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“Address to Public Council”: The Additions to Marston’s The Malcontent, the King’s Men’s Repertory, and Early Modern Theatrical Economics “向公众发表演讲”:马斯顿的《恶意内容》、《国王的男人剧目》和早期现代戏剧经济学的补充
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/694330
Meghan C. Andrews
ohn Marston’s The Malcontent (printed 1604, written 1602–4) seems to offer one of the most clear-cut explanations in all of early modern drama as to why jmultiple texts of a single play exist. It also seems to give unusually clear information about who was responsible for this textual variation. The title page of the play’s third edition, containing the text, known as QC, that is substantively different from the texts of the first two quartos, reads “THE / MALCONTENT. / Augmented byMarston. / With the Additions played by the Kings / Maiesties servants. / Written by Ihon Webster” (see fig. 2 below). Further, in the play’s metatheatrical Induction, William Sly, Henry Condell, and Richard Burbage have the following exchange:
ohn Marston的《恶意内容》(1604年印刷,1602-4年写成)似乎为早期现代戏剧中为什么存在一部戏剧的多个文本提供了最明确的解释之一。它似乎也提供了异常清晰的信息,说明谁应对这种文本变异负责。该剧第三版的标题页包含了与前两个四重奏的文本有实质性不同的文本,称为QC,内容为“The/MALCONTENT。/由马斯顿扩充。/由国王/贵族仆人演奏的附加部分。/由伊洪·韦伯斯特撰写”(见图2)。此外,在该剧的元戏剧入门中,William Sly、Henry Condell和Richard Burbage进行了以下交流:
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引用次数: 1
Continuity and Change on the English Popular Stage 英语流行舞台上的延续与变化
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/694327
Catherine Belsey
he Staple of News, Ben Jonson’s indictment of the seventeenth-century newspaper industry, is surely due for revival now that the press is under fire frommore than one direction. The play is designed, Jonson explains “To the Readers,” to show the public the folly of its own hunger for sensational stories—“and no syllable of truth in them” (line 13). But, however pertinent the theme, in a faithful production something would stand to be lost for twenty-firstcentury audiences, since The Staple of News was itself a revival of sorts. The play reinvents an old genre, the moral interlude, that had flourished, evidently within living memory, on the early modern stage. What continuities and what changes went into the making of a new play that alluded so confidently to the past?
本·琼森(Ben Jonson)对17世纪报业的控诉《新闻史泰博》(Staple of News)肯定会复兴,因为新闻界正受到来自多个方向的抨击。琼森在《致读者》中解释说,这部剧的设计是为了向公众展示它对耸人听闻的故事的渴望是愚蠢的——“其中没有一个事实”(第13行)。但是,无论主题多么贴切,在忠实的制作中,二十一世纪的观众都会失去一些东西,因为《新闻台》本身就是一种复兴。该剧重塑了一种古老的类型,即道德插曲,这种类型在现代早期已经蓬勃发展,显然在人们的记忆中。一部如此自信地影射过去的新剧在制作过程中发生了哪些持续性和变化?
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引用次数: 1
Taverns, Theaters, Publics: The Intertheatrical Politics of Caroline Drama 酒馆、剧院、公众:卡罗琳戏剧的互动政治
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/694328
A. Deutermann
n James Shirley’s Love’s Cruelty (first performed 1631), Sebastian asks the courtier Bovaldo, “shall we to a tavern”? As he explains, the “court’s too open.” Only by leaving the court can the men “speak . . . what [they] think” and “not fear to talk” (3.1, 224; 3.1, 225). Since what they plan to discuss is the Duke’s unwanted, unrelenting pursuit of Sebastian’s daughter, they have good reason to fear being overheard. “[When] we give our thoughts / Articulate sound,” another courtier warns Sebastian, “wemust distinguish hearers” (1.2, 202). The question is, how and where to do this best? That the public space of a commercial tavern might offer greater protection than the court or the home is an assumption that fits with recent work on the history of privacy. It is not that the tavern is assumed to be a more democratic space than the court, allowing for greater freedom of speech and association (like Mistress Quickly’s Eastcheap establishment), but
在詹姆斯·雪莉的《爱的残酷》(1631年首演)中,塞巴斯蒂安问朝臣波瓦尔多:“我们去酒馆好吗?”?正如他所解释的,“法庭太开放了。”只有离开法庭,这些人才能“说出[他们]的想法”,“不怕说话”(3.1224;3.1225)。由于他们计划讨论的是公爵对塞巴斯蒂安女儿的不必要、无情的追求,他们有充分的理由担心被偷听。另一位朝臣警告Sebastian:“当我们发出我们的想法/清晰的声音时,我们必须区分听者”(1.2202)。问题是,如何以及在哪里做到最好?商业酒馆的公共空间可能比法院或住宅提供更大的保护,这一假设符合最近关于隐私史的研究。这并不是说酒馆被认为是一个比法院更民主的空间,允许更大的言论和结社自由(就像快速情妇的Eastcheap机构),但
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引用次数: 3
Doctor Faustus and the Art of Dying Badly 浮士德博士与死亡的艺术
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/691197
M. Vinter
hat, exactly, has Faustus done? How has he come to act against the command of God? The moral and theological framework of Christow pher Marlowe’s Doctor Faustus has proven notoriously hard to fix. Critics have plausibly interpreted the play through a variety of religious and philosophical lenses, from Calvinist predestinarianism to free-thinking iconoclasm. And turning to the text scarcely clarifies Faustus’s theological context and devo-
浮士德到底做了什么?他怎么会违背上帝的命令呢?克里斯托弗·马洛的《浮士德博士》的道德和神学框架已经被证明是出了名的难以修复。评论家们从各种宗教和哲学角度对该剧进行了合理的解读,从加尔文主义的宿命论到自由思想的偶像破坏者。转向文本几乎没有阐明浮士德的神学背景和宗教信仰-
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引用次数: 0
“Lady, Shall I Lie in Your Lap?”: Gender, Status, and Touch on the English Stage “女士,我躺在你腿上好吗?”:英国舞台上的性别、地位和触觉
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/691195
Alex MacConochie
nHamlet, as the court of Denmark settles in for a performance of The Murder of Gonzago, the prince asks Ophelia, “Lady, shall I lie in your lap?” She responds, “No, my lord.” As Hamlet nonetheless forces his attentions on her, an exchange, laden with sexual innuendoes, follows, of which Theobald avers that “if ever the Poet deserved Whipping for low and indecent Ribaldry, it was for this Passage”—strong words, given the competition in Shakespeare’s oeuvre. Generations of readers since have found the Ribaldry in this scene, though they may not feel it warrants a Whipping. Yet, as Zachary Lesser’s recent work on the First Quarto’s reading of “contrary” rather than the infamous “country matters” suggests, gestures like Hamlet’s may encode more than one relationship between agents, more points of conflict than sexual desire. In this essay, I argue that early modern plays,Hamlet among them, employ the head-in-lap configuration to stage conflicts over such culturally pressing issues as female agency, the role of sensual pleasure in a virtuous life, and the difficulty of balancing reciprocal intimacy with structural hierarchies, all intertwined, and all negotiated through this symbolically ambiguous act of erotic touch. Recent models of early modern touch stress its role in enacting power relations, with dominance made manifest
哈姆雷特,当丹麦法庭准备上演《贡扎戈谋杀案》时,王子问奥菲莉娅:“女士,我可以躺在你腿上吗?”她回答:“不,我的主人。”尽管如此,哈姆雷特还是把注意力集中在她身上,随之而来的是充满性暗示的交流,其中西奥博尔德断言,“如果说诗人因低沉下流的《Ribaldry》而受到鞭打,那就是因为这段话”——考虑到莎士比亚作品中的竞争,这句话很有说服力。一代又一代的读者在这个场景中发现了Ribaldry,尽管他们可能觉得它不值得鞭打。然而,正如扎卡里·莱瑟(Zachary Lesser)最近在《第一季度》(First Quarto)中对“相反”而非臭名昭著的“国家大事”的解读所表明的那样,像哈姆雷特(Hamlet)这样的手势可能会编码特工之间的不止一种关系,更多的冲突点而不是性欲。在这篇文章中,我认为早期的现代戏剧,包括《哈姆雷特》,都采用了头抱膝的方式来上演关于女性代理、感官愉悦在道德生活中的作用以及平衡互惠亲密与结构性等级制度的困难等文化紧迫问题的冲突,所有这些都交织在一起,所有这些都是通过这种象征性的暧昧的情色触摸行为来协商的。现代早期接触的最新模式强调了它在建立权力关系中的作用,主导地位得到了体现
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引用次数: 0
“The Stamp of Martius”: Commoditized Character and the Technology of Theatrical Impression in Coriolanus “马蒂乌斯的印记”:科里奥拉纳斯的商品化性格与戏剧印象技术
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/691201
Harry Newman
peaking in response to the spectacular entrance of Martius during the battle of Corioles, the amazed General Cominius recognizes the enigmatic antihero of Shakespeare’s Coriolanus—so bloody that he appears “flayed”— because of his “stamp.” Here “stamp” could mean “physical or outward form,” or it may be a reference to Coriolanus’s characteristic stamping of his feet (1.3.34). The word, however, also evokes the image of an imprint, casting his wounds as newly stamped impressions. Coriolanus’s identifiable “stamp” is the blood
科米纽斯将军在科廖莱斯战役中对马蒂乌斯的壮观登场做出了回应,他认出了莎士比亚笔下神秘的反英雄科里奥拉纳斯——因为他的“印记”,他显得“被剥皮”了。这里的“印记”可能意味着“物理或外在的形式”,也可能是指科里奥拉纳斯对脚的特征性印记(1.3.34)。然而,这个词也唤起了印记的形象,将他的伤口塑造成新的印记。Coriolanus可识别的“印记”是血液
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引用次数: 1
“Part Shame, Part Spirit Renewed”: Affect, National Origins, and Report in Shakespeare’s Cymbeline “一部分羞耻,一部分精神更新”:莎士比亚《辛白林》中的情感、民族起源与报告
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/691194
Joseph Bowling
n the final act of Shakespeare’s Cymbeline, Posthumus experiences a masquelike vision of his family that, in repairing the lacuna of his familial origins announced at the play’s beginning, evokes honor and shame in turn. In a ghostly visitation, the Leonati address Posthumus, revealing to him his origins. His father Sicilius, for example, announces that “great nature like his ancestry /Moulded the stuff so fair” that Posthumus “deserved the praise o’th’ world / As great Sicilius’ heir” (5.3.141–45). Whereas the play opens with the First Gentleman saying he cannot “delve [Posthumus] to the root” (1.1.33), the vision reveals these roots, and Posthumus learns that they would, as the Second Gentleman says, “honour him / Even of out of . . . report” (1.1.60–61). When he awakes from the dream, he apostrophizes Sleep, thanking it for having “begot / A father tome” and “created / A mother and two brothers” (5.4.217–19). Though grateful for this dream, Posthumus also feels a certain shame, based on his unworthiness to receive such knowledge about his family and noble ancestry: “Many dream not to find, neither deserve, / And yet are steeped in favours; so am I, / That have this golden chance and know not why” (5.3.224–26). This vision serves to remind him of his own dishonorable actions: he not only plotted to murder Innogen, whom he falsely believes has betrayed him, but he has also avoided participating in skirmishes between the British and Roman soldiers.
在莎士比亚的《辛白林》的最后一幕,波塞摩斯经历了他的家庭的假面般的愿景,在弥补戏剧开始时宣布的他的家庭出身的空白时,反过来唤起了荣誉和羞耻。在一次幽灵般的拜访中,列奥纳蒂向波塞摩斯致辞,向他透露了他的身世。例如,他的父亲西西里留斯宣称,“伟大的大自然像他的祖先/塑造了如此美丽的东西”,波塞摩斯“应该得到世界的赞扬/作为伟大的西西里留斯的继承人”(5.3.141-45)。戏剧一开始,第一绅士说他不能“深入[波塞摩斯]的根源”(1.1.33),而幻象揭示了这些根源,波塞摩斯知道他们会,正如第二绅士所说,“尊重他/即使是出于……”报告”(1.1.60-61)。当他从梦中醒来时,他对睡眠进行了称呼,感谢它“生下/一个父亲”和“创造/一个母亲和两个兄弟”(5.4.217-19)。虽然对这个梦心存感激,但波塞摩斯也感到一定的羞耻,因为他不配得到关于他的家庭和高贵祖先的知识:“许多梦想没有找到,也不配得到,但却沉浸在恩惠中;我也一样,/有了这千载难逢的机会却不知道为什么”(5.3.224-26)。这一景象使他想起了自己不光彩的行为:他不仅阴谋谋杀了因诺根,他错误地认为他背叛了他,而且他还避免参与英国和罗马士兵之间的小规模冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Allegories of Creation: Glassmaking, Forests, and Fertility in Webster’s The Duchess of Malfi 韦伯斯特《马尔菲公爵夫人》中的创造寓言:玻璃制造、森林和生育
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/691196
B. Johnson
He was raign’d downe to us out of heaven, and drew Life to the spring, yet like a little dew Quickly drawne thence; so many times miscarries A Christall glasse, whilst that the workeman varries The shape i’ the furnace, (fix’d too much upon The curiousnesse of the proportion) Yet breakes it ere’t be finisht, and yet then Moulds it anew, and blows it up agen, Exceeds his workmanship, and sends it thence To kisse the hand and lip of some great prince; [. . .] So to eternity he now shall stand, New form’d and gloried by the All-working hand.
他从天上降下来,把生命引到泉边,却又像露水一样,很快就被吸走了。有多少次,当一个工匠在熔炉里改变形状的时候,(过于注重比例的奇特),他把它打碎了,还没有完成,他又重新铸了一个,吹了一次,超过了他的手艺,把它送到某个伟大的王子的手上和嘴唇上;因此,他现在将永远站立,被所有工作的手重新塑造和荣耀。
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引用次数: 2
Faust mit Springen: On the English Players Returning Faustus to the German-Speaking Lands 《浮士德与斯普林:论英国玩家将浮士德带回德语区》
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/688685
Kevin Chovanec
in the late 1590s, around the zenith of the Elizabethan theater, a few London players gathered wagonloads of theatrical materials and a handful of plays and began touring northern Europe. The traveling players have long drawn interest—and often opprobrium—as artisans between national traditions, players who fully belong neither to Germany nor England and, therefore, are assumed to lack their own history and theatrical art. Scholars have traced the players’ routes through courts and cities and pieced together details of contemporary reception, but only recently have critics begun formulating theories of the their success and speculating what these marginalized players might reveal of the national and transnational cultures they navigated. For, despite the negative critical attention, these wandering players presenting English plays to largely uncomprehending German-speaking audiences were massively successful. In this article, I will join a number of contemporary critics who have begun to read the early modern theater transnationally, recognizing the striking ways in which the players and their identities remained premodern. Inevitably, this involves a process of recovery, exploring how early inherited nationalistic biases continue to impede our research not only by providing terms imbued with national meaning but even in determining the objects of our study. The lingering influence exerts greatest force, perhaps, in the continued focus on language, geography, and plot and the denigration of action and neglect of episode and emblem—a hierarchy that would not necessarily have been shared by an early modern and one that has recently again been destabilized. The characteristics of the traveling theater that have faced the most critical dismissal, as we will see, are exactly those that were most transnational. I will first survey the repertoires of the traveling players and records of their acting and then attempt to adumbrate the national biases linger-
1590年代末,在伊丽莎白戏剧的鼎盛时期,一些伦敦演员收集了几车戏剧材料和几部戏剧,开始在北欧巡演。长期以来,这些巡回演出的演员一直吸引着人们的兴趣,但也经常受到指责,因为他们是民族传统之间的工匠,他们既不完全属于德国,也不完全属于英国,因此被认为缺乏自己的历史和戏剧艺术。学者们追溯了球员们在法庭和城市中的路线,拼凑出了当时接受的细节,但直到最近,评论家们才开始为他们的成功制定理论,并推测这些被边缘化的球员可能揭示了他们所驾驭的国家和跨国文化。因为,尽管受到了负面的批评,这些游手好闲的演员向大部分不懂德语的观众展示英语戏剧却取得了巨大的成功。在这篇文章中,我将加入一些当代评论家的行列,他们开始在全球范围内阅读早期现代戏剧,认识到演员和他们的身份仍然是前现代的惊人方式。不可避免地,这涉及到一个恢复的过程,探索早期继承的民族主义偏见如何继续阻碍我们的研究,不仅通过提供充满民族意义的术语,甚至在确定我们的研究对象时。也许,这种挥之不去的影响在继续关注语言、地理和情节以及对行动的诋毁和对情节和象征的忽视方面发挥了最大的作用——这种等级制度在早期的现代社会和最近再次不稳定的现代社会中不一定是共同的。正如我们将看到的那样,最受批评的旅行戏剧的特点,正是那些最跨国的特点。我将首先调查巡回演员的曲目和他们的表演记录,然后试图预示国家偏见挥之不去
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引用次数: 0
Repeat Performances: Mary Ward’s Girls on the International Stage 重复表演:玛丽·沃德的女孩在国际舞台上
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/688688
Caroline Bicks
by the time of her death in 1645, Mary Ward, a Yorkshire Catholic, had achieved international fame. In 1611, Ward claimed she had received a vision telling her to “Take the same of the Society.” God, she believed, wanted her to found a female institute that faithfully emulated the Society of Jesus, one based on the rules, apostolic work, and educational curriculum at the heart of the Jesuit mission. Over the next two decades, she founded over a dozen religious houses on the Continent, from Belgium and France to Italy and Bavaria, with day and boarding schools attached to each one. The women who joined her in her mission took vows but refused enclosure—a violation of Boniface VIII’s 1563 bull Periculoso, which mandated that female religious stay within convent walls. In a further contentious imitation of the Jesuits, Ward stipulated that the institute superior would answer only to the pope, thus bypassing the limits of local church authorities. Although Ward found few friends among the Jesuits (whose Society forbade female members), and many enemies within the Catholic establishment, she was able to keep the educational part of her mission alive, even after the Institute’s papal suppression in 1631 and her death— thanks in large part to an international cast of noble, secular supporters: among them, Infanta Isabella Clara Eugenia of the Netherlands; the Elector of Bavaria,
玛丽·沃德是约克郡的一名天主教徒,在1645年去世时,她已经获得了国际声誉。1611年,沃德声称,她收到了一个异象,告诉她“采取同样的社会。”她相信,上帝希望她建立一个忠实地模仿耶稣会的女性学院,一个基于耶稣会使命核心的规则、使徒工作和教育课程的学院。在接下来的二十年里,她在欧洲大陆建立了十多个宗教机构,从比利时和法国到意大利和巴伐利亚,每个机构都附属于日间和寄宿学校。与她一起传教的妇女们立下誓言,但拒绝被关进修道院——这违反了博尼法斯八世1563年颁布的《伯里库洛索》,该法令规定女修道士必须待在修道院的围墙内。在进一步有争议的模仿耶稣会中,沃德规定学院院长只对教皇负责,从而绕过地方教会当局的限制。虽然沃德在耶稣会士中没有什么朋友(该协会禁止女性成员),在天主教机构中也有许多敌人,但她能够保持她使命的教育部分的活力,即使在1631年该研究所被教皇镇压和她的死亡之后——这在很大程度上要归功于国际上的贵族和世俗支持者:其中包括荷兰的伊莎贝拉·克拉拉·尤金尼亚公主;巴伐利亚选帝侯
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引用次数: 0
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Renaissance Drama
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