n the final scene of Pierre Corneille’s Suréna, the hero dies. Like most acts of violence in seventeenth-century French tragedy, Suréna’s death is not depicted onstage. Instead, news of Suréna’s death is brought to the women who survive him: his lover, Eurydice, and his sister, Palmis. Eurydice’s lady-in-waiting tells them that three arrows have struck Suréna down just as he entered a public square. Although the identity of the archer remains a mystery, the characters assume that he has acted on the king’s behalf. The lady-in-waiting reports that after Suréna fell she thinks she heard a voice cry out that subjects should make sure to respect their kings: “Et je pense avoir même entendu quelque voix / Nous crier qu’on apprît à dédaigner les Rois” (5.5.1719–20; And I e’en thought I heard some voice cry out / To us that one is taught thus to flout monarchs). Suréna’s death is meant to serve as an example. The hero falls because he has become a threat to his king. Once celebrated as a strong military general and trusted ambassador, Suréna dies an enemy of the state. The king’s arrows do not merely strike down Suréna; they alsomark the end of the Cornelian hero as such. Suréna would be Corneille’s last tragedy. Corneille’s
在皮埃尔·高乃依的《苏尔梅纳》的最后一幕，男主角死了。就像17世纪法国悲剧中的大多数暴力行为一样，sursamna的死亡并没有被描绘在舞台上。相反，苏尔梅纳死亡的消息被带给了幸存下来的两个女人:他的情人欧律狄切和他的妹妹帕尔米斯。欧律狄刻的侍女告诉他们，苏尔梅纳刚进入一个广场就被三支箭射中了。尽管弓箭手的身份仍然是个谜，但角色们认为他代表国王行事。宫女报告说，在苏尔梅纳倒下后，她认为她听到一个声音在呼喊，臣民应该确保尊重他们的国王:“Et je pense avoir même entendu quelque voix / Nous crier qu 'on apprt ddsamdaigner les Rois”(5.5.1719-20;我甚至觉得我听到有个声音在向我们呼喊:“人就是这样被教导去藐视君主的。””苏尔梅纳的死就是一个例子。英雄倒下了，因为他已经对他的国王构成了威胁。曾经作为一个强大的军事将领和值得信赖的大使，sursamna死于国家的敌人。国王的箭不仅射中了苏尔梅纳;它们也标志着科涅尔式英雄的终结。苏尔梅纳将是高乃依最后的悲剧。Corneille的
{"title":"Closed Heart, Open Secret: Exposing Private Liberty in Pierre Corneille’s Last Tragedy","authors":"A. Rosensweig","doi":"10.1086/699625","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/699625","url":null,"abstract":"n the final scene of Pierre Corneille’s Suréna, the hero dies. Like most acts of violence in seventeenth-century French tragedy, Suréna’s death is not depicted onstage. Instead, news of Suréna’s death is brought to the women who survive him: his lover, Eurydice, and his sister, Palmis. Eurydice’s lady-in-waiting tells them that three arrows have struck Suréna down just as he entered a public square. Although the identity of the archer remains a mystery, the characters assume that he has acted on the king’s behalf. The lady-in-waiting reports that after Suréna fell she thinks she heard a voice cry out that subjects should make sure to respect their kings: “Et je pense avoir même entendu quelque voix / Nous crier qu’on apprît à dédaigner les Rois” (5.5.1719–20; And I e’en thought I heard some voice cry out / To us that one is taught thus to flout monarchs). Suréna’s death is meant to serve as an example. The hero falls because he has become a threat to his king. Once celebrated as a strong military general and trusted ambassador, Suréna dies an enemy of the state. The king’s arrows do not merely strike down Suréna; they alsomark the end of the Cornelian hero as such. Suréna would be Corneille’s last tragedy. Corneille’s","PeriodicalId":53676,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Drama","volume":"46 1","pages":"231 - 252"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/699625","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43536394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
n his sermon “The Merchant Royall,” preached in 1607 on the occasion of Lord Hay’s marriage to Honoria Denny and framed as advice for how the couple can achieve a happy marriage, Robert Wilkinson explicates Proverbs 31:14 at length. He asserts that the biblical verse can teach his audience “all the dignity, beauty, duetie of the virtuous wife and holy woman.” This “virtuous” wife, according to Wilkinson, ought to obey her husband as a ship obeys the pilot. Yet he almost immediately confuses the wife’s passive role: he writes that the good wife “is like a shipp indeed, and to nothing so like as to a ship; for shee sits at the sterne, and by discretion as by Carde and Compasse, shapes her course” (7). Wilkinson creates a contradiction, explaining that the wife is like a ship precisely
{"title":"Gendered Circulation and the Marital Ship of State in Jonson’s The Staple of News","authors":"D. J. Taff","doi":"10.1086/699623","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/699623","url":null,"abstract":"n his sermon “The Merchant Royall,” preached in 1607 on the occasion of Lord Hay’s marriage to Honoria Denny and framed as advice for how the couple can achieve a happy marriage, Robert Wilkinson explicates Proverbs 31:14 at length. He asserts that the biblical verse can teach his audience “all the dignity, beauty, duetie of the virtuous wife and holy woman.” This “virtuous” wife, according to Wilkinson, ought to obey her husband as a ship obeys the pilot. Yet he almost immediately confuses the wife’s passive role: he writes that the good wife “is like a shipp indeed, and to nothing so like as to a ship; for shee sits at the sterne, and by discretion as by Carde and Compasse, shapes her course” (7). Wilkinson creates a contradiction, explaining that the wife is like a ship precisely","PeriodicalId":53676,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Drama","volume":"46 1","pages":"193 - 212"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/699623","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48641707","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
n 1614, the ghost of Richard III gleefully recalled the “peece of Iustice” he had inflicted on “Mistresse Shore,” the mistress of his brother Edward IV. “Shore’s wife,” as she was also known, first appeared in Thomas More’sHistory of King Richard III. She featured as the only female exemplar in the second edition of the Mirror for Magistrates (1563), and through a spate of verse complaints, she continued to tell her story in the 1590s. All versions follow roughly the same outline: Shore’s wife rises to power as Edward’s favorite mistress and then falls precipitously once Richard seizes the throne. Richard’s ghost, in the 1614 narrative poem by Christopher Brooke, revels in his hypocrisy “when (with a fained hate / To vnchast Life) I forced her to goe / Bare-foote, on penance, with deiected State.” But this “peece of Iustice” seems to have backfired. Shifting from medieval England to early modern London, Richard’s ghost bitterly complains,
{"title":"Jane Shore, Edward IV, and the Politics of Publicity","authors":"Joseph Mansky","doi":"10.1086/699621","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/699621","url":null,"abstract":"n 1614, the ghost of Richard III gleefully recalled the “peece of Iustice” he had inflicted on “Mistresse Shore,” the mistress of his brother Edward IV. “Shore’s wife,” as she was also known, first appeared in Thomas More’sHistory of King Richard III. She featured as the only female exemplar in the second edition of the Mirror for Magistrates (1563), and through a spate of verse complaints, she continued to tell her story in the 1590s. All versions follow roughly the same outline: Shore’s wife rises to power as Edward’s favorite mistress and then falls precipitously once Richard seizes the throne. Richard’s ghost, in the 1614 narrative poem by Christopher Brooke, revels in his hypocrisy “when (with a fained hate / To vnchast Life) I forced her to goe / Bare-foote, on penance, with deiected State.” But this “peece of Iustice” seems to have backfired. Shifting from medieval England to early modern London, Richard’s ghost bitterly complains,","PeriodicalId":53676,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Drama","volume":"46 1","pages":"141 - 165"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/699621","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47445055","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
he second of King Lear ’s three great storm scenes opens with Kent, disguised as Caius, repeatedly urging the king to enter a hovel located offt stage. After batting away Kent’s first three pleas, Lear responds to the fourth with a speech that begins in refusal, moves grudgingly into assent, turns sideways toward the Fool, and concludes as an apostrophe (introduced as a prayer) on the impoverished. Here it is as printed in the 1623 Folio:
{"title":"King Lear and the Art of Fathoming","authors":"Laurence J W Publicover","doi":"10.1086/699622","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/699622","url":null,"abstract":"he second of King Lear ’s three great storm scenes opens with Kent, disguised as Caius, repeatedly urging the king to enter a hovel located offt stage. After batting away Kent’s first three pleas, Lear responds to the fourth with a speech that begins in refusal, moves grudgingly into assent, turns sideways toward the Fool, and concludes as an apostrophe (introduced as a prayer) on the impoverished. Here it is as printed in the 1623 Folio:","PeriodicalId":53676,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Drama","volume":"46 1","pages":"167 - 191"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/699622","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42148764","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
t has become customary for critical discussions of Euripides’sHecuba to mention the famous scene in Shakespeare’s Hamlet where the leading player of the troupe visiting Elsinore, upon Hamlet’s urging, delivers a speech featuring the “mobled” queen, as the early quarto editions call her, or the “inobled” queen, as the first folio would have it. Even the most recent general introduction to Hecuba opens not with Euripides but with Shakespeare. Not just to Renaissance scholars, it seems, but to all readers and spectators the figure of the grief-stricken Trojan queen must arrive mediated by her brief Shakespearean appearance. In Shakespeare’sHamlet, her misfortunes are described to us by an actor who is, in fact, quoting Aeneas as he is telling the story of his misfortunes to Dido, and the actor speaks the speech while observed byHamlet, who is in turn carefully observed by Polonius, all of them observed by an audience, real or imagined. If we encounter Shakespeare’s Hecuba at all, it is at a considerable distance and through several mediating agents. If we resemble Hamlet at all, it is because, like him, we are unable to answer the question of what Hecuba is to us without
{"title":"The Mobile Queen: Observing Hecuba in Renaissance Europe","authors":"Ivan Lupić","doi":"10.1086/697172","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/697172","url":null,"abstract":"t has become customary for critical discussions of Euripides’sHecuba to mention the famous scene in Shakespeare’s Hamlet where the leading player of the troupe visiting Elsinore, upon Hamlet’s urging, delivers a speech featuring the “mobled” queen, as the early quarto editions call her, or the “inobled” queen, as the first folio would have it. Even the most recent general introduction to Hecuba opens not with Euripides but with Shakespeare. Not just to Renaissance scholars, it seems, but to all readers and spectators the figure of the grief-stricken Trojan queen must arrive mediated by her brief Shakespearean appearance. In Shakespeare’sHamlet, her misfortunes are described to us by an actor who is, in fact, quoting Aeneas as he is telling the story of his misfortunes to Dido, and the actor speaks the speech while observed byHamlet, who is in turn carefully observed by Polonius, all of them observed by an audience, real or imagined. If we encounter Shakespeare’s Hecuba at all, it is at a considerable distance and through several mediating agents. If we resemble Hamlet at all, it is because, like him, we are unable to answer the question of what Hecuba is to us without","PeriodicalId":53676,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Drama","volume":"46 1","pages":"25 - 56"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/697172","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46783059","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
t the end of George Chapman’s Bussy D’Ambois (published 1607, first performed c. 1603–4), Bussy—a rising nobleman—is fatally wounded by a Count Montsurry for having an affair with Montsurry’s wife, Tamyra. Although the dying Bussy has reason to demand revenge on Montsurry and his men, he takes the advice of his friar and announces, “I forgive them all,” and gives his sword toMontsurry as a sign of his “unfeigned remission” (5.3.157). The tragedy ends with a celebration of Bussy’s heroism. The friar bids, “Farewell brave relics of a complete man. / Look up and see thy spirit made a star, / Join flames with Hercules” (5.3.264–66). He is no hero because of his “frail condition of strength” (5.3.184); instead, he is a hero because of his forgiveness, which outdoes the needless violence of his political enemies in their quest for honor. We jump ahead less than ten years and find an entirely different scenario in Chapman’s sequel, The Revenge of Bussy D’Ambois (published 1613, first performed c. 1610–11). In The Revenge, Bussy D’Ambois—the man whose final words were
{"title":"Christian Revenge in Chapman’s The Revenge of Bussy D’Ambois","authors":"Kim Hedlin","doi":"10.1086/697175","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/697175","url":null,"abstract":"t the end of George Chapman’s Bussy D’Ambois (published 1607, first performed c. 1603–4), Bussy—a rising nobleman—is fatally wounded by a Count Montsurry for having an affair with Montsurry’s wife, Tamyra. Although the dying Bussy has reason to demand revenge on Montsurry and his men, he takes the advice of his friar and announces, “I forgive them all,” and gives his sword toMontsurry as a sign of his “unfeigned remission” (5.3.157). The tragedy ends with a celebration of Bussy’s heroism. The friar bids, “Farewell brave relics of a complete man. / Look up and see thy spirit made a star, / Join flames with Hercules” (5.3.264–66). He is no hero because of his “frail condition of strength” (5.3.184); instead, he is a hero because of his forgiveness, which outdoes the needless violence of his political enemies in their quest for honor. We jump ahead less than ten years and find an entirely different scenario in Chapman’s sequel, The Revenge of Bussy D’Ambois (published 1613, first performed c. 1610–11). In The Revenge, Bussy D’Ambois—the man whose final words were","PeriodicalId":53676,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Drama","volume":"46 1","pages":"87 - 111"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/697175","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45071477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
he anonymous comedyMucedorus, the most reprinted playbook of early modern England, follows a simple plot: the titular prince Mucedorus, t disguised as a shepherd, overcomes a series of obstacles to gain the hand of his beloved, Amadine. These obstacles include a bear, a jealous and cowardly rival, an assassination attempt, unjust banishment, and a “wild man” who abducts Amadine. Interspersed amid these mock-serious scenes appear nonserious scenes featuring Mouse, the clown who engages in fulsome wordplay, drinking, and bear-themed physical comedy. Spectators and readers of Mucedorus experience something like fun, or what the title page of the play’s first edition (1598) calls “mirth” and the 1610 edition’s title page calls “conceited mirth.” Probably written sometime in the early 1590s, Mucedorus first appeared in print in 1598. The second edition (1606) featured minor alterations reflecting the change from Queen Elizabeth to King James. The third edition, published in 1610, included significant changes to the play. Someone—presumably the King’sMen, who asserted ownership on the title page—introduced two new scenes and substantially revised the final scene, a reconciliation followed by a showdown between thefigures of Comedy and Envy. Not without reason, scholars have argued for Shakespeare’s authorship of the additions. This third, augmented version was
{"title":"William Shakespeare’s Mucedorus and the Market of Forms","authors":"J. Lamb","doi":"10.1086/697174","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/697174","url":null,"abstract":"he anonymous comedyMucedorus, the most reprinted playbook of early modern England, follows a simple plot: the titular prince Mucedorus, t disguised as a shepherd, overcomes a series of obstacles to gain the hand of his beloved, Amadine. These obstacles include a bear, a jealous and cowardly rival, an assassination attempt, unjust banishment, and a “wild man” who abducts Amadine. Interspersed amid these mock-serious scenes appear nonserious scenes featuring Mouse, the clown who engages in fulsome wordplay, drinking, and bear-themed physical comedy. Spectators and readers of Mucedorus experience something like fun, or what the title page of the play’s first edition (1598) calls “mirth” and the 1610 edition’s title page calls “conceited mirth.” Probably written sometime in the early 1590s, Mucedorus first appeared in print in 1598. The second edition (1606) featured minor alterations reflecting the change from Queen Elizabeth to King James. The third edition, published in 1610, included significant changes to the play. Someone—presumably the King’sMen, who asserted ownership on the title page—introduced two new scenes and substantially revised the final scene, a reconciliation followed by a showdown between thefigures of Comedy and Envy. Not without reason, scholars have argued for Shakespeare’s authorship of the additions. This third, augmented version was","PeriodicalId":53676,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Drama","volume":"46 1","pages":"57 - 86"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/697174","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49002038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
n standard reference works, Everyman is still seen as a powerful example of a clearly defined genre called the medieval morality play, a “form of vernacular medieval drama” concerned with “stories of temptation, fall and regeneration.” At the same time, the suitability of these terms for describing Everyman has come under some scrutiny, and one could comfortably assign students an essay topic along the following lines: “Everyman is not medieval and not moral. Discuss.” Some scholars have noticed that the dates of Everyman do not fall within the accepted limits of the medieval period, usually assigned to 1485 or so; it was printed in the first part of the sixteenth century, and no earlier manuscripts survive.Others have raised questions about the nature of its morality by noting that Everyman does not seem to have much in common with the other medieval mo-
{"title":"What Is Everyman?","authors":"Katherine C. Little","doi":"10.1086/697173","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/697173","url":null,"abstract":"n standard reference works, Everyman is still seen as a powerful example of a clearly defined genre called the medieval morality play, a “form of vernacular medieval drama” concerned with “stories of temptation, fall and regeneration.” At the same time, the suitability of these terms for describing Everyman has come under some scrutiny, and one could comfortably assign students an essay topic along the following lines: “Everyman is not medieval and not moral. Discuss.” Some scholars have noticed that the dates of Everyman do not fall within the accepted limits of the medieval period, usually assigned to 1485 or so; it was printed in the first part of the sixteenth century, and no earlier manuscripts survive.Others have raised questions about the nature of its morality by noting that Everyman does not seem to have much in common with the other medieval mo-","PeriodicalId":53676,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Drama","volume":"46 1","pages":"1 - 23"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/697173","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48527783","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
n seventeenth-century France, desseins (literally, “designs”) were documents published to accompany plays making extensive use of stage design and machine effects. The desseins are descriptive accounts of the pleasurable effects of the visual and musical parts of the performance. Spectators often purchased them at the entrance to machine plays and operas and read them during the performance as an aid to follow the plot and to appreciate the special effects and stage décor. The desseins were also souvenirs, and they further served as advertisements of the play for anyone who had not yet seen the show. The authorship of these documents varied. Sometimes the playwright wrote them, as did Pierre Corneille forAndromède (1650) and La Toison d’Or (1660), and sometimes the author was the machinist, such as Denis Buffequin of the Marais theater, for the dessein of Claude Boyer’s La tragedie des amours de Jupiter et de Sémélé (1666). Often, the author remains unknown but is presumed to be an actor or other artisan working for the theater. This is the case for two of the earliest surviving desseins: one written to accompany François de Chapoton’s La Grande journée des machines: Descente d’Orphée aux Enfers (1647) and the other to accompany Jean Rotrou’s La Naissance d’Hercule (1649), a new production of Rotrou’s Les Sosies (1638). A dessein also existed in 1648 for Boyer’s spectacular production,Ulysse dans l’Ile de Circé, ou Euriloche foudroyé, but it has since disappeared. It was published by René Baudry, the same publisher of Chapoton’s dessein, and only an account of the
在17世纪的法国，desseins（字面意思是“设计”）是为大量使用舞台设计和机器效果的戏剧而出版的文件。设计是对表演中视觉和音乐部分的愉悦效果的描述性描述。观众经常在机器剧和歌剧的入口处购买它们，并在演出期间阅读它们，以帮助了解情节，欣赏特效和舞台装饰。这些甜点也是纪念品，它们还为那些还没有看过演出的人做了这部剧的广告。这些文件的作者各不相同。有时剧作家会写这些作品，皮埃尔·科尼耶（Pierre Cornelle）为安德罗德（Andromède）（1650年）和《托伊森·德奥尔》（La Toison d'Or）（1660年）写了这些作品，有时作者是机械师，如马莱剧院的丹尼斯·布菲肯（Denis Buffein），为克劳德·博耶（Claude Boyer）的《朱庇特与塞梅尔的爱情悲剧》（1666年）的设计。通常，作者仍然不为人知，但被认为是一名演员或其他为剧院工作的工匠。现存最早的两本书就是这样：一本是为弗朗索瓦·德·查波顿的《机器的大新闻》（La Grande journée des machines:Descente d‘Orphée aux Enfers）（1647年）而写的，另一本是让·罗图的《大力神的诞生》（1649年），这是罗图的新作品《索西斯》（1638年）。1648年，博耶的精彩作品《尤利西斯与西西里岛》（Ulysse dans l’Ile de Circé）和《尤里洛切》（Euriloche foudroyé）也曾有一座女神像，但后来就消失了。这本书是由勒内·波德里出版的，他也是查波顿小说的出版商，只是对
{"title":"Wonder and Spectatorship in Early Seventeenth-Century Desseins","authors":"Catherine A. Viano","doi":"10.1086/697171","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/697171","url":null,"abstract":"n seventeenth-century France, desseins (literally, “designs”) were documents published to accompany plays making extensive use of stage design and machine effects. The desseins are descriptive accounts of the pleasurable effects of the visual and musical parts of the performance. Spectators often purchased them at the entrance to machine plays and operas and read them during the performance as an aid to follow the plot and to appreciate the special effects and stage décor. The desseins were also souvenirs, and they further served as advertisements of the play for anyone who had not yet seen the show. The authorship of these documents varied. Sometimes the playwright wrote them, as did Pierre Corneille forAndromède (1650) and La Toison d’Or (1660), and sometimes the author was the machinist, such as Denis Buffequin of the Marais theater, for the dessein of Claude Boyer’s La tragedie des amours de Jupiter et de Sémélé (1666). Often, the author remains unknown but is presumed to be an actor or other artisan working for the theater. This is the case for two of the earliest surviving desseins: one written to accompany François de Chapoton’s La Grande journée des machines: Descente d’Orphée aux Enfers (1647) and the other to accompany Jean Rotrou’s La Naissance d’Hercule (1649), a new production of Rotrou’s Les Sosies (1638). A dessein also existed in 1648 for Boyer’s spectacular production,Ulysse dans l’Ile de Circé, ou Euriloche foudroyé, but it has since disappeared. It was published by René Baudry, the same publisher of Chapoton’s dessein, and only an account of the","PeriodicalId":53676,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Drama","volume":"46 1","pages":"113 - 137"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/697171","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42286227","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
n January 6, 1605, Queen Anna of Denmark—wife to King James I— danced in Ben Jonson’s The Masque of Blackness. Against contemporary ocourtly conventions, the queen used cosmetics to paint her skin in order to play a “Black-more.” The fact of Anna’s temporary blackness has been amply discussed: what has not been sufficiently considered is that Anna was also six months pregnant with Princess Mary, the first royal child born in England since 1537.This essay comparesQueenAnna’s pregnant performance inTheMasque of Blackness and Thomas Heywood’s 1634 Love’s Mistress. I argue Heywood’s Love’s Mistress—featuring a blackened and heavily pregnant Psyche—evokes Anna’s performance in The Masque of Blackness, wherein England’s first childbearing queen in two generations danced in blackface while visibly pregnant. In so doing, I explore how Anna wielded her reproductive body as a weapon in Stuart court politics, thereby recovering the queen’s influence on early modern dramaturgy and performances of pregnancy in early seventeenth-century England.
1605年1月6日，丹麦女王安娜——国王詹姆斯一世的妻子——在本·琼森的《黑人的面具》中跳舞。女王为了扮演“更多的黑人”，违背了当代的礼仪，用化妆品涂皮肤。安娜暂时变黑的事实已经得到了充分的讨论：没有得到充分考虑的是，安娜还怀了六个月的玛丽公主，自1537年以来在英国出生的第一个皇室孩子。本文比较了昆安娜在《黑人的面具》和托马斯·海伍德1634年的《爱的情妇》中的怀孕表演。我认为海伍德的《爱的情妇》（Love’s Mistress）以一个黑乎乎、怀孕严重的Psyche为主角，让人想起了安娜在《黑人面具》（The Masque of Blackness）中的表演，在这部电影中，英国两代人以来的第一位生育女王在明显怀孕的情况下穿着黑脸跳舞。在这样做的过程中，我探索了安娜是如何在斯图尔特宫廷政治中利用自己的生殖身体作为武器的，从而恢复了女王对17世纪初英国早期现代戏剧和怀孕表演的影响。
{"title":"Performing Blackface Pregnancy at the Stuart Court: The Masque of Blackness and Love’s Mistress, or the Queen’s Masque","authors":"Sara B. T. Thiel","doi":"10.1086/694326","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/694326","url":null,"abstract":"n January 6, 1605, Queen Anna of Denmark—wife to King James I— danced in Ben Jonson’s The Masque of Blackness. Against contemporary ocourtly conventions, the queen used cosmetics to paint her skin in order to play a “Black-more.” The fact of Anna’s temporary blackness has been amply discussed: what has not been sufficiently considered is that Anna was also six months pregnant with Princess Mary, the first royal child born in England since 1537.This essay comparesQueenAnna’s pregnant performance inTheMasque of Blackness and Thomas Heywood’s 1634 Love’s Mistress. I argue Heywood’s Love’s Mistress—featuring a blackened and heavily pregnant Psyche—evokes Anna’s performance in The Masque of Blackness, wherein England’s first childbearing queen in two generations danced in blackface while visibly pregnant. In so doing, I explore how Anna wielded her reproductive body as a weapon in Stuart court politics, thereby recovering the queen’s influence on early modern dramaturgy and performances of pregnancy in early seventeenth-century England.","PeriodicalId":53676,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Drama","volume":"45 1","pages":"211 - 236"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/694326","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43773330","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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