in Renaissance England. The first of these was the contreblason, satiric verse in praise of a deformed beloved. Developed by Francesco Berni (1497–1535), Pietro Aretino (1492–1556), and Clément Marot (1496–1544) as a form of anti-Petrarchanism, the contreblason was popularized through a schoolroom exercise known as paradoxical praise, rhetoric that elevated seemingly undesirable states such as the plague, poverty, or ugliness. In the theater, Sir Tophas praises his mistress Dipsas for her coral eyes, silver lips, blue teeth, and carbuncle nose in John Lyly’s Endymion (1588); Horatio seeks physical deformities (“lips of honest hide . . . teeth of a Moor’s complexion . . . a witch’s beard”) in Fiametta, his ideal woman, in James Shirley’s The Duke’s Mistress (1638); and Dromio of Syracuse performs a global anatomy of Nell, his “swart” kitchen wench in Shakespeare’s The Comedy of Errors (1589–93). For literary critics, lyric mock encomia are seen as hostile, mocking, and misogynistic—pathologizing the women the male poets claim to admire—and twice as problematic as the blazon, which figuratively dismembers the beloved. In the lyric tradition, women are objectified by the male speaker and wholly contained within language. But in the playhouse, actors could undermine these rules in many different ways, especially given that an audience sees the beloved (a real person), whose reaction to his or her verbal portrait may generate sympathy, attention, or intimacy. Rather than list parts
在文艺复兴时期的英国,两种将欲望定位于残疾人身体的印刷形式开始出现在舞台上,产生了截然不同的后果。第一首是反亵渎诗,是赞美畸形爱人的讽刺诗。由Francesco Berni (1497-1535), Pietro Aretino(1492-1556)和clemacment Marot(1496-1544)作为一种反彼得拉克主义的形式而发展起来的,这种反彼得拉克主义是通过一种被称为悖论赞美的课堂练习而普及的,这种修辞会提升诸如瘟疫,贫穷或丑陋等看似不受欢迎的状态。在剧院里,托法斯爵士在约翰·莱利的《恩底弥翁》(1588)中称赞他的情妇迪普萨斯珊瑚色的眼睛、银色的嘴唇、蓝色的牙齿和红宝石般的鼻子;霍雷肖寻找身体上的畸形(“诚实隐藏的嘴唇……摩尔人肤色的牙齿……女巫的胡子”),在詹姆斯·雪莉的《公爵的情妇》(1638)中,他的理想女人菲亚梅塔;锡拉丘兹的德罗米奥在莎士比亚的《错误喜剧》(1589-93)中对他的“聪明”厨房女佣内尔进行了全面剖析。对于文学评论家来说,抒情的讽刺诗被认为是充满敌意的、嘲弄的、厌恶女性的——把男性诗人声称崇拜的女性病态化——比象征着肢解所爱的人的火焰更有问题。在抒情传统中,女性被男性说话者客观化,完全被包含在语言之中。但在剧场里,演员可以用许多不同的方式破坏这些规则,特别是考虑到观众看到心爱的人(一个真实的人),他们对他或她的口头形象的反应可能会产生同情、关注或亲密关系。而不是列出部件
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引用次数: 2
“Quilted with Mighty Words to Lean Purpose”: Clothing and Queer Style in The Roaring Girl “用强大的语言来编织”:《咆哮的女孩》中的服装和奇怪的风格
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/683105
James M. Bromley
unlike many non-Shakespearean early modern plays, Thomas Dekker and Thomas Middleton’s The Roaring Girl (1611) has received significant and sustained critical attention. The play has shaped our understanding of how London’s denizens figured their changing relationships to each other and to material culture as the city’s population and economic activity rapidly increased in the early modern period. For many of the play’s feminist and queer readers, the title character’s cross-dressing connects early modern material culture to urban sexuality like a doublet to a pair of trunk hose. Central to this analysis has been the question of whether Dekker and Middleton’s representation of Moll challenges or retrenches dominant early modern understandings of gender and sexuality. Even as this critical attention to Moll has
与许多非莎士比亚的早期现代戏剧不同,托马斯·德克尔和托马斯·米德尔顿的《咆哮的女孩》(1611)获得了重要而持续的批评关注。这部戏剧塑造了我们对伦敦居民如何看待随着城市人口和经济活动在近代早期迅速增长而不断变化的彼此关系和物质文化关系的理解。对于该剧的许多女权主义者和酷儿读者来说,主人公的异装将早期现代物质文化与都市性联系在一起,就像紧身裤与长筒袜联系在一起一样。这一分析的核心问题是,德克尔和米德尔顿对摩尔的描述是否挑战或削弱了早期现代对性别和性的主流理解。就像对摩尔的关注一样
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引用次数: 1
Satire and the Aesthetic in As You Like It 《皆大欢喜》中的讽刺与美学
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/683106
T. Samuk
a s You Like It is a play in search of a future. At the same time, it is also a deeply nostalgic play. Some critics have celebrated what they see as its striving for ideological balance and resistance to social change. Recent readings have tended to be more progressive, seeing the play as a response to unjust laws, a critique of gender and sexuality, or as an exploration of humanity’s relationship with the environment. One constant in the scholar-
这是一部寻找未来的戏剧。同时,它也是一部充满怀旧情怀的戏剧。一些批评人士赞扬了他们所看到的它为意识形态平衡和对社会变革的抵制所做的努力。最近的解读倾向于更加进步,认为这部剧是对不公正法律的回应,是对性别和性的批判,或者是对人类与环境关系的探索。一个常数在学者——
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引用次数: 1
“The World Transformed”: Multiple Worlds in Antony and Cleopatra “改变的世界”:安东尼与克利奥帕特拉的多重世界
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/683104
B. Dawson
a ntony and Cleopatra, perhaps more than any other play by Shakespeare, puts the world on stage. In its setting, it flagrantly violates the Aristotelian unity of space, ranging across the Classical Mediterranean in dizzyingly quick changes of scene. The chorus of the play’s drinking song, “Cup us till the world go round,” might also be taken as the motto of its scenography. The play is like an early modern attempt at a global imaging system that makes visible large-scale networks of commerce and communication. With this difference: in its merry-go-round changes of scene, the play does a better job at showing the impossibility of making far-flung places cohere into a single comprehensible frame. If the physical integrity of the world is lacking in the play, it is supplemented by a surplus of figures. Antony alone is “the triple pillar of the world,” “the demi-Atlas of the earth,” and one whose arm “crested the world” (1.1.12, 1.5.23, 5.2.82). These figures demonstrate that images of the world are inseparable from political attempts to control it. If the triumvirate are the pillars of the world, then the Roman Empire itself is the structure of the world, that is, what makes the world a world and not the “huge rude heape” of Ovid’s chaos. Rome defines the extension of its rule as cosmopolitics. After the flurry of world-hopping throughout the play, the final scene offers a stark contrast in its sense of worldhood. Cleopatra, the life she had built with Antony crumbling after his suicide and the advance of Octavius Caesar, entombs herself in her monument. Where earlier the play had attempted to cap-
《托尼与克利奥帕特拉》也许比莎士比亚的其他戏剧更能将世界展现在舞台上。在它的设置上,它公然违背了亚里士多德的空间统一性,在令人眼花缭乱的快速变化中穿越古典地中海。剧中饮酒歌的副歌“为我们干杯,直到世界转一圈”也可以看作是其布景的座右铭。这部剧就像是早期现代对全球成像系统的一次尝试,它使大规模的商业和通信网络变得可见。不同之处在于:在旋转的场景变化中,该剧更好地展示了将遥远的地方凝聚成一个可理解的框架是不可能的。如果剧中缺少了现实世界的完整,那么就会有多余的人物来补充。只有安东尼是“世界的三柱”,“地球的半阿特拉斯”,他的手臂“顶着世界”(1.1.12,1.5.23,5.2.82)。这些数字表明,世界的形象与控制世界的政治企图是分不开的。如果三头同盟是世界的支柱,那么罗马帝国本身就是世界的结构,也就是说,是它使世界成为世界,而不是奥维德所说的混乱的“巨大的粗鲁的堆”。罗马将其统治的延伸定义为世界政治。在整部戏的世界跳跃之后,最后一幕在世界感上形成了鲜明的对比。在安东尼自杀和屋大维凯撒的进攻后,克利奥帕特拉与安东尼共同建立的生活支离破碎,她将自己埋葬在自己的纪念碑中。这出戏早先曾试图在什么地方封顶
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引用次数: 1
Macabre Vitality: Texture and Resonance in The Duchess of Malfi 可怕的活力:质感和共鸣在马尔菲公爵夫人
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/683142
William Cook Miller
consider the lamprey: a boneless, jawless, slime-coated, eel-like aquatic parasite with a suction-cup mouth housing concentric rings of sharp teeth and a tongue—also studded with teeth—which it jams into host fish in order to feed on their blood. Today the lamprey is a rare and protected species in England; it is comparatively abundant in the Great Lakes of North America, where it is considered a nightmarish invasive threat to native fisheries. During the early modern centuries, when it was widely eaten in pies, the lamprey’s otherworldly visage (well worth an online search) would have been a more regular sight at market—albeit still a terrifying one. And so it appears—parasitic, spineless, and slimy—in a fleeting moment in the first act of John Webster’s Duchess of Malfi. The corrupt Duke Ferdinand, having spent some thirty lines discouraging his newly widowed sister from remarrying, springs a lamprey on her—and us:
想想七鳃鳗:一种无骨、无颌、涂有黏液、像鳗鱼一样的水生寄生虫,它有一个吸盘状的嘴,上面有同心环状的锋利牙齿和一个同样布满牙齿的舌头,它把舌头塞进宿主鱼体内,以它们的血液为食。如今,七鳃鳗在英国是一种稀有的受保护物种;它在北美五大湖中相对丰富,在那里它被认为是对当地渔业的噩梦般的入侵威胁。在现代早期,当七鳃鳗被广泛地做成馅饼食用时,它那超凡脱俗的模样(非常值得在网上搜索一下)在市场上更常见——尽管仍然很可怕。在约翰·韦伯斯特的《马尔菲公爵夫人》的第一幕中,这种寄生的、没有骨气的、黏糊糊的寄生虫就出现了。堕落的斐迪南公爵用了三十多行来劝阻他刚丧偶的妹妹不要再嫁,突然向她和我们扔来一条七鳃鳗:
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引用次数: 0
Words of the “Wise Captain”: Pierre Corneille, Le Cid, and Fidelity “明智的船长”的话:皮埃尔·高乃依,勒·熙德和忠诚
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/681548
C. Pichichero
in the first couplet declaimed by Don Gomès, Count of Gormas, in act 1, scene 1 of Le Cid, Pierre Corneille advanced a fundamental theme of the tragicomedy, and indeed of his entire oeuvre: fidelity. The Count assesses the qualities of his daughter Chimène’s suitors, Don Rodrigue and Don Sanche, and confirms their three most important attributes: “Tous deux formés d’un sang noble, vaillant, fidèle” (Both of them formed of blood that is noble, valiant, faithful; 1.1.12). As the rhyme word fidèle rang out through the Théâtre du Marais in early 1637, audiences were brought to reflect upon the place of fidelity in the play and in their historical moment. Questions of fidelity were weighty and pressing in the wake of 1636, the disastrous “année de Corbie” (year of Corbie). During that year, the second of France’s official engagement in the Thirty Years’ War (1618–48), King Louis XIII was faced with both foreign wars and domestic turmoil. Spanish forces invaded deep into French territory, and military heroes of the royal family, such as Gaston d’Orléans and the comte de Soissons, had turned against the monarch and his chief minister, Cardinal Richelieu. Gaston and Soissons, the king’s brother and cousin, hatched a plot to assassinate Richelieu at Amiens in October 1636 while the French were fending
皮埃尔·高乃依在《勒·西德》第一幕第一场中,在戈马伯爵唐·戈姆蒂斯所朗诵的第一对诗中,提出了悲喜剧的一个基本主题,实际上也是他全部作品的一个基本主题:忠诚。伯爵评价了他女儿chim的追求者Don Rodrigue和Don Sanche的品质,并肯定了他们三个最重要的品质:“Tous deux form d’un sang noble, vaillant, fid”(他们都是由高贵、勇敢、忠诚的血统组成的;1.1.12)。1637年初,当《th tre du Marais》中出现fid的押韵词时,观众们开始反思忠诚在剧中和他们所处的历史时刻所处的地位。在1636年灾难性的“Corbie年”之后,忠诚的问题变得沉重而紧迫。在那一年,法国第二次正式参与三十年战争(1618-48),国王路易十三面临着外部战争和国内动荡。西班牙军队深入法国领土,王室的军事英雄,如加斯顿·德·奥尔卡姆斯和德·苏瓦松伯爵,已经开始反对君主和他的首席部长黎塞留。1636年10月,当法国人在亚眠打仗时,加斯顿和国王的兄弟和表弟苏瓦松策划了在亚眠刺杀黎塞留的阴谋
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引用次数: 1
Lord Capulet’s Lost Compromise: A Tragic Emendation and the Binary Dynamics of Romeo and Juliet 凯普莱特勋爵的《失落的妥协:悲剧的修正与罗密欧与朱丽叶的二元动态》
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/680449
R. N. Watson
after hearing conflicting testimony from the Montague and Capulet camps about the slaying of Tybalt, the Prince of Verona asks, “Romeo slew him, he slew Mercutio; / Who now the price of his dear blood doth owe?” The answer comes from Romeo’s father: “Not Romeo, Prince, he was Mercutio’s friend. / His fault concludes but what the law should end, / The life of Tybalt” (3.1.184–88). Or at least it does unless you happen to own a copy of the 1963 Signet edition, which—unlike every other modern edition of the play I can find—gives that answer to Juliet’s father instead. Otherwise a reader can traipse back through the hall of fame of Shakespeare editors without finding that little speech attributed to Lord Capulet. Try the great Dr. Johnson (1765), Capell’s carefully researched collection (1768), the scrupulous improvements of Malone (1790), the lavish Steevens/Boydell editions (1802), the notorious Bowdler’s Family Shakespeare (1820), Collier (1842), Furness’s Variorum (1871), Dowden (1900), Sisson (1953), Dover Wilson (1955), George Walton Williams (1964), the controversial Rowse (1968), Craig (1931), Kittredge (1936) and Ribner’s update (1978), Harbage’s Pelican collection of the works and the new version by Orgel and Braunmuller (2002), Raffel for Harold Bloom’s series (2004), the old and new Folger editions (1959, 2004), or Bate and Rasmussen’s RSC Complete Works (2007). Dig through all three Arden editions, both the traditionalist old Oxford version and Wells and Tay-
在听到蒙太古和凯普莱特阵营关于提伯尔特被杀的相互矛盾的证词后,维罗纳王子问道:“罗密欧杀了他,他杀了茂库修;/现在谁该为他的鲜血付出代价?”罗密欧的父亲回答说:“不是罗密欧,王子,他是茂库修的朋友。/他的过错结束了,但法律应该结束的,/提伯尔特的生活”(3.1.184-88)。或者至少它是这样的,除非你碰巧拥有1963年的印章版,与我能找到的其他现代版本不同,它把这个答案交给了朱丽叶的父亲。否则,读者可能会在翻阅莎士比亚编辑的名人堂时,找不到被认为是凯普莱特勋爵(Lord Capulet)说过的那句话。试一下伟大的约翰逊博士(1765),卡佩尔仔细研究的合集(1768),马龙的精心改进(1790),史蒂文斯/博伊德尔的华丽版本(1802),臭名昭著的鲍德勒的莎士比亚家族(1820),科利尔(1842),弗内斯的Variorum(1871),道登(1900),西森(1953),多佛威尔逊(1955),乔治沃尔顿威廉姆斯(1964),有争议的罗斯(1968),克雷格(1931),基特里奇(1936)和里伯纳的更新(1978)。哈比奇的鹈鹕作品集和奥格尔和布劳恩穆勒的新版本(2002年),拉斐尔为哈罗德·布鲁姆的系列(2004年),新旧福尔杰版本(1959年,2004年),或贝特和拉斯穆森的RSC全集(2007年)。翻翻雅顿的三个版本,既有传统的老牛津版本,也有威尔斯和泰的版本
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引用次数: 0
Literary Mirrors of Aristocratic Performance: Readers and Audiences of The Faerie Queene and The Winter’s Tale 贵族表演的文学镜像:《仙后》与《冬天的故事》的读者与观众
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/680448
Patricia Wareh
act 3, scene 2, of Shakespeare’s Winter’s Tale ends with Leontes’s terrible recognition of what his jealous imagination has cost him, and it also initiates the play’s movement into the world of fairy tale. The 2011 Royal Shakespeare Company production directed by David Farr included a dramatic demonstration of this shift: the towering bookshelves that had flanked the stage as part of a realistic regal dining hall in the first half of the play came crashing down as the ruined Leontes (played by Greg Hicks) exited, and the fallen bookshelves, together with the piles of spilled books, remained onstage for the rest of the play, physically emphasizing the fictional composition of everything taking place. The green world in which much of the play’s second half takes place was strewn with book pages at intermission, and the fictionality of the setting was further emphasized by using book pages as the material for the leaves of trees, for the costumes of the satyrs, and for the lifesize puppet of the famous bear. These staging choices underscored an important theme of the play: the fanciful, extravagant artfulness that makes possible the improbable recovery of both Perdita and Hermione.
莎士比亚的《冬天的故事》第三幕第二场结束时,里昂提斯意识到他嫉妒的想象力让他付出了可怕的代价,这也开启了戏剧进入童话世界的序幕。2011年,由大卫·法尔执导的皇家莎士比亚剧团的舞台剧生动地展示了这种转变:在戏剧的前半部分,舞台两侧高耸的书架是一个现实主义的皇家餐厅的一部分,随着被毁的莱昂提斯(格雷格·希克斯饰演)的退出,这些书架轰然倒塌,连同散落的一堆书,在戏剧的其余部分一直留在舞台上,从物理上强调了发生的一切都是虚构的。剧中后半段大部分情节发生的绿色世界在幕间休息时布满了书页,而场景的虚构性进一步得到了强调,因为书的书页被用来制作树叶、森林之神的服装和著名的真人大小的熊木偶。这些舞台选择强调了该剧的一个重要主题:幻想,奢侈的艺术使佩迪塔和赫敏不可能的恢复成为可能。
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引用次数: 0
“The Botome of Goddes Secretes”: 1 Corinthians and A Midsummer Night’s Dream “神的秘密之底”:《哥林多前书》和《仲夏夜之梦》
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/680467
Andrew Barnaby
They [the actors playing the mechanicals] had no idea what was happening behind the studio doors and of course we [the actors playing the characters at Theseus’s court] had never seen the play they now began to perform [Pyramus and Thisby]. They appeared as under-rehearsed as Bottom and his colleagues were in the text. Philip Locke as Peter Quince acted as the play’s Prologue and its genuine prompter, holding the Penguin edition of the Dream in his hand. The court found this very funny at first, but as our jokes at their expense grew more desperate, the actual substance of their play together with the strangeness of our environment began to work upon us and by the time we had reached the death of Pyramus and Thisby, their innocence had a weirdly moving effect on us.
他们(扮演机械的演员)不知道工作室门后面发生了什么,当然我们(在忒修斯宫廷里扮演角色的演员)从来没有看过他们现在开始表演的戏(皮拉摩斯和提斯比)。他们看起来就像博尔顿和他的同事们在文本中一样缺乏排练。菲利普·洛克饰演的彼得·昆斯是这部剧的开场白和真正的提词人,他手里拿着企鹅版的《梦》。一开始,法庭觉得这很有趣,但随着我们拿他们开玩笑变得越来越令人绝望,他们游戏的实质和我们环境的陌生开始影响我们,当我们讲到皮拉摩斯和提斯比的死亡时,他们的天真对我们产生了一种奇怪的感人效果。
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引用次数: 0
Figures of Pain in Early Modern English Tragedy 近代早期英国悲剧中的痛苦人物
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2014-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/678121
K. Huth
the relationship between physical pain and figurative language, metaphor in particular, is highly fraught, yet many early modern English tragedies are built upon a dual foundation of spectacular episodes of suffering and elaborate poetic conceits. Ingenuity in both language and spectacle certainly helped sell tickets in a saturated dramatic marketplace, but the cooperative conjunction of pain and metaphor more importantly helped these plays achieve the didactic and cathartic goals of the genre. Recent scholarship has demonstrated the many ways sensory experience contributed to understanding in the theater of Shakespeare and his contemporaries. Unlike the sights, sounds, or even smells of a performance, however, the sensation of pain was neither felt by actors nor shared with audience members, hindering direct communication of an experience central to tragedy. Compounded with the potential meaninglessness of pain and the isolation that can accompany extreme suffering, this lack of direct communication could impede audience engagement with the subject matter and characters of the play. Metaphor and other types of figurative language are a means for tragic playwrights to meet the challenges of the dramatic representation of pain. These tropes offer a way to “make sense” of pain: to unite the physical sensation portrayed by the actor with an intellectual, emotional, and meta-
身体上的痛苦和比喻语言之间的关系,尤其是隐喻,是非常令人担忧的,然而许多早期现代英国悲剧都是建立在壮观的痛苦情节和精心设计的诗歌幻想的双重基础上的。语言和场面上的精巧当然有助于在饱和的戏剧市场上卖票,但更重要的是,痛苦和隐喻的合作帮助这些戏剧实现了这种类型的说教和宣泄的目标。最近的学术研究表明,在莎士比亚和他同时代的戏剧中,感官体验在许多方面都有助于理解。然而,与表演的景象、声音甚至气味不同,演员既不会感受到疼痛,也不会与观众分享,这阻碍了悲剧的核心体验的直接交流。再加上痛苦的潜在无意义性和伴随极度痛苦而来的孤立感,这种缺乏直接交流的情况可能会阻碍观众对戏剧主题和人物的参与。隐喻和其他类型的比喻语言是悲剧剧作家应对痛苦的戏剧表现挑战的一种手段。这些比喻提供了一种“理解”痛苦的方式:将演员所描绘的身体感受与智力、情感和元情感结合起来
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引用次数: 3
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Renaissance Drama
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